THE CONVENTION.
Belle's heart was sad and full of forebodings of disaster to her lover,
for, knowing her father's determined nature, she feared he would at
once discharge the young man who had dared to love his daughter.
Fully realizing the situation, she kept her room during the day.
Her loving mother was her comforter, yet hardly dare plead for her
daughter, knowing so well her husband's selfish nature and overbearing
disposition. She knew that if her husband was opposed he would become
more decided in his purposes than if left to think over his own unjust
and cruel orders.
Belle decided that she must see George Alden without delay, so she wrote
a note requesting him to call at her home at once. Her father, she knew,
would be absent and they could enjoy an uninterrupted interview. She was
well aware that if her incensed parent knew George Alden was to visit
her, he would certainly give orders to prevent his entering the house.
Promptly at the appointed hour George entered the house, and saw quickly
that Belle was in trouble.
"Oh, George," said Belle, "our sunshine of last evening was followed by
a storm. I sent for you to tell you of my father's cruel purpose. He
has given orders that I must receive the attentions of another, and he
even threatened to remove you from the bank. My heart is wretched, for
should you lose your place for the reason that you love me, I should
feel that I was your evil genius. I sent for you to ask if you would
give me up, rather than lose your position at the bank. Think of it,
George, for you are dependent upon what you earn for the support of
yourself and sister. You are free to decide now, and whatever you choose
I will acquiesce in."
"Belle, do you think the ties that bind us together are lightly assumed;
or has your father's command made you regret the step you have taken?
If the latter, then you are free, for I would not cause you one moment
of grief or pain. But you are everything to me--my very existence--and
rather than surrender you to another, I would lose all this world can
give. Oh, Belle, you cannot doubt me!"
"Doubt you? No, George, I do not. My heart is yours alone; and let
my father do his worst, he cannot change the course of my affection
nor make me sacrifice myself upon the altar of his ambition. He is
determined to prevent you from even seeing me, and whatever is done we
must be guarded. I shall be advised by Mamma in all my movements. Attend
faithfully to your duties at the bank and I don't think you will lose
your place, unless the directors are dissatisfied with you. We are both
young and time will work changes, perhaps for our good. Let no action
of yours place you at a disadvantage, and be sure not to quarrel with
my father. If he treats you in an arbitrary manner do not complain.
Perhaps he may change his intentions when this hateful political
campaign is over."
"Belle, I will do all you ask. Whatever insults he may heap upon me will
be borne for your sake; but I do not believe he can discharge me from
the bank; in fact, our cashier is very ill, there is really no hope of
his recovery, and I have been told by members of the Board of Directors
that I am to fill the vacant position. Now, Belle, I will leave you, but
shall see you when I can, for I must look often upon your dear face.
Rest assured I shall retain my place unless some charge can be preferred
against me, and of that I am not afraid."
The two conversed a few moments longer, then parted, full of confidence
in each other, yet filled with anxiety for their future.
Senator Hamblin was greatly excited after his interview with his
daughter, and walking quickly to his office threw himself into a chair,
and said:
"Confound that puppy Alden! What shall I do? I am determined that Belle
shall marry Walter Mannis. I little expected so much opposition. She
has defied me, her father. H'm! I admire her spirit, but she must be
conquered, for my mind is set upon this marriage. Curse the day that
took us to Lake George! It was disaster from the time we landed from the
steamboat until we left. Dear little Willie was taken from us there, and
now my beautiful daughter has rebelled against me. I must write a letter
in reply to Mannis and delay giving him a direct answer. Let me see. I
will write at once," and taking pen and paper, he wrote as follows:
CLEVERDALE, N. Y., September 18, 187-.
MY DEAR MANNIS: Your very welcome letter was duly received and
I was gratified at its contents. Allow me to thank you for your
expressions in my behalf, as well as your effort to aid my canvass.
Believe me, dear Mannis, I appreciate your friendship.
In relation to your request to address my daughter, it would
give me inexpressible pleasure to know that she was to become the
wife of so brilliant a man as yourself. My wife and daughter have
deeply felt the affliction befalling us at Lake George, and I am
urging them to withdraw from seclusion. The death of our little
Willie has left a desolate household, and my loved ones refuse to
be comforted. While I freely give my consent and express my great
delight at your request, I ask you to delay, for a brief period,
addressing my daughter. We will meet at the Convention and can then
talk the matter over at length.
Again thanking you for past favors, and expressing my pleasure
at your request, I remain,
Your friend,
DARIUS HAMBLIN.
Folding and addressing the letter, he said:
"That will do for the present; in the mean time I shall see if my
commands are to be obeyed."
The days flew rapidly by and Senator Hamblin was busily engaged in
managing his canvass, trying every way to break the force of Daley and
his friends. Daley, learning of Sargent's treachery, as he called it,
had not made use of the statement as expected. Having neglected to get
Sargent's affidavit to the paper made against Senator Hamblin, he was
chagrined and dumbfounded on learning that Miller had succeeded in
obtaining one to the later document.
The day of the Convention was only twenty-four hours distant, and of
course there was some excitement in the senatorial district.
As the reader may not understand the _modus operandi_ of political
conventions, we will explain how nominations are made.
There are sixty counties in the Empire State, embracing a population
of 5,082,871 persons. These sixty counties are divided into thirty-two
senatorial and one hundred and twenty-eight assembly districts,
apportioned pro rata according to population for the composition of
the State Legislature. New York County is entitled to seven senators
and twenty-four assemblymen; King's County, three senators and twelve
assemblymen; Albany County, one senator and three assemblymen; Erie
County, one senator and five assemblymen; Oneida County, one senator and
three assemblymen; leaving nineteen senators and eighty-one assemblymen
to be divided among the remaining fifty-five counties, requiring from
two to five counties to constitute a senatorial district. Each of the
fifty-five counties are allowed from one to three assemblymen, except
Fulton and Hamilton, which have but one to represent them both.
The county to which Cleverdale belongs is composed of fifteen towns,
and this, added to the adjoining county of sixteen towns, furnishes the
required quota of population for a senatorial district.
There are different methods of manipulating caucuses and conventions,
and as the exciting political scenes of this story are to take place at
the Senatorial Convention, we will explain the latter. Some counties
send a delegate direct to the Senatorial Convention from each and every
town caucus; some select three delegates at each assembly district
convention, while others at their regular county convention select three
delegates to be sent from each assembly district. In many counties, both
great political organizations adopt the same method, while neither one
of the different systems is in any manner used exclusively by either
party.
The county and senatorial district in which Cleverdale is situated is
governed by the method first described. At the caucuses held in country
towns, delegates are chosen by those present without enrolling names. In
the cities, and in fact in some large towns, these caucuses are called
"primaries," and the names of all belonging to the party holding the
primary must be enrolled before they are allowed to participate in the
regular order of business of the primary.
The respectable portion of the voting population being remiss in their
duty, the "boss" and his followers are in full control of the caucus or
primary. The entire composition of a ticket submitted to the approval
of honest voters is the work of these men. Those claiming to represent
the moral sentiment of communities rarely attend the caucus or primary,
yet seldom fail to complain of that which they could easily prevent.
Honesty in politics can never be expected until the intelligent and
honest masses awaken to the necessity of devoting a little time to
the primaries. The better element of the community is responsible for
the demoralization in political matters, for, being in overwhelming
majority, a little attention to the caucus or primary would make
unfit nominations impossible. But the American way, in politics as in
all things else, is to let everything drift until the situation is
desperate, and then to work for a cure, which generally they effect. Not
until they realize the proverbial superiority of prevention to cure will
Americans be as wise as they are smart.
The day of the Convention having arrived, Cleverdale was full of
politicians, and an irrepressible conflict raged. The thirty-one
delegates present were divided, yet Miller's careful canvass assured him
that his chief would certainly receive eighteen, if not twenty votes,
in the first ballot. Several delegates were working for a compromise
candidate; but this element, composed mostly of Daley men, was intent on
defeating Senator Hamblin at all hazards. It was their only hope now;
and while resolved to bolt his nomination if made, and run Daley as a
stump candidate, the irregularity of such a course was to be avoided, if
possible, by a compromise candidate.
In Miller's private parlor at Cleverdale's best hotel champagne, cigars,
and other refreshments were served. Miller could not prevail on all
delegates to accept his hospitality, for several moral lights in their
respective towns could not forget their standing, and enter a room where
temptations might lead them astray. Miller became somewhat alarmed
at the proposed compromise, for several of his own friends talked of
making success sure rather than run any risk of defeat. Miller was given
unlimited power by his chief to thwart Daley's purpose. So, finally,
in company with George Horton, Miller held a protracted interview with
the delegates in question, and a generous distribution of money ended
further efforts for a compromise candidate.
Promptly at one o'clock, the Convention was called to order by the
chairman of the Senatorial Committee, who nominated Hon. Walter Mannis
as chairman. A Daley delegate offered an amendment that James Kendrick,
of Silvertown, be substituted for Mr. Mannis. This was a test of the
strength of the respective candidates, and the loss of the amendment by
a vote of seventeen against fourteen was greeted with applause by the
friends of Senator Hamblin.
The deliberations proceeded with many interruptions, when a motion
for a ballot called talkers to their feet. The Daley men, with great
persistency, fought for a compromise, and the speakers in making their
appeal embraced the opportunity to attack the character of Senator
Hamblin. Sargent's statement was read, followed by the affidavit, read
by Miller, wherein Sargent retracted his charges against Hamblin,
admitting the injustice done to a man who never, to the affiant's
knowledge, performed a dishonorable act. The delegates became greatly
excited, the Daley men making another appeal for a compromise candidate,
charging the responsibility of defeat--which they declared sure to
follow--upon the Hamblin faction, if their request was ignored. Charges
of so grave a nature were preferred by both sides, that, if true, both
Senator Hamblin and ex-Assemblyman Daley would have been consigned to
felons' cells. The Daley delegates failing to carry their point, one
of their number moved to withdraw and hold another Convention. Twelve
delegates left the room, after which the nomination of Hon. Darius
Hamblin was made, and suitable resolutions passed, endorsing the action
of the Convention and condemning the course of the bolters.
A committee appointed to wait upon the candidate and inform him of
his nomination, soon returned with Senator Hamblin, who was received
with cheers. Order being restored, he thanked the delegates for the
honor conferred on him, and followed with a powerful speech, his
words being carefully and shrewdly chosen to win sympathy. While he
regretted, he said, the action of his personal enemies, he felt it his
duty to remain in the field, so long as the Daley faction attacked his
character. He deftly told of the personal sacrifices made to serve
his fellow-citizens, the speech concluding with a promise of certain
election, the cause represented by him being in the hands of the people.
Several others spoke, among them Mannis, who paid a glowing tribute to
his friend; then the Convention adjourned.
In the mean time the twelve bolting delegates assembled at another
place, where they were joined by eleven others, chosen by bolting
caucuses in the senatorial district. A Convention was organized, Daley
was nominated, and resolutions were passed declaring him the regular
candidate, adjournment following.
Two faction candidates were now before the people, the hostility between
them bordering on frenzy.