1802.
Bonaparte's principle as to the change of Ministers--Fouche--His
influence with the First Consul--Fouche's dismissal--The departments
of Police and Justice united under Regnier--Madame Bonaparte's
regret for the dismissal of Fouche--Family scenes--Madame Louis
Bonaparte's pregnancy--False and infamous reports to Josephine--
Legitimacy and a bastard--Raederer reproached by Josephine--Her
visit to Ruel--Long conversation with her--Assertion at St. Helena
respecting a great political fraud.
It is a principle particularly applicable to absolute governments that a
prince should change his ministers as seldom as possible, and never
except upon serious grounds. Bonaparte acted on this principle when
First Consul, and also when he became Emperor. He often allowed unjust
causes to influence him, but he never dismissed a Minister without cause;
indeed, he more than once, without any reason, retained Ministers longer
than he ought to have done in the situations in which he had placed them.
Bonaparte's tenacity in this respect, in some instances, produced very
opposite results. For instance, it afforded M. Gaudin' time to establish
a degree of order in the administration of Finance which before his time
had never existed; and on the other hand, it enabled M. Decres to reduce
the Ministry of Marine to an unparalleled state of confusion.
Bonaparte saw nothing in men but helps and obstacles. On the 18th
Brumaire Fouche was a help. The First Consul feared that he would become
an obstacle; it was necessary, therefore, to think of dismissing him.
Bonaparte's most sincere friends had from the beginning been opposed to
Fouche's having any share in the Government. But their disinterested
advice produced no other result than their own disgrace, so influential a
person had Fouche become. How could it be otherwise? Fouche was
identified with the Republic by the death of the King, for which he had
voted; with the Reign of Terror by his sanguinary missions to Lyons and
Nevers; with the Consulate by his real though perhaps exaggerated
services; with Bonaparte by the charm with which he might be said to have
fascinated him; with Josephine by the enmity of the First Consul's
brothers. Who would believe it? Fouche ranked the enemies of the
Revolution amongst his warmest partisans. They overwhelmed him with
eulogy, to the disparagement even of the Head of the State, because the
cunning Minister, practising an interested indulgence, set himself up as
the protector of individuals belonging to classes which, when he was
proconsul, he had attacked in the mass. Director of public opinion, and
having in his hands the means at his pleasure of inspiring fear or of
entangling by inducements, it was all in his favour that he had already
directed this opinion. The machinery he set in motion was so calculated
that the police was rather the police of Fouche than that of the Minister
of the General Police. Throughout Paris, and indeed throughout all
France, Fouche obtained credit for extraordinary ability; and the popular
opinion was correct in this respect, namely, that no man ever displayed
such ability in making it be supposed that he really possessed talent.
Fouche's secret in this particular is the whole secret of the greater
part of those persons who are called statesmen.
Be this as it may, the First Consul did not behold with pleasure the
factitious influence of which Fouche had possessed himself. For some
time past, to the repugnance which at bottom he had felt towards.
Fouche, were added other causes of discontent. In consequence of having
been deceived by secret reports and correspondence Bonaparte began to
shrug up his shoulders with an expression of regret when he received
them, and said, "Would you believe, Bourrienne, that I have been imposed
on by these things? All such denunciations are useless--scandalous.
All the reports from prefects and the police, all the intercepted
letters, are a tissue of absurdities and lies. I desire to have no more
of them." He said so, but he still received them. However, Fouche's
dismissal was resolved upon. But though Bonaparte wished to get rid of
him, still, under the influence of the charm, he dared not proceed
against him without the greatest caution. He first resolved upon the
suppression of the office of Minister of Police in order to disguise the
motive for the removal of the Minister. The First Consul told Fouche
that this suppression, which he spoke of as being yet remote, was
calculated more than anything else to give strength to the Government,
since it would afford a proof of the security and internal tranquillity
of France. Overpowered by the arguments with which Bonaparte supported
his proposition, Fouche could urge no good reasons in opposition to it,
but contented himself with recommending that the execution of the design,
which was good in intention, should, however, be postponed for two years.
Bonaparte appeared to listen favourably to Fouche's recommendation, who,
as avaricious for money as Bonaparte of glory, consoled himself by
thinking that for these two years the administration of the gaming tables
would still be for him a Pactolus flowing with gold. For Fouche, already
the possessor of an immense fortune, always dreamed of increasing it,
though he himself did not know how to enjoy it. With him the ambition of
enlarging the bounds of his estate of Pont-Carre was not less felt than
with the First Consul the ambition of extending the frontier of France.
Not only did the First Consul not like Fouche, but it is perfectly true
that at this time the police wearied and annoyed him. Several times he
told me he looked on it as dangerous, especially for the possessor of
power. In a Government without the liberty of the press he was quite
right. The very services which the police had rendered to the First
Consul were of a nature to alarm him, for whoever had conspired against
the Directory in favour of the Consulate might also conspire against the
Consulate in favour of any other Government. It is needless to say that
I only allude to the political police, and not to the municipal police,
which is indispensable for large towns, and which has the honourable
mission of watching over the health and safety of the citizens.
Fouche, as has been stated, had been Minister of Police since the 18th
Brumaire. Everybody who was acquainted with, the First Consul's
character was unable to explain the ascendency which he had suffered
Fouche to acquire over him, and of which Bonaparte himself was really
impatient. He saw in Fouche a centre around which all the interests of
the Revolution concentrated themselves, and at this he felt indignant;
but, subject to a species of magnetism, he could not break the charm
which enthralled him. When he spoke of Fouche in his absence his
language was warm, bitter, and hostile. When Fouche was present,
Bonaparte's tone was softened, unless some public scene was to be acted
like that which occurred after the attempt of the 3d Nivose.
The suppression of the Ministry of Police being determined on, Bonaparte
did not choose to delay the execution of his design, as he had pretended
to think necessary. On the evening of the 12th of September we went to
Mortfontaine. We passed the next day, which was Monday, at that place,
and it was there, far removed from Fouche, and urged by the combined
persuasions of Joseph and Lucien, that the First Consul signed the decree
of suppression. The next morning we returned to Paris. Fouche came to
Malmaison, where we were, in the regular execution of his duties. The
First Consul transacted business with him as usual without daring to tell
him of his dismissal, and afterwards sent Cambaceres to inform him of it.
After this act, respecting which he had hesitated so long, Bonaparte
still endeavoured to modify his rigour. Having appointed Fouche a
Senator, he said in the letter which he wrote to the Senate to notify the
appointment:
"Fouche, as Minister of Police, in times of difficulty, has by his
talent, his activity, and his attachment to the Government done all
that circumstances required of him. Placed in the bosom of the
Senate, if events should again call for a Minister of Police the
Government cannot find one more worthy of its confidence."
From this moment the departments of Justice and Police united were
confided to the hands of Regnier.' Bonaparte's aversion for Fouche
strangely blinded him with respect to the capabilities of his successor.
Besides, how could the administration of justice, which rests on fixed,
rigid, and unchangeable bases, proceed hand in hand with another
administration placed on the quicksand of instantaneous decisions, and
surrounded by stratagems and deceptions? Justice should never have
anything to do with secret police, unless it be to condemn it.
--[M. Abrial, Minister of Justice, was called to the Senate at the
same time as Fouche. Understanding that the assimilation of the two
men was more a disgrace to Abrial than the mere loss of the
Ministry, the First Consul said to M. Abrial: "In uniting the
Ministry of Police to that of Justice I could not retain yon in the
Ministry, you are too upright a man to manage the police." Not a
flattering speech for Regnier.--Bourrienne.]--
What could be expected from Regnier, charged as he was with incompatible
functions? What, under such circumstances, could have been expected even
from a man gifted with great talents? Such was the exact history of
Fouche's disgrace. No person was more afflicted at it than Madame
Bonaparte, who only leaned the news when it was announced to the public.
Josephine, on all occasions, defended Fouche against her husband's
sallies. She believed that he was the only one of his Ministers who told
him the truth. She had such a high opinion of the way in which Fouche
managed the police that the first time I was alone with her after our
return from Mortfontaine she said to me, "My dear Bourrienne; speak
openly to me; will Napoleon know all about the plots from the police of
Moncey, Duroc, Junot, and of Davoust? You know better than I do that
these are only wretched spies. Has not Savary also eventually got his
police? How all this alarms me. They take away all my supports, and
surround me only with enemies."--"To justify your regrets we should be
sure that Fouche has never been in agreement with Lucien in favour of the
divorce."--"Oh, I do not believe that. Bonaparte does not like him, and
he would have been certain to tell me of it when I spoke favourably to
him of Fouche. You will see that his brothers will end by bringing him
into their plan."
I have already spoken of Josephine's troubles, and of the bad conduct of
Joseph, but more particularly of Lucien, towards her; I will therefore
describe here, as connected with the disgrace of Fouche, whom Madame
Bonaparte regretted as a support, some scenes which occurred about this
period at Malmaison. Having been the confidant of both parties, and an
involuntary actor in those scenes, now that twenty-seven years have
passed since they occurred what motive can induce me to disguise the
truth in any respect?
Madame Louis Bonaparte was enceinte. Josephine, although she tenderly
loved her children, did not seem to behold the approaching event which
the situation of her daughter indicated with the interest natural to the
heart of a mother. She had long been aware of the calumnious reports
circulated respecting the supposed connection between Hortense and the
First Consul, and that base accusation cost her many tears. Poor
Josephine paid dearly for the splendour of her station! As I knew how
devoid of foundation these atrocious reports were, I endeavoured to
console her by telling her what was true, that I was exerting all my
efforts to demonstrate their infamy and falsehood. Bonaparte, however,
dazzled by the affection which was manifested towards him from all
quarters, aggravated the sorrow of his wife by a silly vanity. He
endeavoured to persuade her that these reports had their origin only in
the wish of the public that he should have a child, so that these seeming
consolations offered by self-love to Josephine's grief gave force to
existing conjugal alarms, and the fear of divorce returned with all its
horrors. Under the foolish illusion of his vanity Bonaparte imagined
that France was desirous of being governed even by a bastard if supposed
to be a child of his,--a singular mode truly of founding a new
legitimacy!
Josephine, whose susceptibility appears to me even now excusable, well
knew my sentiments on the subject of Bonaparte's founding a dynasty, and
she had not forgotten my conduct when two years before the question had
been agitated on the occasion of Louis XVIII.'s letters to the First
Consul. I remember that one day, after the publication of the parallel
of Caesar, Cromwell, and Bonaparte, Josephine having entered our cabinet
without being announced, which she sometimes did when from the good
humour exhibited at breakfast she reckoned upon its continuance,
approached Bonaparte softly, seated herself on his knee, passed her hand
gently through his hair and over his face, and thinking the moment
favourable, said to him in a burst of tenderness, "I entreat of you,
Bonaparte, do not make yourself a King! It is that wretch Lucien who
urges you to it. Do not listen to him!" Bonaparte replied, without
anger, and even smiling as he pronounced the last words, "You are mad,
my poor Josephine. It is your old dowagers of the Faubourg St. Germain,
your Rochefoucaulds, who tell you all these fables!...... Come now, you
interrupt me--leave me alone."
What Bonaparte said that day good-naturedly to his wife I have often
heard him declare seriously. I have been present at five or six
altercations on the subject. That there existed, too, an enmity
connected with this question between the family of BEAUHARNAIS and the
family of Bonaparte cannot be denied.
Fouche, as I have stated, was in the interest of Josephine, and Lucien
was the most bitter of her enemies. One day Raederer inveighed with so
much violence against Fouche in the presence of Madame Bonaparte that she
replied with extreme warmth, "The real enemies of Bonaparte are those who
feed him with notions of hereditary descent, of a dynasty, of divorce,
and of marriage!" Josephine could not check this exclamation, as she
knew that Roederer encouraged those ideas, which he spread abroad by
Lucien's direction. I recollect one day when she had been to see us at
our little house at Ruel: as I walked with her along the high road to her
carriage, which she had sent forward, I acknowledged too unreservedly my
fears on account of the ambition of Bonaparte, and of the perfidious
advice of his brothers. "Madame," said I, "if we cannot succeed in
dissuading the General from making himself a King, I dread the future for
his sake. If ever he re-establishes royalty he will in all probability
labour for the Bourbons, and enable them one day to re-ascend the throne
which he shall erect. No one, doubtless, without passing for a fool, can
pretend to say with certainty what series of chances and events such a
proceeding will produce; but common sense alone is sufficient to convince
any one that unfavourable chances must long be dreaded. The ancient
system being re-established, the occupation of the throne will then be
only a family question, and not a question of government between liberty
and despotic power. Why should not France, if it ceases to be free,
prefer the race of her ancient kings? You surely know it. You had not
been married two years when, on returning from Italy, your husband told
me that he aspired to royalty. Now he is Consul for life. Would he but
resolve to stop there! He already possesses everything but an empty
title. No sovereign in Europe has so much power as he has. I am sorry
for it, Madame, but I really believe that, in spite of yourself, you will
be made Queen or Empress."
Madame Bonaparte had allowed me to speak without interruption, but when I
pronounced the words Queen and Empress she exclaimed, "My God!
Bourrienne, such ambition is far from my thoughts. That I may always
continue the wife of the First Consul is all I desire. Say to him all
that you have said to me. Try and prevent him from making himself
King."--"Madame," I replied, "times are greatly altered. The wisest men,
the strongest minds, have resolutely and courageously opposed his
tendency to the hereditary system. But advice is now useless. He would
not listen to me. In all discussions on the subject he adheres
inflexibly to the view he has taken. If he be seriously opposed his
anger knows no bounds; his language is harsh and abrupt, his tone
imperious, and his authority bears down all before him."--"Yet,
Bourrienne, he has so much confidence in you that of you should try once
more!"--"Madame, I assure you he will not listen to me. Besides, what
could I add to the remarks I made upon his receiving the letters of Louis
XVIII., when I fearlessly represented to him that being without children
he would have no one to whom to bequeath the throne--that, doubtless,
from the opinion which be entertained of his brothers, he could not
desire to erect it for them?" Here Josephine again interrupted me by
exclaiming, "My kind friend, when you spoke of children did he say
anything to you? Did he talk of a divorce?"--"Not a word, Madame, I
assure you."--"If they do not urge him to it, I do not believe he will
resolve to do such a thing. You know how he likes Eugene, and Eugene
behaves so well to him. How different is Lucien. It is that wretch
Lucien, to whom Bonaparte listens too much, and of whom, however, he
always speaks ill to me."--"I do not know, Madame, what Lucien says to
his brother except when he chooses to tell me, because Lucien always
avoids having a witness of his interviews with your husband, but I can
assure you that for two years I have not heard the word 'divorce' from
the General's mouth."--"I always reckon on you, my dear Bourrienne; to
turn him away from it; as you did at that time."--"I do not believe he is
thinking of it, but if it recurs to him, consider, Madame, that it will
be now from very different motives: He is now entirely given up to the
interests of his policy and his ambition, which dominate every other
feeling in him. There will not now be any question of scandal, or of a
trial before a court, but of an act of authority which complaisant laws
will justify and which the Church perhaps will sanction."--"That's true.
You are right. Good God! how unhappy I am."
--[When Bourrienne complains of not knowing what passed between
Lucien and Napoleon, we can turn to Lucien's account of Bourrienne,
apparently about this very time. "After a stormy interview with
Napoleon," says Lucien, "I at once went into the cabinet where
Bourrienne was working, and found that unbearable busybody of a
secretary, whose star had already paled more than once, which made
him more prying than ever, quite upset by the time the First Consul
had taken to come out of his bath. He must, or at least might, have
heard some noise, for enough had been made. Seeing that he wanted
to know the cause from me, I took up a newspaper to avoid being
bored by his conversation" (Iung's Lucien, tome ii. p.156)]--
Such was the nature of one of the conversations I had with Madame
Bonaparte on a subject to which she often recurred. It may not perhaps
be uninteresting to endeavour to compare with this what Napoleon said at
St. Helena, speaking of his first wife. According to the Memorial
Napoleon there stated that when Josephine was at last constrained to
renounce all hope of having a child, she often let fall allusions to a
great political fraud, and at length openly proposed it to him. I make
no doubt Bonaparte made use of words to this effect, but I do not believe
the assertion. I recollect one day that Bonaparte, on entering our
cabinet, where I was already seated, exclaimed in a transport of joy
impossible for me to describe, "Well, Bourrienne, my wife is at last
enceinte!" I sincerely congratulated him, more, I own, out of courtesy
than from any hope of seeing him made a father by Josephine, for I well
remembered that Corvisart, who had given medicines to Madame Bonaparte,
had nevertheless assured me that he expected no result from them.
Medicine was really the only political fraud to which Josephine had
recourse; and in her situation what other woman would not have done as
much? Here, then, the husband and the wife are in contradiction, which
is nothing uncommon. But on which side is truth? I have no hesitation
in referring it to Josephine. There is indeed an immense difference
between the statements of a women--trusting her fears and her hopes to
the sole confidant of her family secrets, and the tardy declaration of a
man who, after seeing the vast edifice of his ambition leveled with the
dust, is only anxious, in his compulsory retreat, to preserve intact and
spotless the other great edifice of his glory. Bonaparte should have
recollected that Caesar did not like the idea of his wife being even
suspected.