A lady, who any day might thus become the chief personage in

_UNIFORM WITH THIS VOLUME_

THE COTSWOLDS

By G. F. NICHOLLS and FRANCIS DUCKWORTH

NORTH DEVON

By HENRY B. WIMBUSH and F. J. SNELL

SOUTH DEVON

By C. E. HANNAFORD and CHARLES ROWE, M.J.I.

GALLOWAY

By JAMES FAED, Jun., and J. M. SLOAN

IRELAND

By FRANCIS S. WALKER, R.H.A., and FRANK MATHEW

LIVERPOOL

By J. HAMILTON HAY and DIXON SCOTT

THE PEAK COUNTRY

By W. BISCOMBE GARDNER and A. R. HOPE MONCRIEFF

KEW GARDENS

AGENTS

AMERICA THE MACMILLAN COMPANY

64 & 66 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK

AUSTRALASIA THE OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS, MELBOURNE

CANADA THE MACMILLAN COMPANY OF CANADA, LTD.

27 RICHMOND STREET WEST, TORONTO

INDIA MACMILLAN & COMPANY, LTD.

MACMILLAN BUILDING, BOMBAY

309 BOW BAZAAR STREET, CALCUTTA

[Illustration: THE RHODODENDRON DELL]

KEW GARDENS

PAINTED BY

T. MOWER MARTIN, R.C.A.

DESCRIBED BY

A. R. HOPE MONCRIEFF

WITH

24 FULL-PAGE ILLUSTRATIONS

IN COLOUR

[Illustration]

LONDON

ADAM AND CHARLES BLACK

1908

PREFACE

Kew Gardens contain what seems the completest botanical collection in the

world, handicapped as it is by a climate at the antipodes of Eden, and by

a soil that owes less to Nature than to patient art. Before being given

up to public pleasure and instruction, this demesne was a royal country

seat, specially favoured by George III. That homely King had two houses

here and began to build a more pretentious palace, a design cut short

by his infirmities, but for which Kew might have usurped the place of

Windsor. For nearly a century it kept a close connection with the Royal

Family, as the author illustrates in his story of the village and the

Gardens, while the artist has found most effective subjects in the rich

vegetation gathered into this enclosure and in the relics of its former

state.

CONTENTS

PAGE

I

ROYAL RESIDENCES 1

II

KEW IN FAVOUR 31

III

THE STORY OF THE GARDENS 83

IV

THE VILLAGE: IN AND ABOUT IT 113

V

VISITING THE GARDENS 157

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

1. The Rhododendron Dell _Frontispiece_

FACING PAGE

2. The Wild Garden in Spring 8

3. The Lake 18

4. The Queen’s Cottage 30

5. In Queen’s Cottage Gardens 34

6. Looking up the Thames 42

7. The Pagoda 58

8. The Water-Lily Pond 64

9. The Palace 78

10. In the Italian Garden 90

11. The Ruined Arch 96

12. The Azaleas 102

13. The Peonies 108

14. The Palm Trees and Main Gate 112

15. The Rhododendron Walk 124

16. The Poppy Beds 138

17. The Rosary 146

18. Wild Hyacinths 152

19. In the Rock Garden 158

20. The Palm House 164

21. The Greenhouse 172

22. Wild Flowers in the Beech Woods 176

23. The Lake, looking South 198

24. The Herbaceous Ground 200

KEW GARDENS

I

ROYAL RESIDENCES

The most conspicuous feature of Kew is its Pagoda, from many points seen

towering over the well-wooded flat watered by a winding reach of the

Thames. Such an outlandish structure bears up the odd name in giving

a suggestion of China, not contradicted by the elaborate cultivation

around, where all seems market-garden that is not park, buildings, groves

or flower-beds. Yet the name, of old written as _Kaihough_, _Kaiho_,

_Kayhoo_, and in other quaint forms--for which _quay_ of the _howe_ or

_hough_ has been guessed as original--belongs to a thoroughly English

parish, whose exotic vegetation, nursed upon a poor soil, came to be

twined among many national memories. These, indeed, are most closely

packed about what may be called the willow-plate pattern period of our

history, when a true-blue conservatism had the affectation of letting

itself be spangled with foreign amenities and curiosities, jumbled

together without much regard for perspective or natural surroundings.

Before coming to the Gardens that are its present fame, we should

understand how Kew, even in its days of obscurity, had all along to do

with great folk. Almost every line of our kings has had a home in this

Thames-side neighbourhood, a distinction dating from before the Conquest.

Both Kew and Richmond began parochial life as dependencies of Kingston,

the _King’s town_ that once made a chief seat of Saxon princes, whose

coronation stone bears record in its market-place. The manor, included

with that of Sheen--the modern Richmond--was held by the Crown at

Doomsday. For a time it seems to have passed into the hands of subjects,

but there are hints of the first Edwards having a country home at Sheen.

Edward III. certainly died at a palace said to have been built by him

here. Richard II.’s first queen, Anne of Bohemia, also died at Sheen, to

her husband’s so great grief that he cursed the building in the practical

form of ordering it to be destroyed. Henry IV. left it in ruins, and

is said to have had a house at Isleworth across the river; but by his

son Sheen was restored to royal state. While Henry VII. occupied it, the

palace was destroyed by fire; then in rebuilding it, this king changed

its name to Richmond after his Yorkshire earldom, itself another of the

beauty-spots of the kingdom. Yet the old name, probably a cousin of the

German _schön_, long fitly lingered in poetry--“Thy hill, delightful

Sheen!” is Thomson’s invocation--and it still survives in East Sheen,

which, once a hamlet of Richmond, like Kew, now begins to count rather

as a suburb of London. Sheen House here had a later connection with

quasi-royalty, as it was for a time occupied by the Count de Paris, heir

of the Orleans family, that has hereabouts found other temporary refuges.

In Henry VIII.’s reign, the Crown gained a new seat in this

neighbourhood, Hampton Court, too pretentious monument of Wolsey’s pride.

At the first signs of the storm that was to wreck him, the swelling

Churchman took in sail by giving up his palace to the king, who in return

allowed him quarters in one of the royal lodges at Richmond, from which,

as the king’s displeasure deepened, he was banished, first to Esher,

finally to his archiepiscopal northern diocese. Within the hunting-park

formed by Henry about Hampton, was a lodge at Hanworth that became the

home of his wife Catherine Parr, when she had the luck to be his widow.

One most picturesque figure in English history must have been familiar

with Kew, though its name does not appear in the sad story of fair, wise

and pious Lady Jane Grey, the “nine days’ queen.” On the spindle side,

she was grand-daughter of Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, married to

Henry VIII.’s sister Mary, through whom came her heritage of peril. Her

father, Marquis of Dorset, was created Duke of Suffolk, and succeeded

to Suffolk House at Sheen. The scene of Roger Ascham’s notable visit to

the studious princess was Bradgate in Leicestershire; but part of her

youth would probably be spent at Suffolk House. The boy husband provided

for her, Guildford Dudley, was son of a neighbour across the river,

the crafty and ambitious Duke of Northumberland, who had secured Syon

House here as a share of Church plunder first granted to the Protector

Somerset. On Edward VI.’s death, not without suspicion of poison,

Northumberland kept the event secret for three days, in hope of being

able to seize the princesses Mary and Elizabeth, before carrying out his

plot to put Jane and her newly wedded husband on the throne. It seems to

have been at Syon that the reluctant queen was informed of the part she

had to play; and thence she was taken by water to the Tower, in which she

would find a heavenly crown.

Both Mary and Elizabeth lived from time to time at Richmond, recommended

by its nearness to London, and by the river that made a royal highway

in that age of bad roads. Here Elizabeth died, and from her death-bed

Sir Robert Carey spurred through thick and thin to carry news of his

inheritance to the King of Scots. James I. was not the man to neglect

such a good hunting country; early in his reign we find the Courts of

Law and all seated for a time at Richmond, when driven out of London by

the plague. But Hampton Court up the river, as Greenwich below, seems

to have been preferred for the king’s residence; then that lover of the

chase found a paradise more to his mind in Theobald’s Park, near Enfield,

for which he exchanged Hatfield with the Salisbury family; and this

became his favourite abode. Richmond he gave to be the home of his son

Henry, who from it dates a pretty letter to the Dauphin of France, all

the twelve-year-old boy’s own composition, we are told, for the learned

father would let him have no help. Prince Henry might not have been

pleased to hear all that was said of him in the French nursery, where

little Louis asked about his correspondent--“Is he called the Prince of

Wales (_Galles_) because he is mangy (_galeux_)?”

Monsieur and Brother,--Having heard that you begin to ride on

horseback, I believed that you would like to have a pack of

little dogs, which I send you, to witness the desire I have that

we may be able to follow the footsteps of the kings, our fathers,

in entire and firm friendship, also in this sort of honourable

and praiseworthy recreation. I have begged the Count de Beaumont,

who is returning there, to thank in my name the king your father,

and you also for so many courtesies and obligations with which

I feel myself overcharged, and to declare to you how much power

you have over me, and how much I am desirous to find some good

occasion to show the readiness of my affection to serve you, and

for that, trusting in Him, I pray God, Monsieur and brother, to

give you in health long and happy life.--Your very affectionate

brother and servitor,

HENRY.

RICHMOND, _23rd October 1605_.

This prince, we know, died young, according to one tradition through

rash bathing in the Thames; but a modern physician has diagnosed the

indications of his illness as typhoid fever. Richmond then passed to his

brother Charles, who was much at home here and at Hampton Court. He, as

king, made a new enclosure, the present Richmond Park, a hunting-ground

nine miles round, formed by somewhat high-handed expropriations recalling

the harsher dealings of William Rufus with the New Forest, and going

to make up this king’s unpopularity. When poor Charles himself had

been hunted down, the royal abode at Richmond was sold to one of the

regicides, Sir Gregory Norton, the new Great Park being given over by

Parliament to the citizens of London, who, at the Restoration, restored

this gift to Charles II. with a courtly declaration that they had kept it

as stewards of his Majesty. The Park was now put under a Ranger; and the

Palace fell into neglect, though, according to Burnet, James II.’s son,

the Pretender, was nursed in it. Nothing of its old state remains but the

Gateway on Richmond Green, above which may be traced the arms of England,

as borne by Henry VII. The adjacent row of houses, still known as the

“Maids of Honour,” also the cheesecakes of that ilk, appear to record the

later day when Queen Caroline’s home at Richmond was so cramped as not to

allow of her ladies “living in.”

As Richmond decayed, Hampton Court flourished in royal favour;

and Cromwell, in his days of mastery, made bold with its ample

accommodations. Its canals and garden took the fancy of Dutch William,

who in England felt most at home here. His fatal accident he met with

while riding in its park; and in the palace was born the only one of

Queen Anne’s many children who grew towards any hope of the crown. George

I. was a good deal at Hampton Court, it being recorded of him that on

his way to London he used to make his carriage drive slowly through

Brentford, for which he had an admiration shared by few beholders.

[Illustration: THE WILD GARDEN IN SPRING]

George II. as Prince of Wales, acquired for his wife another seat in

this princely countryside, buying from the Duke of Ormond a house in the

Old Deer Park beyond Kew Gardens, which, re-christened Richmond Lodge,

made a royal home at intervals for nearly half a century. Richmond

was looked on as Queen Caroline’s property, the expensive improvements

on it supposed to be paid out of her private purse, though, if we may

trust Horace Walpole, one of his father’s ways of securing her favour

was to draw from the King’s close-buttoned pocket, on the sly, for this

purpose. After the death of the managing Queen, Richmond was little used,

but for a weekly visit from the Court. Every Saturday in summer, says

that mocking Horace, “they went in coaches and six in the middle of the

day, with the heavy Horse Guards kicking up the dust before them, dined,

walked an hour in the garden, returned in the same dusty parade; and His

Majesty fancied himself the most gallant and lively prince in Europe.” It

had been his wife’s favourite residence; and there Scott should surely

have put her interview with Jeanie Deans; but he seems to mistake in

placing Richmond Lodge within the present Park, whereas it was on low

land beside the river, where now stands the Observatory; then to reach

it from London the Duke of Argyll would never have taken his horses up

Richmond Hill merely by way of gratifying the dairymaid with a fine view,

which after all, appealed most to her taste as “braw rich feeding for

the cows.” Sir Walter must have had the White Lodge in view, yet without

considering that it is half an hour’s walk from the Richmond Hill edge of

the Park.

George II. and Caroline sometimes lived at Hampton Court, as when their

eldest son gave them deadly offence by secretly carrying off his wife

thence to lie-in at St. James’s. And it was there that, in Frederick

William fashion, the King once struck his eldest grandson, a memory that

is said to have given George III. his dislike to this palace. He let

it fall to its present position as a mixture of Cockney show-place and

aristocratic almshouse, while he much affected Richmond Lodge, till he

got possession of his boyhood’s home at Kew.

So at last we come to the Kew mansion, whose connection with royalty was

comparatively a late one, and lasted only for two generations. The reader

must bear in mind that this was not the present Kew Palace, which hardly

seems to deserve such a title of pretence. The latter had belonged to

Dudley, Earl of Leicester, and was sold by him to Sir Hugh Portman, a

rich Holland merchant, who rebuilt or altered it in the Dutch style, so

that it was commonly known as the Dutch House. By some local inquirers it

has been identified with the “Dairy House” also mentioned in old books.

Opposite this, on the other side of a public road, in the seventeenth

century stood a larger mansion, Kew House, as to the original date of

which one is not clear, but it may have been at least on the site of a

mansion at which her Lord Keeper, Sir John Puckering, entertained Queen

Elizabeth. Under Charles II., when Evelyn calls it an “old timber house,”

it came by marriage to Sir Henry Capel of the Essex family, afterwards

Lord Capel, who died Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. From his widow, it

passed into possession of Samuel Molyneux, described as secretary to

George II., soon after whose death, in 1730, it was taken on a long lease

by Frederick Prince of Wales.

Thus the obscure name of Kew began to appear in the scandalous chronicles

of the Georgian period. Frederick’s parents, it will be remembered, were

much at the neighbouring Richmond Lodge; and when Queen Caroline took a

lease of the Dutch House also, this not very affectionate royal family

had a group of residences too close together, one might think, for their

comfort. The official guide states that at one time Frederick, too, must

have occupied the Dutch House, as shown by his cipher and the device of

Prince of Wales’s feathers on the locks; but I can find no mention of his

living here in memoirs of the period. It may be that he had it for a time

before his marriage; but the other was the house occupied by him as a

family man, and by his widow after him.

There is some mystery about the origin of the extraordinary ill-will

shown both by George II. and Caroline towards their heir, a feeling

surpassing the antipathy between father and son that made an heirloom

in this family for generations. The King tried to keep Frederick from

coming to England; then, later on, he was half-willing to cut off Hanover

from the English Crown that it might be bestowed upon his favourite,

William of Cumberland. The eldest son he usually abused as a puppy, a

fool, a beast, and by other such elegant epithets; while the Queen, if

we are to believe Lord Hervey, offered once to give him her opinion in

writing “that my dear first-born is the greatest ass and the greatest

liar, and the greatest _canaille_, and the greatest beast in the whole

world, and that I most heartily wish he was out of it.” Yet, when father

and son were not on speaking terms, all the family lived together at

St. James’s, till, after the birth of the Prince’s first child, he was

turned out at short notice to take refuge at Kew, and at makeshift London

residences which became in turn the head-quarters of the Opposition. One

would suppose that in the country those cat-and-dog neighbours might

have chosen to have at least a river between them; but at Kew they were

separated only by a road.

Kew House, then, began to figure in history as the country-seat of the

Prince of Wales. Frederick was by no means a model husband nor a princely

man; but he had affection and respect for his wife, the Princess Augusta

of Saxe-Gotha, and they at least lived decently together. Here were in

part brought up their children: George III.; Edward, Duke of York, who

died abroad in 1767; William Henry, Duke of Gloucester, who lived to

1805; Henry, Duke of Cumberland, who, as well as the last-mentioned,

came into disfavour through a _mésalliance_; Prince Frederick and

Princess Louisa, who both died young; and Caroline Matilda, who married

the worthless King of Denmark, and had a miserable end. Horace Walpole

sneers at Frederick’s desire to name his children from heroes of English

history, not always with his father’s approval; but this trait goes to

show the Prince’s aspirations to be a patriotic king. He is said to

have taken the “Black Prince” as a model he got no chance of following,

perhaps as well for his possible subjects; but the scanty records of his

career suggest rather one of Browning’s characters:--

All that the old Dukes were without knowing it,

This Duke would fain know he was without being it.

During the married life of Frederick and Augusta, the memoirs of the time

give slight and sometimes rather spiteful hints of their doings at Kew,

as to which, indeed, Lord Hervey’s caustic pen has no worse to tell than

that they walked three or four hours daily in the lanes and fields about

Richmond, with a scandal-blown lady-in-waiting and a dancing-master for

company. The Prince was much given to private theatricals, but also to

athletic games, among them such innocent ones as rounders, tennis, and

base-ball, the last not yet banished across the Atlantic. The dog given

to him by Pope is remembered by the couplet inscribed on its collar:--

I am His Highness’s dog at Kew,

Pray tell me, sir, whose dog are you?

This poet-neighbour boasted himself not a follower but a friend of His

Highness, who did not want for two-legged dogs wagging their tails to him

in town and country, on the speculation that his father’s death might

any day change the tap of honour and profit. But all such expectations

were nipped short. In March 1751 the Prince caught cold at Kew, and had

symptoms of pleurisy. Supposed to be out of danger, he went back to Kew,

where he walked about like a convalescent; but the same night, after

returning to town, showed signs of a fresh chill. Again he seemed to be

on the mend, then suddenly one evening was seized with a violent fit of

coughing. “_Je sens la mort!_” he exclaimed, and these were his last

words. It proved that a tumour had burst, produced either by a fall or by

a blow from a tennis ball three years before.

“Thus,” says Horace Walpole, “died Frederick, Prince of Wales, having

resembled his pattern the Black Prince in nothing but in dying before

his father.” He appears to have been not unpopular with the mob, as

princes are apt to be who make the money fly; but history has no good

to tell of him, unless one kindly act in his intercession for Flora

Macdonald. Scholars and divines duly lamented him with overdone effusions

in the _Tu Marcellus eris_ vein; but these crocodile tears of the Muses

are less well-remembered than that uncourtly epitaph that seems to have

better expressed the not even lukewarm loyalty of the first Georgian

generation:--

Here lies Fred

Who was alive and is dead.

Had it been his father,

I had much rather.

Had it been his brother,

Still better than another.

Had it been his sister,

No one would have missed her.

Had it been the whole generation,

Still better for the nation.

But since ’tis only Fred,

Who was alive and is dead,

There’s no more to be said.

George II. behaved at first not unkindly to his widowed daughter-in-law

and grandchildren. He visited the bereaved family, throwing off royal

ceremonial, kissed them, wept with them, and gave the princes good

advice: “They must be brave boys, obedient to their mother, and deserve

the fortune to which they were born.” Horace Walpole remarks in his

malicious way that the King, who had never acted the tender father, grew

so pleased with playing the part of grandfather that he soon became it

in earnest. For the moment, natural good-feeling reigned in the families

that had been such bad neighbours. The Opposition was crushed by the

death of its patron, the Prince; and the discordant place-hunters of the

day let themselves be tuned to a comparative harmony of interest under

the Pelham brothers, who now had all their own way. Later on there sprang

up fresh clouds between Kew and Kensington, the respective horizons of

the rising and of the setting sun. For a little, Prince George appears to

have lived with his grandfather at Hampton Court; but they did not take

to each other, and the boy went back under his mother’s wing.

The first care of the King and the Ministry was to appoint instructors

for the young Princes, an important choice in the case of the Heir to

the Crown. The Governor appointed was Lord Harcourt, who “wanted a

governor himself,” says Horace Walpole, and sneers at him as unfit to

“teach the young Prince any arts but what he knew himself--hunting and

drinking.” For Preceptor was chosen the Bishop of Norwich. Under these

figure-heads were the tutors who should be about the royal children and

do the actual work of education. Stone, the sub-governor, was a personal

favourite of the King, “a dark, proud man, very able and very mercenary.”

As sub-preceptor, or real schoolmaster, was kept on Mr. Scott, who had

already been chosen by the Princess to teach her sons, when she found

that at eleven Prince George could not read English. Of him, in old age,

George III. spoke highly, and seems to have liked him best of all his

instructors. But he was suspected in some quarters as recommended by

Bolingbroke, the author of that “patriot-king” theory so abhorrent to

Whigs.

[Illustration: THE LAKE]

The question of the Regency had to be settled, in case of the King’s

death before his grandson came of age. That high office might have

fallen to George II.’s brother, the Duke of Cumberland, between whom and

his sister-in-law, the Princess of Wales, no love was lost; nor was he

beloved by the nation, least of all by the Jacobites. Horace Walpole

tells a story of Prince George visiting his uncle. “To amuse the boy,

he took down a sword and drew it. The young Prince turned pale and

trembled, and thought his uncle was going to murder him.” There were

others who judged the “Butcher” quite capable of altering the succession

on mediæval precedent, in which party spirit was unjust to this Prince,

not so black or so bloodthirsty as he was painted in the hatreds of the

time. To the satisfaction of most people, but not of the Duke, the future

King’s mother was appointed Regent under control of a council; and her

father-in-law allowed her to act as guardian of her children.

A lady, who any day might thus become the chief personage in the State,

would not lack courtiers in a generation of politicians more concerned

about interest than principle. Among her special friends came to be

noted John Stuart, Earl of Bute, that unpopular bogy of the next reign.

Their intimacy did not fail to pass for scandalous; but the Archangel

Gabriel himself would hardly have escaped scandal had he moved in Court

society of the period. Bute had been a favourite and boon companion of

the Prince, and remained a close counsellor of the widow, especially in

the matter of bringing up her sons. Another matter influenced by him was

the development of Kew Gardens, he himself taking a strong interest in

botany and horticulture; but the Gardens may best be treated apart from

the royal residences.

The best-founded reproach made against the Princess is that she brought

up George III. and his brothers in strict seclusion, entirely under her

influence and Bute’s. A careful mother’s excuse might well be the manners

of the fashionable world. Bubb Doddington, admitted to walks and talks

with her in Kew Gardens, reports her as anxious to keep the future King

out of bad society, and not knowing where to find good companions for him

among the dissipated nobility. Our age can sympathise with this desire

more than did the factious scandalmongers of the period, who soon raised

a cry that the Princes were being trained in principles of arbitrary

power. To Doddington the Princess protested that she did not interfere

with her son’s teachers. Between the contradictory statements of friends

and foes, it is difficult to judge how far she was sincere in such

professions; but it is clear that George loved her as sons of that house

have not always loved their parents. Later on, he was thought to have

grown a little impatient under the yoke of this masterful mother.

Before long the staff of preceptors fell all by the ears, the high

officials quarrelling with the sub-tutors, who were understood to be in

more favour with the mother. The former complained of Stone as taking

too much on himself; and as for Scott, Horace Walpole tells a wicked

story of the Bishop turning him out of the Prince’s Chamber “by an

imposition of hands that had at least as much of the flesh as of the

spirit.” What brought these jars to light was the Bishop finding in the

Prince of Wales’s hands a French book written to justify James II.’s

measures, an offence which Stone tried to palliate by making out that

this Jacobite treatise had been lent the Prince by his sister, to whom,

one understands, it would do no such great harm. The end of it was that

both Governor and Preceptor resigned their offices, replaced by Lord

Waldegrave and the Bishop of Peterborough, who appear to have got on

for a time more smoothly with the subordinate instructors, as with the

family. The new Bishop, said their mother, gave great satisfaction, and

the children took to him. Lord Waldegrave, by his own account, became no

favourite with his most important pupil, and had a poor opinion of him.

His Memoirs scout the Princess’s professions that she did not interfere

in the boys’ education. The preceptors had little influence, he says;

“the mother and the nursery always prevailed.” The Prince he sets down

as obstinate, sulky, too stingy and too self-righteous for his years.

George, for his part, is afterwards found recalling this Governor as a

“depraved, worthless man.”

What seems most certain as to George III.’s education is that he learned

very little from books, not even to spell, but that he came to speak

French and German, and that he allowed his mother and her friend, if not

his tutors, to stamp the theory that a king of England should not only

reign but govern, upon a nature that proved wax to receive and marble to

retain such impressions. The mother spoke of George as a good, dutiful

boy, rather serious in his disposition than otherwise, but a little

wanting in spirit. Whether at her apron-string he grew up sly as well as

shy and sleepy, is a question raised by the story of his youthful amour

with a Quakeress named Hannah Lightfoot, which makes the plot of one of

Besant’s novels; but it is hard now to tell the truth of it. The idea one

gets of this King’s youth suggests Blifil rather than Tom Jones. All the

other sons turned out more like Tom Jones, while “insipid” was an epithet

applied to young George, who would yet develop a strongly-flavoured

character. His moral courage and pluck came to be well proved in several

trying predicaments; and at the opening of the Seven Years’ War, he

showed spirit by demanding to serve in the Army, to the King’s jealous

displeasure.

We need not rake up all the scandals that echoed about the quiet

household at Kew. The Whigs went on sounding an alarm that the Prince

of Wales was brought up in Jacobite principles, a particular hullabaloo

being raised by a charge that his tutor Stone had drunk the Pretender’s

health twenty years back, in company with Murray, better known as Lord

Mansfield. The chief reproach against Bute, as yet, seems to have been

his easily supposed illicit relations with the Princess, of which there

is no proof. It was after the accession, rather, that he came to be

pilloried as having laid himself out to heighten the Prince’s notion

of the prerogative. There can be no doubt that he had a great part in

moulding the future King’s mind, and that they were really fond of each

other. It is said that they took an _incognito_ tour together through

England, and as far as Edinburgh and the Isle of Bute.

At eighteen, when the Prince was considered fit to have done with

tutors, in the new household formed for him, Waldegrave being shunted

as a _persona ingrata_, the Kew influence availed to have Bute made his

official mentor as Groom of the Stole. The King offered him quarters at

Kensington, with a royal allowance; but the lad declared that he would

stick to his mother, which seems only a way of speaking, as by this time

he had a home of his own at Saville House in Leicester Fields. He was at

Kew, at all events, when, starting for London on horseback one morning,

he met a messenger with the news of George II.’s sudden death, confirmed

presently by the appearance of the Prime Minister’s carriage on its way

westwards to the new fountain of power and pensions.

We know with what fair prospects George III. ascended the throne,

“glorying in the name of Briton,” as Bute is said to have prompted him

in addressing a people of whom the majority would rather consider their

king as born an Englishman. A true John Bull he proved to be in his

sense of duty, in his narrow outlook, and in his pig-headed obstinacy.

Too soon the sky clouded over this well-meaning Prince, who took pains

to repair the deficiencies of his education, and had his character

quickly developed in the light that pours upon a throne. The lessons of

Kew had not been thrown away upon him. That unofficial tutor, hitherto

kept behind the scenes, became his open counsellor, and presently Prime

Minister, till overthrown by blasts of popular indignation excited

against the unconstitutional politician, the slandered favourite,

and the ambitious Scot, who made a magnet for drawing crowds of his

hungry countrymen to the source of patronage. The young King shared the

unpopularity of his adviser. He fell out with nobles and statesmen; from

the mob his carriage had to be guarded by prize-fighters. And in the

irony of fate, the cry of liberty swelled loudest round an unprincipled

libertine, who, taking to patriotism as “the last refuge of a scoundrel,”

quickly rose to be the idol of the mob, and made his fortune out of the

cause in which he afterwards boasted that he never believed. “I never

was a Wilkesite,” said Wilkes; but poor George was at least honest in his

notions of governing. It looks like a satire on the British Constitution

that our most virtuous and well-meaning kings have usually been those who

did us most mischief. At that time a puppet would have been more welcome

than a patriot king, but not a puppet whose wires were pulled by Bute.

One thing cannot be denied by his worst enemies, that this king made an

honest effort to rule himself, to lead a clean, simple and wholesome

life, which did so much in the end to win back respect for royalty among

the respectable classes. At the outset of his reign he seems ready to

have married for love of the bewitching siren, Lady Sarah Lennox, who

took care to be seen making hay on the lawn of Holland House, as the

young king rode by on the road to Kew. But that mock-Arcadian romance was

nipped in the bud by his managing mother, who made haste to look out a

wife for him among the Protestant princesses of Germany. George “sighed

as a lover, but obeyed as a son.” Lady Sarah, great-grand-daughter of

Charles II. as she was, had to content herself with serving as bridesmaid

to the new queen. She soon got over her disappointed ambition,

marrying twice and dying at a good old age as mother of the famous

soldier-brothers Napier. It is a touching coincidence that her old age

was afflicted by blindness, like her royal sweetheart’s, who in his last

days appears to have recalled or imagined an earlier passion for Lady

Elizabeth Spencer, afterwards Countess of Pembroke.

The royal bride chosen was Princess Charlotte of Mecklenburg-Strelitz,

a girl of seventeen, who for more than half a century gave a new tone

to English society. After a little flutter of gaiety natural in her

position, she entered upon a life of dignified propriety and domesticity

with a husband who won her heart as well as her hand, and George,

whatever wild oats he may or may not have sown, made a constant husband

to his rather plain bride. This model couple agreed in the simple tastes

at which worldly courtiers sneered. St. James’s Palace they kept as a

stage for State functions; and they made little use of Windsor in the

first years of the reign. For the “Queen’s House” was bought the Duke

of Buckingham’s red-brick mansion on the site of what is now Buckingham

Palace; and out of town the King lived a good deal at Richmond Lodge,

also given to the Queen, where perhaps his mother still liked to keep him

near her. Every evening, it appears, King and Queen dutifully visited

that domineering princess either at Kew, or at her London residence,

Leicester House. Carlton House, afterwards given to the next Prince

of Wales, was also hers; and at one or other of these she lived “in a

privacy that exceeded economy.” That is Horace Walpole’s reproach, who

speaks of her as avaricious, but does not give the Dowager credit for

paying off her husband’s debts, nor for her liberal charities. Her worst

fault seems to have been a masterful temper that expressed itself in the

lesson imprinted on her son’s softness, “George, be a king!”

Richmond Lodge soon proving too small for the growing royal family,

George III. proposed to build a new palace for himself in Richmond

Gardens, near the river opposite Syon House. The design is still

preserved, and the work was actually begun; but a hitch occurred in the

obstinacy of the Richmond people, who refused to sell the King a piece

of ground he wanted to round off his demesne. Then the Princess Dowager,

when her other sons left the nest, gave up Kew House to George and

Charlotte, taking for herself the “Dutch House” across the way, till her

death, not long afterwards; and when the lease ran out, it was bought for

the Queen. The larger mansion had also been acquired, the royal family

thus, from tenants, coming to be owners of both houses.

The smaller house--the present Kew Palace--was kept up by them with a

separate establishment, at first used as the royal nursery, later on for

the education of the older sons: and for a time it came to be known as

the Prince of Wales’s House. Even then there was not accommodation for

the dozen or so of youngsters who spent much of their childhood at Kew;

and we hear of the King leasing or buying houses on Kew Green, where his

flock of princes and princesses could be brought up in good air, the

old Kew House serving always as the family rendezvous. In the grounds,

towards the Richmond Park side, Charlotte built the picturesque “Queen’s

Cottage,” where this industrious lady would ply her needle with her

children about her, while the King read aloud, often from Shakespeare,

for whom he professed a truly British admiration, though, as he told

Miss Burney, the great poet’s works contained “much sad stuff--only one

must not say so!”

At the beginning of George III.’s reign, the present Kew Palace is

found described as “Princess Amelia’s House,” so George II.’s old-maid

daughter, whose proposed marriage with Frederick the Great fell through,

as Carlyle has told at length, must have lived here for a time; but she

soon moved to Gunnersbury, not far off. This wilful Princess Amelia, who

had faults and merits of her own, held the office of Ranger of Richmond

Great Park, that brought her into collision with the public. She tried to

keep the gates shut against both gentle and simple, but found that she

was living in a free country, when one Lewis, a Richmond brewer, took the

lead in an action for right-of-way, which would have gone against her,

had George II. not anticipated the result by throwing the Park open.

Having thus marked out all the royal residences in and about Kew, let us

next fix our attention on Kew House during the period when it was the

favourite residence of George III.

[Illustration: THE QUEEN’S COTTAGE]

II

KEW IN FAVOUR

The chief memories of Kew are associated with its royal master who, by

his doings here, earned the nickname of “Farmer George,” in his unpopular

days also belittled as the “Buttonmaker,” a sneer at his turning-lathe,

and the taste for other mechanical pursuits which he shared with Louis

XVI. The “Squire of Kew” is a title that would have suited him better;

and he might have lived more happily and usefully had his station been

no higher than that which he here affected. When he could get away from

State functions and cares, not indeed neglected by him, he liked to

live at Kew as a simple country gentleman, keeping a pack of hounds,

superintending a model farm, improving his grounds, looking after his

children, walking out with his wife, and not wasting his money. As

the homely and frugal ways of this royal couple gave offence not only

to dissipated courtiers, who felt themselves rebuked, but to the mob,

always apt to be a snob, “meanly admiring mean things,” the caricaturists

and lampooners of the reign found abundant encouragement to make coarse

fun of George’s and Charlotte’s domestic virtues as well as of their

public offences. But one guesses that Gillray and Peter Pindar were not

applauded by the King’s neighbours at Kew.

For some ten years, as we have seen, Richmond Lodge made his favourite

country-seat; and for about the same period he was most at home in Kew

House. Then, after taking up their residence at Windsor, the royal family

went on making longer or shorter visits to Kew, kept as a _villeggiatura_

where they could be under less ceremony and restraint than in their

statelier palaces. Their winter abode was usually Buckingham House. Not

till George had been nearly twenty years on the throne did he care for

living at Windsor. The castle itself had fallen so much out of repair,

that a new “Queen’s Lodge” was built where now are the royal stables;

then this took the place of Kew as chief summer residence. When the

Richmond people found they were like to lose such distinguished and

profitable neighbours, they sorely repented their refusal to sell the bit

of land coveted by the King, which was now pressed upon him, but too late

to change his intention. That Naboth’s vineyard was eventually taken into

the royal grounds; then by an Act of Parliament closing “Love Lane,” a

public way between them, George was able to unite the grounds of Richmond

and Kew, which long, however, remained distinct enclosures.

So George and Charlotte settled down, had a large family, and lived

happily in private life, till fresh troubles came upon them. We should

all know Thackeray’s sly account of that life:--

King George’s household was a model of an English gentleman’s

household. It was early; it was kindly; it was charitable; it

was frugal; it was orderly; it must have been stupid to a degree

which I shudder now to contemplate. No wonder all the princes

ran away from the lap of that dreary domestic virtue. It always

rose, rode, dined at stated intervals. Day after day was the

same. At the same hour at night the King kissed his daughters’

jolly cheeks; the princesses kissed their mother’s hand; and

Madame Thielke brought the royal nightcap. At the same hour

the equerries and women-in-waiting had their little dinner and

cackled over their tea. The King had his backgammon or his

evening concert; the equerries yawned themselves to death in the

anteroom; or the King and his family walked on Windsor slopes,

the King holding his darling little Princess Amelia by the hand;

and the people crowded round quite good-naturedly; and the Eton

boys thrust their chubby cheeks under the crowd’s elbows; and

the concert over, the King never failed to take his enormous

cocked-hat off, and salute his band, and say, “Thank you,

gentlemen!”

[Illustration: IN QUEEN’S COTTAGE GARDENS]

In the Memoirs of Mrs. Papendiek, whose husband and father were Court

pages, and who was brought up at Kew, it is mentioned that during the “No

Popery” riots the children were sent away to Kew, while the King stayed

at his post in London, showing courage and spirit, but would ride down

between four and seven in the morning for a peep at his darlings, brought

up to their parents’ early hours. Other reminiscences give glimpses of

the royal domesticity and rusticity, not so dull to all tastes as to

those of a man about town like Thackeray. One lad, John Rogers, who

lived into Victoria’s reign, remembered seeing the young King, shut out

of Richmond Lodge after a morning walk, tapping at the window in vain,

till at last he contrived to open one and push himself in head foremost.

In the country, George and Charlotte were up at six, and breakfasted

with their children about them. They often dined with the children, too;

later on the King took to early dinners that scandalised his guests by

the simplicity of mutton and turnips. His usual drink was a sort of

lemonade known in the household as King’s cup. In an age of intemperance

and riots, he preferred sobriety, the morning dew, and the open air,

with plenty of exercise to keep down his fat. The lucky children had all

Kew Gardens to play in; and once a week the whole family made a regular

promenade through the Richmond grounds. When he went further afield,

George loved Paul-prying into the cottages of his poorer neighbours,

showing an interest in their petty affairs, and pouring out upon them

more questions than could be answered, such as that famous one, how the

apple got into the dumpling?

Though the London mob, at different times, were insolent to both

sovereigns, they never lost popularity at Kew. When they next visited

it after the King’s escape from assassination by a mad woman, the road

over Kew Green was found crowded by all the inhabitants, “lame, old,

sick, blind, and infants,” with a band of musicians “who began _God Save

the King!_ the moment they came on the Green, and finished it with loud

huzzas”--a neighbourly demonstration that moved the Queen to tearfully

declaring, “I shall always love little Kew for this.”

George succeeded to his mother’s interest in Kew Gardens, now enlarged

and improved as will be told in another chapter. He also carried on a

large home-farm that extended into the parish of Mortlake, while the

Old Deer Park was turned into pasture for a flock of merino sheep which

he imported into England. The young princes were brought up to the same

tastes. Before getting into their teens, the two eldest had a plot of

ground given them, where, _à la_ Sandford and Merton, they planted a crop

of corn, weeded, reaped, thrashed and ground it with their own hands, and

saw it made into bread, of which the whole family duly partook. Up till

our own time was standing in Kew Gardens a miniature structure said to

have been built by the princes as part of their apprenticeship to life.

In the present Kew Palace are preserved specimens of their early writing,

George’s copy being _Conscious Innocence_, while Frederick traces very

creditably the sentiment, _Aim at Improvement_.

It was not through parental indulgence if these boys grew to despise such

innocent pursuits. Queen Charlotte taught them herself in their A B C

stage: and when they were given over to tutors, the order was that they

should be treated like ordinary scholars, flogged if they deserved it,

and so forth. The rod seems not to have been spared on him who was to

become the Lord’s anointed; and his education in the classics prospered

better than his father’s. The notorious Dr. Dodd, who came to be hanged

for forgery, was at one time proposed as the Prince of Wales’s tutor. He

was brought up with his next brother Frederick, who, till created Duke

of York, bore in boyhood the foreign title of Bishop of Osnaburgh, and

had been made a Knight of the Bath in the nursery. The little Bishop

did not take kindly to books; but in later life George IV. could pose

as a scholar before the courtly wits about him; even in his teens he

corrected his Governor, Lord Bruce, on a false quantity, so mortifying

the noble pedagogue that he gave in his resignation. There is another

story, perhaps recorded by Signor Ben Trovato, that in the Prince’s

later life an uncourtly Provost of Eton mentioned Homer to him as “an

author with whom your Royal Highness is probably not much acquainted,”

to which H.R.H. suavely replied that he had forgotten a good deal of his

Homer, but remembered one line, and went on to quote _Il._ i. 225, which,

for readers in the same case as to Homer, may be rendered by Dryden’s

version, “Dastard and drunken, mean and insolent”--epithets that too well

fitted the rebuked pedant in question.

The Eton boys of that day, for whom the _summum supplicium_, according to

Henry Angelo’s _Memoirs_, was not over six cuts of a birch, would appear

to have been handled in less Spartan fashion than were the King’s sons

in their private schoolroom. The Princess Sophia told Miss Amelia Murray

that she had seen her eldest brothers, at thirteen and fourteen, held

by the arms to be flogged with a long whip. But once the naughty boys

are said to have turned against one of their severe masters, using upon

him the rod he proposed for them. This story may have suggested a scene

in Thackeray’s _Virginians_, as it might have been prompted by one in

_Roderick Random_, or a variant in _The Fool of Quality_, a very long and

edifying romance of the Sandford and Merton school, which had a vogue at

this period. The Queen held no high opinion of novel-reading; and if her

sons studied the works of Smollett, it would perhaps be on the sly, as

must have been a good many doings in that family.

We know how these carefully educated princes had more of Merton than

of Sandford in their disposition; then they soon found flatterers and

courtiers to set them against their strict training, and to curry

favour with a future sovereign. Childish mischief may excuse the freak

of the boy Prince of Wales saluting his father with the hated cry of

“Wilkes and Liberty!” But it was a serious matter when the second son

was precociously found playing the Don Juan with a cottage beauty.

That scapegrace Bishop is accused of leading his elder brother into

wrong-doings for which he perhaps needed no prompter. Their uncle,

the Duke of Cumberland, was another bad counsellor, who delighted in

debauching his nephews out of ill will to the moral King. A worse

companion, later on, would be the notorious Duke de Chartres, afterwards

_Égalité_ Orleans, who brought to London French-polished vices to

exchange for English jockeyism.

The Prince of Wales, like his father, was fond of music, and, if flattery

may be trusted, made no despicable performer. Mrs. Papendiek, having the

same tastes, can give us some glimpse of his hobbledehoy recreations.

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