1802-1803.
The Concordat and the Legion of Honour--The Council of State and the
Tribunate--Discussion on the word 'subjects'--Chenier--Chabot de
l'Allier's proposition to the Tribunate--The marked proof of
national gratitude--Bonaparte's duplicity and self-command--Reply to
the 'Senatus-consulte'--The people consulted--Consular decree--
The most, or the least--M. de Vanblanc's speech--Bonaparte's reply--
The address of the Tribunate--Hopes and predictions thwarted.
It may truly be said that history affords no example of an empire founded
like that of France, created in all its parts under the cloak of a
republic. Without any shock, and in the short space of four years, there
arose above the ruins of the short-lived Republic a Government more
absolute than ever was Louis XIV.'s. This extraordinary change is to be
assigned to many causes; and I had the opportunity of observing the
influence which the determined will of one man exercised over his fellow-
men.
The great object which Bonaparte had at heart was to legitimate his
usurpations by institutions. The Concordat had reconciled him with the
Court of Rome; the numerous erasures from the emigrant list gathered
round him a large body of the old nobility; and the Legion of Honour,
though at first but badly received, soon became a general object of
ambition. Peace, too, had lent her aid in consolidating the First
Consul's power by affording him leisure to engage in measures of internal
prosperity.
The Council of State, of which Bonaparte had made me a member, but which
my other occupations did not allow me to attend, was the soul of the
Consular Government. Bonaparte felt much interest in the discussions of
that body, because it was composed of the most eminent men in the
different branches of administration; and though the majority evinced a
ready compliance with his wishes, yet that disposition was often far from
being unanimous. In the Council of State the projects of the Government
were discussed from the first with freedom and sincerity, and when once
adopted they were transmitted to the Tribunate, and to the Legislative
Body. This latter body might be considered as a supreme Legislative
Tribunal, before which the Tribunes pleaded as the advocates of the
people, and the Councillors of State, whose business it was to support
the law projects, as the advocates of the Government. This will at once
explain the cause of the First Consul's animosity towards the Tribunate,
and will show to what the Constitution was reduced when that body was
dissolved by a sudden and arbitrary decision.
During the Consulate the Council of State was not only a body politic
collectively, but each individual member might be invested with special
power; as, for example, when the First Consul sent Councillors of State
on missions to each of the military divisions where there was a Court of
Appeal, the instructions given them by the First Consul were extensive,
and might be said to be unlimited. They were directed to examine all the
branches of the administration, so that their reports collected and
compared together presented a perfect description of the state of France.
But this measure, though excellent in itself, proved fatal to the State.
The reports never conveyed the truth to the First Consul, or at least if
they did, it was in such a disguised form as to be scarcely recognisable;
for the Councillors well knew that the best way to pay their court to
Bonaparte was not to describe public feeling as it really was, but as he
wished it to be. Thus the reports of the councillors of State only
furnished fresh arguments in favour of his ambition.
I must, however, observe that in the discussions of the Council of State
Bonaparte was not at all averse to the free expression of opinion. He,
indeed, often encouraged it; for although fully resolved to do only what
he pleased, he wished to gain information; indeed, it is scarcely
conceivable how, in the short space of two years, Bonaparte adapted his
mind so completely to civil and legislative affairs. But he could not
endure in the Tribunate the liberty of opinion which he tolerated in the
Council; and for this reason--that the sittings of the Tribunate were
public, while those of the Council of State were secret, and publicity
was what he dreaded above all things. He was very well pleased when he
had to transmit to the Legislative Body or to the Tribunate any proposed
law of trifling importance, and he used then to say that he had thrown
them a bone to gnaw.
Among the subjects submitted to the consideration of the Council and the
Tribunate was one which gave rise to a singular discussion, the ground of
which was a particular word, inserted in the third article of the treaty
of Russia with France. This word seemed to convey a prophetic allusion
to the future condition of the French people, or rather an anticipated
designation of what they afterwards became. The treaty spoke of "the
subjects of the two Governments." This term applied to those who still
considered themselves citizens, and was highly offensive to the
Tribunate. Chenier most loudly remonstrated against the introduction of
this word into the dictionary of the new Government. He said that the
armies of France had shed their blood that the French people might be
citizens and not subjects. Chenier's arguments, however, had no effect
on the decision of the Tribunate, and only served to irritate the First
Consul. The treaty was adopted almost unanimously, there being only
fourteen dissentient voices, and the proportion of black balls in the
Legislative Body was even less.
Though this discussion passed off almost unnoticed, yet it greatly
displeased the First Consul, who expressed his dissatisfaction in the
evening. "What is it," said he, "these babblers want? They wish to be
citizens--why did they not know how to continue so? My government must
treat on an equal footing with Russia. I should appear a mere puppet in
the eyes of foreign Courts were I to yield to the stupid demands of the
Tribunate.. Those fellows tease me so that I have a great mind to end
matters at once with them." I endeavoured to soothe his anger, and
observed, that one precipitate act might injure him. "You are right," he
continued; "but stay a little, they shall lose nothing by waiting."
The Tribunate pleased Bonaparte better in the great question of the
Consulate for life, because he had taken the precaution of removing such
members as were most opposed to the encroachments of his ambition. The
Tribunate resolved that a marked proof of the national gratitude should
be offered to the First Consul, and the resolution was transmitted to the
Senate. Not a single voice was raised against this proposition, which
emanated from Chabot de l'Allier, the President of the Tribunate. When
the First Consul came back to his cabinet after receiving the deputation
of the Tribunate he was very cheerful, and said to me, "Bourrienne, it is
a blank cheque that the Tribunate has just offered me; I shall know how
to fill it up. That is my business."
The Tribunate having adopted the indefinite proposition of offering to
the First Consul a marked proof of the national gratitude, it now only
remained to determine what that proof should be. Bonaparte knew well
what he wanted, but he did not like to name it in any positive way.
Though in his fits of impatience, caused by the lingering proceedings of
the Legislative Body and the indecision of some of its members, he often
talked of mounting on horseback and drawing his sword, yet he so far
controlled himself as to confine violence to his conversations with his
intimate friends. He wished it to be thought that he himself was
yielding to compulsion; that he was far from wishing to usurp permanent
power contrary to the Constitution; and that if he deprived France of
liberty it was all for her good, and out of mere love for her. Such
deep-laid duplicity could never have been conceived and maintained in any
common mind; but Bonaparte's was not a mind of the ordinary cast. It
must have required extraordinary self-command to have restrained so long
as he did that daring spirit which was so natural to him, and which was
rather the result of his temperament than his character. For my part, I
confess that I always admired him more for what he had the fortitude not
to do than for the boldest exploits he ever performed.
In conformity with the usual form, the proposition of the Tribunate was
transmitted to the Senate. From that time the Senators on whom Bonaparte
most relied were frequent in their visits to the Tuileries. In the
preparatory conferences which preceded the regular discussions in the
Senate it has been ascertained that the majority was not willing that the
marked proof of gratitude should be the Consulate for life; it was
therefore agreed that the reporter should limit his demand to a temporary
prolongation of the dignity of First Consul in favour of Bonaparte. The
reporter, M. de Lacepede, acted accordingly, and limited the prolongation
to ten years, commencing from the expiration of the ten years granted by
the Constitution. I forget which of the Senators first proposed the
Consulate for life; but I well recollect that Cambaceres used all his
endeavours to induce those members of the Senate whom he thought he could
influence to agree to that proposition. Whether from flattery or
conviction I know not, but the Second Consul held out to his colleague,
or rather his master, the hope of complete success Bonaparte on hearing
him shook his head with an air of doubt, but afterwards said to me, "They
will perhaps make some wry faces, but they must come to it at last!"
It was proposed in the Senate that the proposition of the Consulate for
life should take the priority of that of the decennial prolongation; but
this was not agreed to; and the latter proposition being adopted, the
other, of course, could not be discussed.
There was something very curious in the 'Senatus-consulte' published on
the occasion. It spoke in the name of the French people, and stated
that, "in testimony of their gratitude to the Consuls of the Republic,"
the Consular reign was prolonged for ten years; but that the prolongation
was limited to the First Consul only.
Bonaparte, though much dissatisfied with the decision of the Senate,
disguised his displeasure in ambiguous language. When Tronchet, then
President of the Senate, read to him, in a solemn audience, at the head
of the deputation, the 'Senatus-consulte' determining the prorogation,
he said in reply that he could not be certain of the confidence of the
people unless his continuance in the Consulship were sanctioned by their
suffrages. "The interests of my glory and happiness," added he, "would
seem to have marked the close of my public life at the moment when the
peace of the world is proclaimed. But the glory and the happiness of the
citizen must yield to the interests of the State and wishes of the
public. You, Senators, conceive that I owe to the people another
sacrifice. I will make it if the voice of the people commands what your
suffrage authorises."
The true meaning of these words was not understood by everybody, and was
only manifest to those who were initiated in the secret of Bonaparte's
designs. He did not accept the offer of the Senate, because he wished
for something more. The question was to be renewed and to be decided by
the people only; and since the people had the right to refuse what the
Senate offered, they possessed, for the same reason, the right to give
what the Senate did not offer.
The moment now arrived for consulting the Council of State as to the mode
to be adopted for invoking and collecting the suffrages of the people.
For this purpose au extraordinary meeting of the Council of State was
summoned on the 10th of May. Bonaparte wished to keep himself aloof from
all ostensible influence; but his two colleagues laboured for him more
zealously than he could have worked for himself, and they were warmly
supported by several members of the Council. A strong majority were of
opinion that Bonaparte should not only be invested with the Consulship
for life, but that he should be empowered to nominate his successor. But
he, still faithful to his plan, affected to venerate the sovereignty of
the people, which he held in horror, and he promulgated the following
decree, which was the first explanation of his reply to the Senate
The Consuls of the Republic, considering that the resolution of the
First Consul is an homage rendered to the sovereignty of the People,
and that the People, when consulted on their dearest interests, will
not go beyond the limits of those interests, decree as follows:-
First, that the French people shall be consulted on the question
whether Napoleon Bonaparte is to be made Consul for life, etc.
The other articles merely regulated the mode of collecting the votes.
This decree shows the policy of the First Consul in a new point of view,
and displays his art in its fullest extent. He had just refused the less
for the sake of getting the greater; and now he had contrived to get the
offer of the greater to show off his moderation by accepting only the
less. The Council of State sanctioned the proposition for conferring on
the First Consul the right of nominating his successor, and, of his own
accord, the First Consul declined this. Accordingly the Second Consul,
when he, the next day, presented the decree to the Council of State, did
not fail to eulogise this extreme moderation, which banished even the
shadow of suspicion of any ambitious after-thought. Thus the Senate
found itself out-manoeuvred, and the decree of the Consuls was
transmitted at once to the Legislative Body and to the Tribunate.
In the Legislative Body, M. de Vaublanc was distinguished among all the
deputies who applauded the conduct of the Government; and it was he who
delivered the apologetic harangue of the deputation of the Legislative
Body to the First Consul. After having addressed the Government
collectively he ended by addressing the First Consul individually--a sort
of compliment which had not hitherto been put in practice, and which was
far from displeasing him who was its object. As M. de Vaublanc's speech
had been communicated beforehand to the First Consul, the latter prepared
a reply to it which sufficiently showed how much it had gratified him.
Besides the flattering distinction which separated him from the
Government, the plenitude of praise was not tempered by anything like
advice or comment. It was not so with the address of the Tribunate.
After the compliments which the occasion demanded, a series of hopes were
expressed for the future, which formed a curious contrast with the events
which actually ensued. The Tribunate, said the address, required no
guarantee, because Bonaparte's elevated and generous sentiments would
never permit him to depart from those principles which brought about the
Revolution and founded the Republic;--he loved real glory too well ever
to stain that which he had acquired by the abuse of power;--the nation
which he was called to govern was free and generous he would respect and
consolidate her liberty; he would distinguish his real friends, who spoke
truth to him, from flatterers who might seek to deceive him. In short,
Bonaparte would surround himself with the men who, having made the
Revolution, were interested in supporting it.
To these and many other fine things the Consul replied, "This testimony
of the affection of the Tribunate is gratifying to the Government. The
union of all bodies of the State is a guarantee of the stability and
happiness of the nation. The efforts of the Government will be
constantly directed to the interests of the people, from whom all power
is derived, and whose welfare all good men have at heart."
So much for the artifice of governments and the credulity of subjects!
It is certain that, from the moment Bonaparte gained his point in
submitting the question of the Consulate for life to the decision of the
people, there was no longer a doubt of the result being in his favour.
This was evident, not only on account of the influential means which a
government always has at its command, and of which its agents extend the
ramifications from the centre to the extremities, but because the
proposition was in accordance with the wishes of the majority. The
Republicans were rather shy in avowing principles with which people were
now disenchanted;--the partisans of a monarchy without distinction of
family saw their hopes almost realised in the Consulate for life; the
recollection of the Bourbons still lived in some hearts faithful to
misfortune but the great mass were for the First Consul, and his external
acts in the new step he had taken towards the throne had been so
cautiously disguised as to induce a belief in his sincerity. If I and a
few others were witness to his accomplished artifice and secret ambition,
France beheld only his glory, and gratefully enjoyed the blessings of
peace which he had obtained for her. The suffrages of the people
speedily realised the hopes of the First Consul, and thus was founded the
CONSULATE FOR LIFE.