CHAPTER VII.

_INFANT MORTALITY._

The Registrar-General’s Returns--Town _versus_

Country--Selected Districts--Age-periods and Mortality--Causes

of Death--Preston, Leicester, Blackburn--Relation of Married

Women’s Labour to Infant Mortality--Dr. Tatham’s Evidence--Dr.

Farr’s Tables--Recent Statistics--Deterioration of Survivors.

=The Registrar-General’s Returns.=--It is obvious that the influence

of occupation upon the health of married women cannot be adequately

considered without some inquiry as to its effects upon the life and

health of their children. As is the case with so many other vitally

important branches of industrial life, there is but scanty information

of a statistical kind here to guide us, though there is enough

local information, taken in conjunction with the general statistics

which are published from time to time by the Registrar-General, to

establish a close relation between the employment of married women

and a high infantile rate of mortality. In his annual report, the

Registrar-General goes into the subject in some detail. He begins by

pointing out that the year 1891 showed that the proportion of deaths

of infants under one year to a thousand registered births was 149

per thousand, a proportion which was equalled in 1886, and slightly

exceeded in 1890, but was otherwise higher than in any year of the

preceding decennium. He remarks upon the wide differences to be found

between the rates in the various counties, and the persistence of these

differences from year to year; “the general rule being that the rate is

lowest in the purely agricultural, and highest in the mining counties

and those of the textile industries. It is in the towns of these latter

counties that the infantile mortality assumes the highest proportion;

the three towns which are invariably, or almost invariably, the worst

in this respect being Preston, Leicester, and Blackburn.”

This is highly significant, and but for the fact that statistics have

been successful in isolating several towns associated with certain

industries in which married women are very largely employed, it might

have been urged that the high rate of mortality in the towns was simply

due to density of population, lack of fresh air, space, and sunlight.

But the Registrar-General, by the tables which he has compiled in his

last report, enables us to judge as to the effect upon child life,

first, of country air and conditions; secondly, of the average urban

conditions; and thirdly, of urban conditions plus the employment of

women in factory labour. Seeing that Preston, Leicester, and Blackburn

had the highest infantile death-rates of all the towns included in the

weekly returns from 1881 to 1891, he has selected them for what we will

call Group III. Then he has taken five mining or industrial counties,

namely, Staffordshire, Leicestershire, Lancashire, West Riding, and

Durham; and three agricultural counties, namely, Hertfordshire,

Wiltshire, and Dorsetshire. With the help of the death registers of the

various counties and towns for the years 1889, 1890, and 1891, tables

have been prepared showing the causes of death and the exact ages of

infants under a year old who had died, out of one hundred thousand born

in each of the various districts.

---------+------------------------------+----------------------------

| Of 100,000 born, the numbers | Annual Death Rates per 1000

Age. | surviving at each age. | living in each successive

| | interval of age.

---------+---------+----------+---------+---------+---------+--------

| Three | Five | Three | Three | Five | Three

| Rural |Mining and|Selected | Rural |Mining & |Selected

|Counties.| Manuf’g | Towns. |Counties.|Manuf’g | Towns.

| | Counties.| | |Counties.|

---------+---------+--- ------+---------+---------+---------+--------

At Birth | 100,000 | 100,000 | 100,000 | 213 | 331 | 382

3 mths. | 94,820 | 92,051 | 90,874 | 75 | 154 | 240

6 ” | 93,068 | 88,574 | 85,574 | 61 | 128 | 180

12 ” | 90,283 | 83,081 | 78,197 | -- | -- | --

---------+---------+----------+---------+---------+---------+--------

=Age-periods and Mortality.=--The table shews at a glance that there

are more than double as many deaths in the selected towns as in the

rural counties--22,000 as against 10,000, whilst the manufacturing

counties stand at 17,000. It must, however, be observed that this

last group contains the textile districts and various other typically

unhealthy trade areas, so that it is scarcely a fair criterion. An

examination of more detailed statistics which have been reduced to a

tabular shape shew, as the Registrar-General points out, that in the

rural counties and the three selected towns the mortality is at its

maximum in the first week, falls heavily in the second week, remains

at much the same level during the third week, and then shews a fresh

very considerable decline in the fourth. To summarise his conclusions

as to the points of likeness between counties and towns: “Both shew an

excessively high mortality in the earliest days of life, which becomes

less and less as days, weeks, and months pass by, until the seventh

or eighth month has elapsed, when the decline either is arrested or

becomes very much smaller. In both the mortality is so high in the

first three days, or even in the entire first week, that, were it

maintained without diminution, every infant would die without nearly

completing one year of its existence.” But now coming to the points

of difference. We have seen in the first place that the town rate is

more than twice as high as the country. But the town rate is not merely

higher for the whole period, but higher for each fraction of the year.

Moreover, the town rates are most in excess of the country ones, not

in the earliest weeks or months of infancy, but in the later months.

“In the first week of life, the town rate exceeds the rural rate by 23

per cent., in the second week by 64 per cent., in the third week by 83

per cent., and in the fourth week by 97 per cent. The same result comes

out when the rates for successive months in the counties and towns are

examined. In the first month the town mortality is 27 per cent. above

the rural rate, in the second month 121 above it, and the excess then

goes on increasing until in the sixth month it amounts to no less than

273 per cent. This is the month in which the difference is greatest,

though it remains throughout the rest of the year at a not very much

lower point.” This progressive increase is a most significant fact,

and it is much to be wished that instead of concluding his examination

at the limit of one year of age, the Registrar had continued it, say

up to five years, so that he might have been able to form some notion

of the further loss of life which falls upon the children in the

districts where their mothers are employed in the mills and factories.

There is not space here to reproduce the two tables in which the

Registrar-General enumerates the causes of death in the rural and town

districts, together with the ages at which death takes place. But

these tables are of such extreme importance that it may be well to

compare some of the more general causes of death.

-------------------------------+----------+---------------

| | Preston,

CAUSES. | Rural | Leicester,

|Districts.|and Blackburn.

-------------------------------+----------+---------------

Premature Birth | 1381 | 2279

Diarrhœal Diseases | 481 | 3961

Convulsions and Diseases of | |

the Nervous System | 1381 | 3776

Diseases of Respiratory Organs | 2105 | 3701

Atrophy | 1738 | 2734

----------------------------------------------------------

The following table shews the period of death in the two districts

respectively:--

----------+----------------+-------------------

| |Preston, Leicester,

Age. |Rural Districts.| and Blackburn.

----------+----------------+-------------------

| Deaths. | Deaths.

1 Month | 3488 | 4947

2 Months | 985 | 2130

3 ” | 707 | 2049

4 ” | 673 | 1967

5 ” | 618 | 1749

6 ” | 461 | 1584

7 ” | 483 | 1475

8 ” | 483 | 1226

9 ” | 454 | 1317

10 ” | 476 | 1220

11 ” | 455 | 1110

12 ” | 434 | 1029

----------+----------------+-------------------

=Relation of Married Women’s labour to Infant Mortality. Dr. Tatham’s

Evidence.=--The most striking difference between the rural districts

and the selected towns is in the case of diarrhœa, which, taken with

enteritis, shews a mortality seven times as great in towns as in the

country. These figures tell their own tale, but it may be well to add

the testimony of Dr. Tatham, for many years the medical officer for

Manchester and Salford, as given before the labour Commission. “In the

year 1881 my attention was first seriously directed to the employment

of young mothers in factories, in the course of my investigations

concerning the causes of our abnormally heavy infant mortality, Salford

being one of the great English towns in which infant mortality was

year after year notoriously excessive. As a result of anxious inquiry,

extending over many years, I was, and still am, convinced that very

much of that excessive mortality was due to infant neglect, consequent

on the withdrawal of maternal care within a few weeks of the birth

of the children. In consequence of this practice the infants were

frequently consigned to the care of some ignorant neighbour, or were

nursed at home by an older child of the family. The children were

artificially and often improperly fed, and a heavy death-roll was the

ultimate result.”

Questioned by the Chairman as to the time, in his opinion, a mother

should remain at home after the birth of the child, Dr. Tatham said, “I

should not be consistent if I said less than six months.”

“That of course in your opinion would have a very important influence

upon the rate of mortality?” “I think it would.”

“And upon the nurture of the children?” “I think so.”

“Is it within your experience that a considerable number of young

married women work in factories?” “A very large number.”

“You speak of the effect upon infant mortality; could you say anything

of the effect upon the mothers themselves?” “I have no doubt that

the health of the mothers will be damaged. It must be so, I am sure;

that part of the subject has not engaged my attention so much as this

terrible question of infant mortality.”

It may also be interesting to add the one question which was asked

by the representative of the manufacturing interest, Mr. Tunstill, a

cotton spinner--“Have you considered the financial question that is

involved in this recommendation of yours?” And the answer, “I have

purposely avoided that; I leave that to those much better able to judge

of it than I am.”

=Dr. Farr’s Tables.=--It is most unfortunate that there should be such

a lack of medical and statistical evidence as to the effect of factory

labour upon the health of mothers. For this, I suppose, we shall have

to wait for the gradual development of the human element in statistical

science, though local medical evidence can be produced to shew the

mischief that is constantly caused to the mother’s health. This

question of infant mortality is at any rate beyond the region of the

speculative, and all schools of thought, however divided they may be

by the great controversy between freedom and the regulation of women’s

labour, must be agreed that it would be nothing short of a national

disgrace to allow matters to drift on year after year as they have

been doing for many years past. It is now twenty years since Dr. Farr,

the great health statistician, shewed the waste of life that was going

on in the textile centres. He took the towns of Oldham, Nottingham,

Manchester, Salford, Leeds, Norwich, Portsmouth, and London, found

the number of women of twenty years and upwards who were engaged in

the textile manufactures and household duties in each, and then worked

out the particulars of infant mortality from 1873 to 1875. The result,

which is to be found in a table in his work on _Vital Statistics_, is

extremely striking. Thus, in Oldham, where 11,178 women were set down

as engaged in textile manufacture, out of a total of 32,343 women of

twenty years of age and upwards, the infant death rate per thousand

births stood at 180; in Nottingham, where upwards of half the women

were similarly employed, at 200; in Manchester and Salford, where a

quarter of the women were engaged in textile manufacture, at 188; in

Portsmouth, where there is no textile work, 146; and in London, where

there is also none, 159.

=Recent Statistics.=--But in 1891 the infantile death rate in the

worst textile towns exceeded any of the figures produced by Dr. Farr.

Thus in Preston the mortality was 220. There is a slight improvement,

but only slight, in the other towns investigated by Dr. Farr. Thus

in Oldham the rate is 171 instead of 180, in Manchester 178 instead

of 188. None of the figures that have been published, however, give

anything like an adequate account of the real state of affairs. What we

want is a statement confined to the children of those employed in any

given industry where married women’s labour is prevalent. To take an

entire town like Manchester or Salford is only to approximate to the

facts. In both these towns there are healthy suburbs and large numbers

of well-to-do people whose children are taken away every year to the

seaside, and there are many industries which are healthy, and where no

women’s labour is employed. But anyone who cares to take the trouble

to examine the Registrar’s report, and to work out the death rates of

the poorer quarters of Manchester and Salford, Bradford, Burnley, and

Blackburn, or to take the Potteries and make similar calculations for

Hanley, Burslem, and Stoke will be appalled by the contrast between the

figures of those places and the rural death rate. He will find that,

instead of being twice as high, the rate of infant mortality is even

four or five times as high as in the country districts. Such figures

as we have however, are sufficient, as I have said, to shew the close

connection between the employment of mothers in mills and the death of

children.

=Deterioration of Survivors.=--As to the deterioration of the survivors

there can be no question. The evidence of Dr. Tarrop, quoted before,

and of other certifying surgeons is conclusive on this point. That

school of thought which frames its industrial policy on the theory of

the survival of the fittest, can scarcely point to any very triumphant

results in the districts which we have been considering. They may

assert, and will no doubt continue to assert, that the wholesale

sweeping-off of damaged lives in the early months is a great boon

to the race, and that the survivors, having stood the ordeal, are

presumably more or less seasoned for the discharge of their functions.

It must be pointed out, however, that the tests applied are one and

all unnatural ones, and that if the laws of nature are to be consulted

we shall be right in assuming that the children who have died are

those who were best fitted to live. For what are we to think of the

standard of living which subjects all new-comers to their capacity

of assimilating adulterated and unhealthy food, dispensing with

maternal care, breathing air which is foul, and existing without

sunshine? Yet this is the kind of test which the pseudo-scientists of

the day are so proud of applying, and the result is a weedy, sickly,

unnatural generation, brought up without regard to any one of the

most fundamental laws of nature. It would be every bit as reasonable

to evolve a system of botany which rejected, as extinct or dying,

families of plants, which could not be cultivated in a dark chamber or

in a refrigerator, as to create conditions of industrial life without

reference to the laws of nature or the teachings of health, and then to

argue that the fitness of the race depends upon compliance with them.

Women's Work · 第 7 / 8 章