to the cause of liberty.
"Severe laws were also passed against the Tories in New Hampshire, New
York, New Jersey, and Virginia, and in nearly all the colonies now
seaboard States.
"John Jay thought the Confiscation Act of New York inexcusable and
disgraceful."[402]
Mr. Hildreth remarks: "Very serious was the change in the legal position
of the class known as Tories--in many of the States a very large
minority, and in all, respectable for wealth and social position. Of
those thus stigmatized, some were inclined to favour the utmost claims
of the mother country; but _the greater part, though determined to
adhere to the British connection, yet deprecated the policy which had
brought on so fatal a quarrel_. This loyal minority, especially its more
conspicuous members, as the warmth of political feeling increased, had
been exposed to the violence of mobs, and to all sorts of personal
indignities, in which private malice or a wanton and violent spirit of
mischief had been too often gratified under the guise of patriotism. By
the recent political changes, Tories and suspected persons became
exposed to dangers from the law as well as from mobs. Having boldly
seized the reins of government, the new State authorities claimed the
allegiance of all residents within their limits, and under the lead and
recommendation of Congress, those who refused to acknowledge their
authority, or who adhered to their enemies, were exposed to severe
penalties, confiscation of property, imprisonment, banishment, and
finally death."[403]
Thus was a large minority of the most wealthy and intelligent (their
wealth and intelligence making them the greater criminals) inhabitants
of the colonies, by the act of a new body not known to the Constitutions
of any of their provinces, reduced to the alternative of violating their
convictions, consciences, and oaths, or being branded and treated as
enemies of their country, deprived not only of the freedom of the press
and of speech, but made criminals for even neutrality and silence, and
their property confiscated to defray the expenses of a war upon
themselves. Had Congress, in July, 1776, maintained the principles and
objects it avowed even in the autumn of 1775, there would have been no
occasion of thus violating good faith and common justice to the large
minority of the colonies; there is every reason to believe that there
would have been a universal rallying, as there had been the year before,
in defence of the constitutional rights of Englishmen and the unimpaired
life of the empire; there would have been a far larger military force of
enthusiastic and patriotic volunteers collected and organized to defend
those rights than could ever afterwards be embodied to support
independence; there would have been a union of the friends of
constitutional liberty on both sides of the Atlantic; good faith would
have been kept on both sides, and the "millions in England and
Scotland," sustained by the millions in America, instead of being
abandoned by them in the very crisis of the contest in the mother
country, would have achieved in less than a twelvemonth a victory for
freedom, for civilization, and for humanity, far beyond what had been
accomplished in the English Revolution of 1688.
V. The Declaration of Independence was the commencement of weakness in
the army of its authors, and of defeats in their fields of battle. The
Declaration has been announced as the birth of a nation, though it was
actually the dismemberment of a nation. It was hailed with every
demonstration of joy and triumph on the part of those who had been
prepared for the event, and no efforts were spared on the part of those
who had advocated independence in the army, in the Congress, and in the
provinces, to accompany the circulation of the Declaration with every
enthusiastic expression of delight and anticipated free government, in
which, of course, they themselves would occupy the chief places of
profit and power. But this enthusiasm, notwithstanding the glowing
descriptions of some American historians, was far from being general or
ardent. Lord Mahon says: "As sent forth by Congress, the Declaration of
Independence having reached the camp of Washington, was, by his orders
(as commanded by Congress), read aloud at the head of every regiment.
There, as in most other places, it excited much less notice than might
have been supposed." An American author of our own day (President Reed),
most careful in his statements, and most zealous in the cause of
independence, observes that "No one can read the private correspondence
of the times without being struck with the slight impression made on
either the army or the mass of the people by the Declaration."[404]
The Adjutant-General, in his familiar and almost daily letters to his
wife, does not even allude to it. But though there was little
enthusiasm, there were some excesses. At New York a party of soldiers,
with tumultuary violence, tore down and beheaded a statue of the King
which stood upon Broadway, having been erected only six years before.
Washington, greatly to his honour, did not shrink from the duty of
rebuking them next day, in his General Orders, for their misdirected
zeal.[405]
Within a few weeks after the Declaration of Independence, Washington's
army, composed of forces raised before that Declaration, consisted of
27,000 men--a larger army than he was ever after able to assemble, and
more than twice as large as he commanded within a few months afterwards.
It has been seen with what readiness, zeal, and enthusiasm thousands and
tens of thousands of volunteers offered their services during the year
1775, and the first part of the year 1776, in defence of British
liberty, in union with the friends of civil liberty and defenders of
American liberty in England; but when, after the Declaration of the 4th
of July, 1776, the cause became one of Congressional liberty instead of
British liberty, of separation from the mother country instead of union
with it, of a new form of government instead of one to which they had
sworn allegiance, and which they had ever lauded and professed to
love,--then, in these novel circumstances, the provincial army dwindled
from day to day by desertions, as well as from other causes, and
recruiting its ranks could only be effected by bounties in money and
the promise of lands; the uninterrupted victories of the colonists
during the twelve months previous to the Declaration of Independence
were succeeded by uninterrupted defeats during the twelve months
succeeding it, with the exception of the brilliant and successful
surprise raids which Washington made upon _Trenton_ and _Princeton_. But
these exploits were wholly owing to Washington's skill, and sleepless
energy, and heroic courage, with feeble forces, in contrast to the
lethargy and self-indulgence of the English officers on the one hand and
the inactivity of Congress on the other.
The first trial of strength and courage between the English and
revolutionary forces took place in August, a few weeks after the
Declaration of Independence, in the battle of Long Island, in which
Washington's army was completely defeated; New York and all New Jersey
soon fell into the hands of the British. For this success General Howe
received the honour of knighthood, as did General Carlton for similar
success in Canada--the one becoming Sir William Howe, and the other Sir
Guy Carlton; but neither did much afterwards to merit the honour. The
English officers seemed to have anticipated a pastime in America instead
of hard fighting and severe service, and the German mercenaries
anticipated rich plunder and sensual indulgence.
In the autumn and winter following Washington's defeat at Long Island
and forced evacuation of New York, and indeed of New Jersey, Sir William
Howe buried himself in self-indulgent inactivity for six months in New
York; while a portion of his army sought quarters and plunder, and
committed brutal acts of sensuality, in the chief places of New Jersey.
Loyalty seems to have been the prevalent feeling of New Jersey on the
first passing of the King's troops through it.[406]
This is stated on unquestionable authority (see the previous note);
scarcely any of the inhabitants joined the American retreating army,
while numbers were daily flocking to the royal army. But within twelve
months, when that royal army passed through the same country, on the
evacuation of Philadelphia by Sir Henry Clinton (Sir William Howe having
returned to England), the inhabitants were universally hostile, instead
of being universally loyal, as the year before. The royal historian
says:
"In setting out on this dangerous retreat, the British general clearly
perceived that it would be indispensably necessary to provide for all
possible contingencies. _His way lay entirely through an enemy's
country, where everything was hostile in the extreme, and from whence no
assistance or help of any sort was to be expected._"[407]
The causes of this change in the feelings of the inhabitants of the
Jerseys, in the space of a few months, in regard to the British army and
mother country, will be a subject of future inquiry; but, in the
meantime, the manifest failure of the revolutionary army to maintain its
position during the twelve months following the Declaration of
Independence, its declining numbers, and the difficulty of recruiting
its ranks, show that the act of violent severance from the mother
country did not spring from the heart and intellect of the colonists,
but from a portion of them which had obtained all the resources of
material and military power, under the profession of defending their
rights as British subjects, with a view to ultimate reconciliation and
union with the mother country; but had used their advantages to declare
severance from the mother country, to excite hatred against it, and
establish themselves in sovereignty over America. Referring to the state
of the colonies toward the close of 1777, the latest American historian,
Mr. Frothingham, says:
"This was a period of great political languor. The burden of the war was
severely felt. The blaze of freedom, it was said, that burst forth at
the beginning had gone down, and numbers, in the thirst for riches, lost
sight of the original object. (Independent Chronicle, March 12, 1778.)
'Where,' wrote Henry Laurens (successor to John Hancock as the President
of the Congress) to Washington, 'where is virtue, where is patriotism
now, when almost every man has turned his thoughts and attention to gain
and pleasures?'" (Letter, November 20, 1778.)[408]
VI. The Declaration of Independence was the avowed expedient and prelude
to a sought-for alliance with France and Spain against the mother
country, notwithstanding they had sought for a hundred years to
extirpate the colonists, and had been prevented from "driving them into
the sea" by the aid of the army and navy and vast expenditure of the
mother country.
It seems difficult to reconcile with truthfulness, fairness, and
consistency, the intrigues and proposed terms of alliance between the
leaders of Congress and the King of France. These intrigues commenced
several months before the Declaration of Independence, when the authors
of it were disclaiming any wish or design to separate from England, and
their desire for reconciliation with the mother country by a recognition
of their rights as they existed in 1763. As early as December, 1775, six
months before the Declaration of Independence, a Congress Secret
Committee of Correspondence wrote to Arthur Lee, in London (a native of
Virginia, but a practising barrister in London), and Charles Dumas, at
the Hague, requesting them to ascertain the feeling of European Courts
respecting America, enjoining "great circumspection and secrecy."[409]
They hoped most from France; but opposition was made in Congress when it
was first suggested to apply for aid to the ancient enemy both of the
colonies and England. Dr. Zubly, of Georgia, said: "A proposal has been
made to apply to France and Spain. I apprehend the man who would propose
it (to his constituents) would be torn to pieces like De Witt." Within
three months after the utterance of these words in Congress, M. de
Bouvouloir, agent of the French Government, appeared in Philadelphia,
held secret conferences with the Secret Committee, and assured them that
France was ready to aid the colonies on such conditions as might be
considered equitable. These conferences were so secret that De
Bouvouloir says that "the Committee met him at an appointed place after
dark, each going to it by a different road."[410]
A few weeks later, the Secret Committee appointed Silas Deane commercial
agent to Europe (March 3), to procure military supplies, and to state to
the French Minister, Count Vergennes, the probability of the colonies
totally separating from England; that France was looked upon as the
power whose friendship they should most desire to cultivate; and to
inquire whether, in case of their independence, France would acknowledge
it, and receive their Ambassadors.
In April, 1776, three months before the Declaration of Independence, the
inquiry was made of Franklin, "When is the Continental Congress by
general consent to be formed into a Supreme Legislature?" He replied,
"Nothing seems wanting but that general consent. The novelty of the
thing deters some; the doubt of success, others; _the vain hope of
reconciliation, many_. Every day furnishes us with new causes of
increasing enmity, and new reasons for _wishing an eternal separation_;
so that there is a rapid increase of the _formerly small party_ who were
for an independent government."[411]
From these words of Dr. Franklin, as well as from the facts stated in
the preceding pages, it is clear the Declaration of Independence was not
the spontaneous voice of a continent, as represented by many American
historians, but the result of a persistent agitation on the part of the
leaders in Congress, and their agents and partizans in the several
provinces, who _now_ represented every act of the corrupt Administration
in England as the act of the _nation_, and thus sought to alienate the
affections of the colonists from the mother country. Upon Dr. Franklin's
own authority, it is clear that he was opposed to any reconciliation
with England and in favour of an "eternal separation" months before the
Declaration of Independence; that the party "for an independent
government" were "the formerly small party," but had "a rapid increase,"
which Dr. Franklin and his friends knew so well how to promote, while
they amused and deceived the friends of the unity of the empire, in
both England and America, by professing an earnest desire for
reconciliation with the mother country.
The same double game was played against England by the French Government
and the secret leaders of the American Congress, the latter professing a
desire for reconciliation with England, and the former professing the
warmest friendship for England and disapprobation of the separation of
the colonies from England, while both parties were secretly consulting
together as to the means of dismembering the British empire. "It was,"
says Dr. Ramsay, "evidently the interest of France to encourage the
Americans in their opposition to Great Britain; and it was true policy
to do this by degrees, and in a private manner, lest Great Britain might
take the alarm. It is certain that Great Britain was amused with
declarations of the most pacific disposition on the part of France, at
the time the Americans were liberally supplied with the means of
defence; and it is equally certain that this was the true line of policy
for promoting that dismemberment of the British empire which France had
an interest in accomplishing. It was the interest of Congress to apply
to the Court of France, and it was the interest of France to listen to
their application."[412]
The application for alliance with France to war with England was far
from being the voice of America. The fact that it was under discussion
in Congress three months before it could be carried, shows how strong
must have been the opposition to it in Congress itself, and how vigorous
and persevering must have been the efforts to manipulate a majority of
its members into acquiescing in an application for arms, money, and men
to a Government which was and had always been the enemy of civil and
Protestant liberty--which had hired savage Indians to butcher and scalp
their forefathers, mothers, and children, without regard to age or sex,
and which had sought to destroy their very settlements, and drive them
into the sea, while the British Government had preserved them from
destruction and secured to them the American continent. It is easy to
conceive how every British heart in America must have revolted at the
idea of seeking to become brother warriors with the French against the
mother country. Nor was the proceeding known in America until America
was committed to it, for the Congress made itself a secret conclave; its
sittings were held in secret; no divisions were allowed to be recorded;
its debates were suppressed; its members were sworn to secrecy; the
minorities had no means of making known their views to the public; it
was decided by the majority that every resolution published should be
reported as having been adopted _unanimously_, though actually carried
by the slenderest majority. The proceedings of that elected Congress,
which converted itself into a secret conclave, were never fully known
until the present century, and many of them not until the present age,
by the biographies of the men and the private correspondence of the
times of the American Revolution. The United Empire Loyalists of those
times were not permitted to speak for themselves, and their principles,
character and acts were only known from the pens of their adversaries.
Had the heart of America been allowed to speak and act, there would have
been no alliance of America, France, and Spain against England; the
American colonies would have achieved their own noblest freedom
unstained by future bloodshed, and untainted by so unnatural an
alliance; the Anglo-Saxon race and language would have been one, and
greatly more advanced than it now is in the cause of the world's freedom
and civilization.
History has justly censured, in the severest language, the conduct of
Lord North's Administration for employing German mercenaries to aid in
maintaining the assumed prerogative of King and Parliament in the
colonies; but was it less censurable and more patriotic for the
administrative leaders in Congress to engage French and Spanish forces,
both at sea and land, to invade Great Britain and her possessions, and
to unite with Republicans for the dismemberment of the British empire?
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 393: Judge Marshall's History of the American Colonies, Chap.
XIV., pp. 449-451.]
[Footnote 394: _Ib._, p. 457.]
[Footnote 395: "The commencement of hostilities on the 19th of April,
1775, exhibited the parent State in an odious point of view. But,
nevertheless, at that time, and for a twelvemonth after, a majority of
the colonists wished for no more than to be re-established as subjects
in their ancient rights. Had independence been their object, even at the
commencement of hostilities, they would have rescinded the associations
which have been already mentioned, and imported more largely than ever.
Common sense revolts at the idea that colonists, unfurnished with
military stores and wanting manufactures of every kind, should, at the
time of their intending a serious struggle for independence, by a
voluntary agreement, deprive themselves of the obvious means of
procuring such foreign supplies as their circumstances might make
necessary. Instead of pursuing a line of conduct which might have been
dictated by a wish for independence, they continued their exports for
nearly a year after they ceased to import. This not only lessened the
debts they owed to Great Britain, but furnished additional means for
carrying on war against themselves. To aim at independence, and at the
same time to transfer their resources to their enemies, could not have
been the policy of an enlightened people. It was not till some time in
1776 that the colonists began to take other ground, and contend that it
was for their interest to be for ever separated from Great Britain."
(Dr. Ramsay's History of the United States, Vol. II., Chap, xii., pp.
158, 159.)]
[Footnote 396: Lord Mahon says: "In framing this measure, he sought the
aid and counsel of Dr. Franklin. Already, in the month of August
preceding, they had become acquainted, through the mediation of Lord
Stanhope, who carried Dr. Franklin to Hayes (the residence of Lord
Chatham). Lord Chatham had then referred to the idea which began to
_prevail in England, that America aimed at setting up for herself as a
separate State. The truth of any such idea was loudly denied by Dr.
Franklin_. 'I assured his lordship,' Dr. Franklin said, 'that having
more than once travelled almost from one end of the continent to the
other, and kept a great variety of company, eating and drinking and
conversing with them freely, I never had heard from any person, drunk or
sober, the least expression of a wish for separation, or hint that such
a thing would be advantageous to America.... In fine, Lord Chatham
expressed much satisfaction in my having called upon him, _and
particularly in the assurances I had given him that America did not aim
at independence_.'" (Works, Vol. V., p. 7, ed. 1844.)
The Earl of Chatham's last speech was an appeal against the separation
of the American colonies from England, and his last words were: "My
lords, I rejoice that the grave has not closed upon me; that I am still
alive to lift up my voice against the dismemberment of this ancient and
most noble monarchy." (Bancroft, Vol. IX., p. 495.)]
[Footnote 397: "In the beginning of the memorable year 1776, there was a
public opinion in favour of independence in New England, and but little
more than individual preferences for it in the Middle or Southern
colonies. So deeply seated was the affection for the mother country,
that it required all the severe acts of war, directed by an inexorable
Ministry and the fierce words from the throne, to be made fully known
throughout America before the _majority_ of the people could be
persuaded to renounce their allegiance and assume the sovereignty.
Jefferson says that Samuel Adams was constantly holding caucuses with
distinguished men, in which the measures to be pursued were generally
determined upon, and their several parts were assigned to the actors who
afterwards appeared in them." (Frothingham's Rise of the Republic of the
United States, pp. 468, 469.)]
[Footnote 398: Quoted by Bancroft, Vol. VII., p. 234.]
[Footnote 399: "Millions in England and Scotland" (said John Adams, who
nominated Washington as Commander-in-Chief, and was afterwards President
of the United States)--"millions in England and Scotland think it
unrighteous, impolitic, and ruinous to make war upon us; and a Minister,
though he may have a marble heart, will proceed with a desponding
spirit. London has bound her members under their hands to assist us;
Bristol has chosen two known friends of America; many of the most
virtuous of the nobility and gentry are for us, and among them a St.
Asaph, a Camden, and a Chatham; the best bishop that adorns the bench,
as great a judge as the nation can boast, and the greatest statesman it
ever saw." (Bancroft's History of the United States, Vol. VII., Chap.
xxi, p. 235.)]
[Footnote 400: History of the American Revolution, Vol. I., Chap. xiii.,
p. 353.]
[Footnote 401: It was the plea then, as it had and has always been in
all tyranny, whether wielded by an individual or an oligarchy or a
committee, whether under the pretext of liberty or of order, to
persecute all dissenting parties, under profession of preventing
division and promoting unity. But the true friends of liberty, even in
perilous times, have always relied upon the justice of their principles
and excellence of their policy and measures for support and success, and
not upon the prison, the gallows, and the impoverishment of the
dissenters by plunder. The Congress itself had declared to England that
the "colonists were a unit" in behalf of liberty; but their own
enactments and proceedings against the Loyalists refuted their own
statements. Even in England, tyrannical and corrupt as was the
Government at the time, and divided as were both Parliament and people,
and assailed by foreign and domestic enemies, the proceedings of both
Houses of Parliament were open to the public; every member was not only
free to express his opinions, but those opinions were forthwith
published to the world, and every man throughout the kingdom enjoyed
freedom of opinion. It was reserved for the American Congress, while
professing to found liberty, to conduct its proceedings in secret for
eleven years, to suppress the freedom of the press and individual
freedom of opinion, and to treat as criminals those who dissented from
its acts of policy. The private biography and letters of the principal
actors in the American revolution, published during the present century,
show (with the exception of Washington and very few others) that
individual ambition had quite as much to do in the contest of separation
from the mother country as patriotic love of constitutional liberty,
which, even at this day, in the United States, is not comparable with
that of Great Britain--some of the ablest American writers being
judges.]
[Footnote 402: Elliott's New England History, Vol. II., Chap. xxvii.,
pp. 369-375.
"A large number of the merchants in all the chief commercial towns of
the colonies were openly hostile, or but coldly inclined to the common
cause. General Lee, sent to Newport (Rhode Island) to advise about
throwing up fortifications, _called the principal persons among the
disaffected before him, and obliged them by a tremendous oath to support
the authority of Congress_. The Assembly met shortly after, and passed
an Act subjecting to death, with confiscation of property, all who
should hold intercourse with or assist the British ships. But to save
Newport from destruction it presently became necessary to permit a
certain stated supply to be furnished to the British ships from that
town." (Hildreth's History of the United States, Vol. III., Chap.
xxxii., p. 102.)
"In the Middle colonies the unwillingness to separate from Great Britain
was greater than in the colonies either to the North or South. One
reason probably was, that in this division were the towns of New York
and Philadelphia, which greatly profited by their trade to England, and
which contained a larger proportion of English and Scotch merchants,
who, with few exceptions, were attached to the royal cause." (Tucker's
History of the United States, Vol. I., p. 150.)]
[Footnote 403: History of the United States, Vol. III., Chap. xxxiii.,
pp. 137, 138.
On the 18th of June, 1776, about two weeks before adopting the
Declaration of Independence, Congress "_Resolved_,--That no man in these
colonies charged with being a Tory, or unfriendly to the cause of
American liberty, be injured in his person or property, unless the
proceeding against him be founded on an order of Congress or Committee,"
etc. But this resolution amounted practically to nothing. It seems to
have been intended to allay the fears and weaken the opposition of
loyalists, but contributed nothing for their protection, or to mitigate
the cruel persecutions everywhere waged against them.]
[Footnote 404: Life and Correspondence of President Reed, Vol. I., p.
195. Washington, however, in his public letter to Congress (unless Mr.
Jared Sparks has _improved_ this passage), says that the troops had
testified their "warmest approbation." (Writings, Vol. III., p. 457.)]
[Footnote 405: Lord Mahon's History of England from the Peace of
Utrecht, Vol. VI., Chap. liv., pp. 161, 162.
Lord Mahon adds: "It was at this inauspicious juncture, only a few hours
after independence had been proclaimed in the ranks of his opponents,
that the bearer of the pacific commission, Lord Howe, arrived off Sandy
Hook. He had cause to regret most bitterly both the delay of his passage
and the limitation of his powers. He did not neglect, however, whatever
means of peace were still within his reach. He sent on shore a
declaration, announcing to the people the object of his mission. He
despatched a friendly letter, written at sea, to Dr. Franklin, at
Philadelphia. But when Franklin's answer came it showed him wholly
adverse to a reconciliation, expressing in strong terms his resentment
of the 'atrocious injuries' which, as he said, America had suffered from
'your unformed and proud nation.' Lord Howe's next step was to send a
flag of truce, with another letter, to Washington. But here a
preliminary point of form arose. Lord Howe, as holding the King's
commission, could not readily acknowledge any rank or title not derived
from his Majesty. He had therefore directed his letter to 'George
Washington, Esq.' On the other hand, Washington, feeling that, in his
circumstances, to yield a punctilio would be to sacrifice a principle,
declined to receive or open any letter not addressed to him as General.
Thus at the very outset this negotiation was cut short."--_Ib._, pp.
162, 163.]
[Footnote 406: After the battle of Long Island and the evacuation of New
York, "six thousand men, led by Earl Cornwallis, were landed on the
Jersey side. At their approach the Americans withdrew in great haste to
Fort Lee, leaving behind their artillery and stores. Washington himself
had no other alternative than to give way with all speed as his enemy
advanced. He fell back successively upon Brunswick, upon Princeton, upon
Trenton, and at last to the Pennsylvania side of the Delaware. To all
these places, one after another, did Lord Cornwallis, though slowly, and
with little vigour, pursue him.
"This fair province of the Jerseys, sometimes called the Garden of
America, did not certainly on this occasion prove to be its bulwark. The
scene is described as follows by one of their own historians, Dr.
Ramsay: 'As the retreating Americans marched through the country,
scarcely one of the inhabitants joined them, while numbers were daily
flocking to the royal army to make their peace and obtain protection.
They saw on the one side a numerous, well-appointed, and full-clad army,
dazzling their eyes with their elegance of uniforms; on the other a few
poor fellows who, from their shabby clothing, were called ragamuffins,
fleeing for their safety. Not only the common people changed sides in
this gloomy state of public affairs, but some of the leading men in New
Jersey and Pennsylvania adopted the same expedient.'
"Yet it is scarcely just to the Americans to ascribe, with Dr. Ramsay,
their change of sides to nothing beyond their change of fortune. May we
not rather believe that a feeling of concern at the separation, hitherto
suppressed in terror, was now first freely avowed--that in New Jersey,
and not in New Jersey alone, an active and bold minority had been able
to overrule numbers much larger, but more quiescent and complying?
"Another remark made by the same historian might, as history shows, be
extended to other times and countries besides his own. The men who had
been the vainest braggarts, the loudest blusterers in favour of
independence, were now the first to veer around or to slink away. This
remark, which Dr. Ramsay makes only four years afterwards, is fully
confirmed by other documents of earlier date, but much later
publication, by the secret correspondence of the time. Thus writes the
Adjutant-General: 'Some of our Philadelphia gentlemen, who came over on
visits, upon the first cannon went off in a violent hurry. Your noisy
Sons of Liberty are, I find, the quietest in the field.' Thus again
Washington, with felicitous expression, points a paragraph at the
'chimney-corner heroes.'
"At this period the effective force under Washington had dwindled down
to four thousand men.
"The Congress at this juncture, like most other public assemblies,
seemed but slightly affected by the dangers which as yet were not close
upon them. On the 11th of December they passed some resolutions
contradicting, as false and malicious, a report that they intended to
remove from Philadelphia. They declared that they had a higher opinion
of the good people of these States than to suppose such a measure
requisite, and that they would not leave the city of Philadelphia
'unless the last necessity shall direct it.' These resolutions were
transmitted by the President to Washington, with a request that he would
publish them to the army in General Orders. Washington, in reply,
excused himself from complying with that suggestion. In thus declining
it, he showed his usual sagacity and foresight; for on the very next day
after the first resolution, the Congress underwent a sudden revulsion of
opinion, and did not scruple to disperse in all haste, to meet again the
20th of the same month, not at Philadelphia, but at Baltimore." (Lord
Mahon's History of England, etc., Vol. VI., Chap. liv., pp. 189-193.)]
[Footnote 407: Dr. Andrews' History of the American War, etc., Vol.
III., Chap. xxxv., p. 111.]
[Footnote 408: Frothingham's Rise of the American Republic, Chap. xii.,
p. 572.]
[Footnote 409: The Life of Arthur Lee (I., p. 53) contains the letter to
Lee, copied from the original MSS. in the handwriting of Franklin, dated
December 12, 1775, and signed by Franklin, Dickenson, and Jay.]
[Footnote 410: Frothingham's Rise of the American Republic, Chap, xi.,
p. 488.]
[Footnote 411: Franklin to Josiah Quincy, April 15, 1776. Sparks' Works,
Vol. VIII., p. 181.]
[Footnote 412: History of the United States, Vol. II., Chap. xv., pp.
242, 243.
The same historian observes: "On the 11th of June, Congress appointed a
Committee to prepare a plan of a treaty to be proposed to foreign
powers. The discussion of this novel subject engaged their attention
till the latter end of September. Congress having agreed on the plan of
the treaty which they intended to propose to the King of France,
proceeded to elect commissioners to solicit its acceptance. Dr.
Franklin, Silas Deane, and Thomas Jefferson were chosen. The latter
declining to serve, Arthur Lee, who was then in London, and had been
very serviceable to his country in a variety of ways, was elected in his
room. It was resolved that no member should be at liberty to divulge
anything more of these transactions than 'that Congress had taken such
steps as they judged necessary for obtaining foreign alliances.'"--_Ib._,
p., 242, 243.
It is worthy of remark, that although Dr. Franklin consented to act as
one of the commissioners to France, he opposed the application itself;
for he himself wrote a few months afterwards as follows: "I have never
yet changed the opinions I gave in Congress, that a virgin state should
preserve a virgin character, and not go about suitoring for alliances,
but wait with decent dignity for the applications of others. I was
overruled, perhaps for the best." (Works, Vol. VIII., p. 209.)]
GENERAL INDEX.
Abercrombie (General)--Arrives in America with the troops, and forty
German officers to drill and command regiments in America (which
gives offence to the Colonists). i. 257.
Is disgracefully defeated by Montcalm (though commanding the largest
force ever assembled in America). i. 258.
With General Loudoun, hesitates and delays at Albany, while the French
generals are active and successful. i. 258.
Adams (John)--The prompter and adviser of hanging "Tories." ii. 127.
Address of Governor Winthrop and his company on leaving England, in
1630, to their "Fathers and Brethren of the Church of England,"
declaring their filial and undying love to the Church of England,
as their "dear mother," from whose breasts they had derived their
nourishment. i. 55.
Alliance between Congress and the Kings of France not productive of
the effect anticipated, and deferred twelve months by France after
it had been applied for by Congress. ii. 1.
American Affairs--Misrepresented in the English Parliament and by
the English Press. i. 390.
American boastings groundless over the surrender of Cornwallis. ii. 46.
American Colonies--Their position in regard to England and other nations
at the Peace of Paris, 1763. i. 274.
American Revolution--primary cause of it. i. 30.
American treatment of Canadians by Americans who invaded them. ii. 464.
Invasions of Canada, and their forces. ii. 262.
Amherst (Lord)--Supersedes Abercrombie as Commander-in-Chief, assisted
by General Wolfe. i. 260.
Plans three expeditions, all of which are successful. i. 261.
His energetic movements. i. 262.
He receives all Canada for the King from the French. i. 267.
His parting address to the army. i. 268.
Anderson (Samuel). ii. 192.
Andros (Edmond)--Appointed local Governor of Massachusetts Bay, and
Governor-General of New England; his tyranny; seized at Boston and
sent prisoner to England. i. 215.
(Examined)--Acquitted by King William in Council, because he had acted
according to his instructions. i. 215.
Articles of treaty and preamble. ii. 56.
Associations in the Colonies against the use of tea imported from
England. i. 370.
Bancroft--Confirms the statement as to the aggressions and pretensions of
the Massachusetts Bay Government. i. 200.
His interpretations against England. i. 247.
Baptists--The persecution of them instigated by the Rev. Messrs. Wilson
and Newton, and justified by the Rev. Mr. Cotton. i. 120.
Barnard (Governor)--His reply to the Massachusetts Legislative
Assembly. i. 357.
His recall and character. i. 359.
Bethune (Rev. John). ii. 192.
Boston and Massachusetts--Three Acts of Parliament against, all infringing
and extinguishing the heretofore acknowledged constitutional rights of
the people. i. 389.
Boston--In great distress; addresses of sympathy and contributions from
other towns and provinces.
Fourth Act of Parliament, legalizing the quartering of troops in. i. 397.
General sympathy and liberality in its behalf. i. 404.
Boston Massacre--Soldiers acquitted by a Boston jury. i. 365.
Boyle (Hon. Robert)--In a letter in which he expostulates with the
Massachusetts Bay rulers on the intolerance and unreasonableness of their
conduct. i. 160.
Braddock's unfortunate expedition. i. 247.
Bradstreet (Colonel)--His brilliant achievement in taking and destroying
Fort Frontenac. i. 261.
Bradstreet and Norton--Sent to England to answer complaints; favourably
received; first thanked and then censured by the Massachusetts Bay
rulers; Norton dies of grief. i. 142.
Brock (Sir Isaac)---His address to the Legislature of Upper Canada,
ii. 341, 342.
Takes Detroit. ii. 352-354.
Proclamation to the inhabitants of Michigan. ii. 362, 363.
Killed at Queenston Heights. ii. 366.
Brown, Samuel and John--Their character and position. i. 35.
Banished from Massachusetts Bay for adhering to Episcopal worship. i. 35.
Misrepresented by Messrs. Palfrey and Bancroft. i. 37.
Their letters and papers seized, and their complaints successfully
denied to the King by their persecutors. i. 46.
Their conduct unblamable. i. 42.
Bunker's Hill, Concord, and Lexington--Battles of, numbers engaged,
with the accounts, on both sides. i. 460, 461.
Burke (the celebrated Edmund)--Reviews and denounces the persecuting
laws and spirit of the Massachusetts Bay Puritans, during thirty
years. i. 122.
Canadian Militia--Their character. ii. 461.
Canada--What had been claimed by old American colonies in regard to the
payment of official salaries contended for by, and granted to Canada,
to the satisfaction and progress of the country. i. 267.
Canada wholly surrendered to the King of Great Britain, through Lord
Amherst. i. 267.
Canada--State of at the close of the war. ii. 471.
Carscallen (Luke). ii. 202.
Causes--Characteristics of early emigration to New England. i. 25.
Change of government in England and end of Lord North's administration.
ii. 57.
Change of tone and professions at Massachusetts Bay on the confirmation
of the King's restoration. i. 131.
The King's kind reply to their address--their joy at it, but they evade
the six conditions on which the King proposes to forgive their past
and continue their charter. i. 135-137, 139.
Characteristics of fifty-four years' government of Massachusetts Bay,
under the first charter. i. 217.
Charles the First--Deceived by the misstatements of the Massachusetts
Bay Puritans, to decide in their favour against the complaints made
in 1632. i. 67.
His kind and indulgent conduct to the Massachusetts Bay Company, and
how they deceived him. i. 67.
Charles the Second--His restoration; news of it received with joy in all
the Colonies except in Massachusetts, where false rumours are
circulated. i. 130.
Chateauguay, Battle of. ii. 413.
Chatham (Earl of)--Amendment; speech in the House of Lords (1774) against
the coercive policy of the Ministry and defence of Colonial rights; his
amendment opposed by Lord Suffolk, and supported by Lord Camden;
negatived by a majority of 68 to 18. i. 423-429.
His bill "to settle the troubles in America" not allowed a first reading
in the Lords. i. 425.
Chrysler's Farm, Battle of. ii. 419.
Clarendon (Earl of, Chancellor)--Reply to the address to the King,
Charles II., of the Massachusetts Bay rulers, dated October 25, 1664,
in which Lord Clarendon exposes the groundlessness of their pretensions,
suspicions, and imputations. i. 160.
Clark (Colonel John), and his Manuscript contributions. ii.
Clinton (Sir Henry)--Succeeds General Howe as Commander-in-Chief. ii. 14.
Deceived as to the design of Washington and the French commander. ii. 42.
Fails to reinforce Lord Cornwallis. ii. 44.
Colonies--All resolve in favour of a general convention or congress and
election of delegates to it, in 1774. i. 408.
How information on subjects of agitation was rapidly diffused throughout
the Colonies. i. 405.
Colonial Assemblies--Their dissolutions. i. 356.
Colonists--Their agreements for the non-importation of British
manufactured goods. i. 356.
Sons of Governors Barnard and Hutchinson refuse to enter into agreement,
but are at length compelled to yield. i. 360.
Their effective services to England in the English and French war; their
experience and skill thereby acquired in military affairs; their
superiority as marksmen. i. 460.
Desire to provide as aforetime for their own defence and the support of
their own local government, as is done in the provinces of the Dominion
of Canada. i. 460.
Colonist--The writer a native. i. 1.
Colonies--Three causes of irritation in 1768. i. 348.
Unjust imputations in the British Parliament and Press against their
loyalty. i. 353.
Their manly response to the imputations and assertion of British rights,
led by the General Assembly of Virginia. i. 355.
Company of Massachusetts Bay--Write to Endicot and ministers sent by them
against Church innovations. i. 49, 51.
Deny to the King and British public having made any Church innovations in
Massachusetts. i. 53.
Complaints of banished Episcopalians, persecuted Presbyterians, Baptists,
&c., to the King. i. 46, 137.
Complaints of the Massachusetts Bay Rulers--a pretext to perpetuate
sectarian rule and persecution. i. 183.
Conduct and pretensions of Massachusetts Bay Rulers condemned and exposed
by Loyalist inhabitants of Boston, Salem, Newbury, and Ipswich. i. 163.
Congregationalists--None other eligible for office, or allowed the elective
franchise at Massachusetts Bay. i. 63.
Congress (First General Congress)--
Met at Philadelphia, September, 1774. i. 409.
The word defined. i. 409.
Each day's proceedings commenced with prayer. i. 410.
Its members and their constituents throughout the Colonies thoroughly
loyal, while maintaining British constitutional rights. i. 410.
Its declaration of rights and grievances. i. 411.
Its loyal address to the King. i. 414.
Its manly and affectionate appeal to the British Nation. i. 416.
The address of its members to their constituents--a temperate and lucid
exposition of their grievances and sentiments. i. 417.
Its proceedings reach England before the adjournment for the Christmas
holidays in 1774, and produce an impression favourable to the
Colonies. i. 420.
(Second Continental) meets in Philadelphia, September, 1775; number and
character of its members. i. 442.
Its noble and affectionate petition to the King; the King denies an
audience to its agent, Mr. Penn, and answers the petition by
proclamation, declaring it "rebellion," and the petitioners
"rebels." i. 443-445.
Its petition to the House of Commons rejected, and its agent, Mr. Penn,
not asked a question. i. 444.
A large majority (Oct. 1775) still opposed to independence, but unanimous
in defence of British constitutional rights. i. 448.
Divided on the question of _Independence_, which is first moved in
Congress in May, 1776--deferred, after long debates, for three weeks, by
a vote of seven to five Colonies. i. 483, 484.
Manipulation and agitation to prepare the members of Congress and the
Colonies for separation from England. i. 482-485.
Proceeds with closed doors, and its members sworn to secrecy.
Votes by Colonies, and decides that each vote be reported unanimous,
though carried by only a bare majority. i. 486.
After three days' debate, the six Colonies for and seven Colonies against
independence; how a majority of one was obtained in favour of
it. i. 486, 487.
Refuses to confer with British Commissioners with a view to
reconciliation. ii. 2.
Feelings of the people of England and America different from those of
the leaders of Congress. ii. 14.
Sycophancy of its leaders to France. ii. 13.
Its degeneracy in 1778, as stated by General Washington. ii. 29.
The depression of its credit. ii. 30.
It confiscates and orders the sale of the property of "Tories." ii. 30.
Appeals to France for men and money as their only hope. ii. 40.
Fallacy of the plea or pretext that it had not power to grant compensation
to the Loyalists. ii. 61.
Meets at Philadelphia, 10th May, 1776. i. 479.
Contests--Chiefly between the Colonists, the French, and the Indians,
from 1648 to 1654. i. 250.
Colonies--their divided councils and isolated resources. i. 257.
Their alarming state of affairs at the close of the year 1757. i. 255.
Cornwallis--His antecedents, ii. 38; his severe policy injurious to the
British cause, ii. 40;
his defence of Yorktown, ii. 44;
his surrender to the French and American armies, ii. 45;
conditions of capitulation, ii. 46.
Count De Grasse--Sails from New York to the Chesapeake with a fleet of
28 ships and 7,000 French troops. ii. 43.
Crown Point taken from the French by the English. i. 263.
Debts--Incurred by the New England Colonies in the Indian wars; how
Massachusetts was relieved by England, and made prosperous. i. 240.
Declaration of American Independence--How the vote of the majority of the
Colonies for it was obtained, and how reported. i. 486, 487.
Copy of it. i. 488.
Homage of respect by the authors to the fathers of. i. 492-495.
1. A renunciation of all the principles on which the General Congress,
Provincial Legislatures, and Conventions professed to act from the
beginning of the contest; proofs and illustrations. i. 496-499.
2. A violation of good faith to those statesmen and numerous other
parties in Great Britain, who had, in and out of Parliament, defended
and supported the rights and character of the Colonists during the whole
contest; proofs and illustrations. i. 499-501.
3. A violation, not only of good faith, but of justice to the numerous
Colonists who adhered to connection with the Mother Country; proofs and
illustrations. i. 501-504.
4. The commencement of persecutions and proscriptions and confiscation of
property against those who refused to renounce the oaths which they had
taken, and the principles and traditions which had, until then, been
professed by their persecutors and oppressors as well as by themselves;
proofs and illustrations. i. 504-507.
The plea of tyranny. i. 504.
5. The commencement of weakness in the army of its authors, and of defeat
in their battle-fields; proofs and illustrations. i. 508-513.
6. The announced expedient and prelude to an alliance with France and
Spain against the Mother Country. i. 513-517.
New penal laws passed against the Loyalists after adopting it. ii. 5.
Detroit--Taken by the British under General Brock. ii. 354.
De Salaberry (General)--Defeats 10,000 Americans with 300 Canadians at
Chateauguay ii. 381.
D'Estaing--His doings and failures in America. ii. 17-27.
Diamond (John). ii. 202.
Doane. ii. 192.
Dudley (Joseph)--Appointed Governor of Massachusetts by King James II.
i. 212.
Dunmore (Earl of)--Governor of Virginia, commits the same outrages upon
the inhabitants of Virginia, and about the same time, as those
committed by General Gage upon the inhabitants of Massachusetts. i. 462.
Assembles the House of Burgesses to deliberate and decide upon Lord
North's so-called "conciliatory proposition" to the Colonies; the
House rejects the proposition on a report prepared by Mr. Jefferson--a
document eulogized in the strongest terms by the Earl of
Shelburne. i. 464.
East India Company--Disastrous effect of its agreement with the British
Government. i. 381.
East India Company's Tea--Causes of it being thrown into Boston Harbour,
as stated on both sides. i. 377.
Elections in England hastened in the autumn of 1774; adverse to the
Colonies. i. 419.
Emigrants to Massachusetts Bay--Two classes. i. 1.
Emigration to Massachusetts Bay stopped by a change of Government in
England. i. 85.
Endicot--Leader of the first company of emigrants to Massachusetts
Bay. i. 27.
His character. i. 27.
Becomes a Congregationalist. i. 29.
Abolishes the Church of England, and banishes its adherents. i. 29.
Cause of all the tyrannical proceedings against them. i. 42.
Finally condemned by the Company, but officially retained by
them. i. 43-48.
England's best and only means of protecting the Colonies against French
encroachments and invasion. i. 244.
Position in respect to other European Powers at the Peace of Paris
in 1763. i. 273.
England--Its resources at the conclusion of the Revolutionary
war. ii. 48, 49.
The war party, and corrupt Administration, is defeated. ii. 48, 49.
Change of Administration and of policy, both for England and the
Colonies. ii. 53.
Names of new Ministers, &c. ii. 53.
English Generals and soldiers refuse to fight against the
Colonists. i. 446.
English Government employs seventeen thousand German mercenaries to
bring the Colonists to absolute submission. i. 446-479.
Its change of policy, and effect of it in regard to the Colonies after
the Peace of Paris, 1763. i. 277.
Its first acts which caused dissatisfaction and alienation in the
American Colonies. i. 279.
Falmouth (now Portland) bombarded and burnt, by Captain Mowat, of the
British Navy. i. 446.
Five-sixths of the male population disfranchised by Puritan bigotry and
intolerance at Massachusetts Bay. i. 63.
Fort de Quesne taken by the English and called Pittsburg. i. 263.
Fox (C.J.)--His amendment to Lord North's address to the King, 1775,
rejected by a majority of 304 to 105. i. 430.
France and England at war; mutually restore, in 1748, places taken
during the first war. i. 242.
Franklin (Dr.)--His evidence at the Bar of the House of Commons on
the Stamp Act, etc. i. 308.
Dismissed from office the following day. i. 426.
His petition to the House of Commons rejected. i. 426.
Proposes to include Canada in the United States. ii. 54.
Counter scheme to defeat the proposition of the English
Commissioners. ii. 58.
Outwits the English Commissioners. ii. 63.
His Indian scalp fictions. ii. 119.
French--Attempt to take Quebec. i. 266.
Bitter feeling between French and American officers and soldiers,
at Rhode Island, Boston, Charleston, and Savannah. ii. 20-25.
Encroachments on the British Colonies, from 1748 to 1756. i. 243.
Evasions and disclaimers, while encroaching on the British Colonies
and making preparations for war against England. i. 245.
Successes in 1755, 1756, and 1757, in the war with England. i. 252.
French Fleet--Its complete failure under Count D'Estaing. ii. 17.
French Officers and Soldiers--Their kindness to the English after
the defeat of Lord Cornwallis. ii. 129.
Gage (General)--His arrival in Boston; courteous reception, as successor
to Governor Hutchinson; his character. i. 398.
Summons a meeting of the Legislature, which adjourns to meet at Salem,
and which replies respectfully but firmly to Governor
Gage's speech; his bitter answer. i. 399.
His curious dissolution of the last Legislature held in Massachusetts
Bay according to its first charter, which had proceeded with closed
doors, and adopted by a majority of 92 to 12, declaring the necessity
of a meeting of all the Colonies to meet and consult together on their
present state. i. 401.
Governor of Massachusetts, and Commander-in-chief of the British in
America, commences the first attack upon the Colonists. i. 460.
Governments of the British Provinces. ii. 271-276.
(1) Nova Scotia. ii. 274-277.
(2) New Brunswick. ii. 277-280.
(3) Prince Edward Island. ii. 280.
(4) Lower Canada. ii. 281-306. (See table of contents, chapter xlv.)
(5) Upper Canada, ii. 307-316. (See table of contents, chapter xlvi.)
Governor of Massachusetts Bay Puritans and a majority of the assistants
or magistrates vote in favour of submitting to the decision of the King
on the conditions of perpetuating the Charter; but Congregational
Ministers advise, and the majority of the deputies vote against
it. i. 208, 209.
Governors of South and North Carolina (Campbell and Martin), like Dunmore,
Governor of Virginia, betake themselves to ships--the Colonists in each
case being treated with like severity. i. 473.
Haight (Canniff). ii. 219.
Happiness and prosperity of Massachusetts during seventy years under the
second Charter. i. 240.
Harris (Mrs. Amelia). ii. 228-236.
Hessian soldiers--Their unreliable and bad character. ii. 73.
Hildreth, the historian, on the gloomy state of American affairs at
the close of 1780. ii. 41.
Hillsborough (Earl of)--Effects of his circular letter to Colonial
Governors. i. 345.
Joy in the Colonies at his despatch promising to repeal the
obnoxious revenue Acts, and to impose no more taxes on the Colonists
by acts of the British Parliament. i. 361.
Holland--Flight of Pilgrim Fathers to; trades there. i. 10.
Howe (Lord)--A monument erected to his memory in Westminster Abbey,
at the expense of £250 sterling, by the Massachusetts Court. i. 260.
Hutchinson (Governor of Massachusetts) and his sons alone determine to
land the East India Company tea in Boston. i. 376.
His account of the transactions at Boston, and vindication of
himself. i. 383.
His conduct different from that of the Governors of other
Colonies. i. 387.
Independence disclaimed by Franklin in 1773, by Washington and
Jefferson and by leading New Englanders in July, 1775. i. 451-453.
Independents, origin of. i. 7.
Indians--Employed by both French and English in their wars. ii. 75.
Their employment in the war with the Colonies, opposed by the English
Generals. ii. 76.
Their employment disadvantageous to England. ii. 76.
Their alliance and co-operation sought for by Congress. ii. 77.
Retaliations upon them by the Congress soldiers exceeded all that had
been committed by the Indians upon the Americans--opinion of American
writers. ii. 77.
Much that was written against them during the Revolution, since shown
by the letters and biographies of its actors to have been
fictitious. ii. 78.
Their employment against the English recommended by Washington, July
27th, 1776. ii. 80.
Efforts of General Burgoyne to restrain them from all cruel acts and
excesses. ii. 82.
Their conduct injurious to the English cause and beneficial to the
American. ii. 83.
The unprovoked invasion of their country, destruction of their
settlements, and desolation of their towns, orchards, and crops and
farms, by order of Congress. ii. 84.
Further examples of "retaliation," so-called, upon the Indian
settlements. ii. 106.
The "Tories" driven among them as their only refuge, and treated as
"traitors;" their conduct and duty. ii. 107.
Indians (Six Nations)--Colonel Stone's account in detail of General
Sullivan's expedition of extermination against the Six Nations of
Indians. ii. 108.
Indians--Treatment of by the Puritans in New England. ii. 293.
Intolerance and persecution of Baptists, Presbyterians, etc., by the
Massachusetts Bay Rulers, from 1643 to 1651. i. 112.
Invasions of Canada by Americans; numbers of invaders. ii. 462.
James II.--Succession to the throne; thanked by the Massachusetts Bay
Rulers for his Proclamation which violated the rights of England, and
cost him his crown. i. 216.
Jarvis (Stephen). ii. 193.
(William). ii. 193.
Johnson's (Sir William) victory over the French General Dieskau. i. 250.
Jones (David). ii. 193.
(Jonathan). ii. 193.
King Charles the Second--Enjoins to cease persecuting the Quakers;
how answered. i. 135.
The King retains Puritan councillors, who are kindly disposed to the
Massachusetts Bay Puritans. i. 138.
The King's pardon and oblivion of the past misdeeds of the Massachusetts
Bay Rulers, and promised continuance of Charter joyfully proclaimed;
but the part of the letter containing the conditions of pardon, and
oblivion, and toleration withheld from the public; and when the
publication of it was absolutely commanded, the Massachusetts Bay
Rulers ordered that the conditions of toleration, etc., should be
suspended until further orders from their Court. i. 139-141.
Royal Commissioners appointed by the King, to inquire into the matters
complained of in the New England Colonies, and to remedy what was
wrong. i. 145.
Royal Commission appointed; slanderous rumours circulated against the
Royal Commissioners. i. 146.
Copy of it explaining the reason and object of it. i. 147.
Duly received by all the New England Colonies except Massachusetts,
where slanderous rumours were circulated against the Commission and
Commissioners. i. 146, 147.
King Charles the Second's reply to the long address or petition of the
Massachusetts Bay Court, dated February 25, 1665, correcting their
misstatements and showing the groundlessness of their pretended fears
and actual pretensions. i. 166.
Kind letter without effect upon the Massachusetts Bay Rulers, who refuse
to receive the Royal Commissioners; second and more decisive letter from
the King, April, 1666. i. 169.
Grants Charters to Connecticut and Rhode Island in 1663, with remarks
upon them by Judge Story. i. 172.
On receiving the report of his Commissioners, who had been rejected by
the Massachusetts Bay Rulers, orders them to send agents to England to
answer before the King in Council to the complaints made against the
Government of the Colony. i. 179.
Entreated by the Massachusetts Bay Rulers, who try to vindicate their
proceedings, and instead of sending agents, send two large masts and
resolve to send £1000 sterling to propitiate the King. i. 180.
Desists for some time from further action in regard to the Massachusetts
Bay Rulers, but is at length roused to decisive action by complaints
from neighbouring Colonists and individual citizens of the
invasions of their rights, and persecutions and proscriptions
inflicted upon them by the Massachusetts Bay Rulers. i. 187.
Seven requirements of the Massachusetts Bay Rulers, in his letter to them,
dated July, 1679, just and reasonable, and observed by all British
Colonies at this day. i. 188.
King George III.--Alleged author of the scheme with the East India
Company; his condemnation of the petitions and remonstrances
from the Colonies. i. 382.
His speech at the opening of the New Parliament, March 30th,
1774; and answers of both Houses. i. 419.
Opposition to the Royal Speech in both Houses; protest in the
Lords. i. 420.
Denounces the Earl of Chatham and others. i. 424.
La Fayette returns from France in 1778, with a loan of money and
reinforcements of land and naval forces. ii. 33.
Liberty (civil and religious) established in Massachusetts, not by
the Puritans, but by Royal Charter. i. 237.
Lippincott (Captain Richard). ii. 193.
Long Parliament--Its ordinances in regard to Massachusetts trade
in 1642. i. 87.
Appoints Commissioners and Governor General to Massachusetts
Bay in 1646, with large powers. i. 88.
Orders the surrender of the Massachusetts Bay Charter; and means
employed to evade it. i. 99, 100.
Loudoun (Earl of)--Arrival of from England, with troops, as
Commander-in-chief. i. 252.
Disputes between him and the Massachusetts Court, in regard
to the Mutiny Act, and quartering the troops upon the
citizens. i. 255.
His arbitrary conduct in quartering his officers in Albany and
New York. i. 258.
Hesitates and delays at Albany; never fought a battle in America. i. 259.
Loyalists--Circumstances of, after the surrender of Charleston to the
French and Americans. ii. 46.
Unprotected in the articles of peace. ii. 57.
Constituted a majority of the population of the Colonies at the beginning
of the contest. ii. 57.
Sacrificed in the treaty, as stated by Dr. Ramsay and Mr.
Hildreth. ii. 59-61.
What demanded had been sanctioned by all modern civilized
nations, in like circumstances. ii. 61.
Their deplorable condition during the war; utter abandonment by the
English commissioners. ii. 64.
Much of what was written against the Revolution, since shown by the
biographies and letters of its actors to be fictitious. ii. 77.
Summary of their condition and treatment. ii. 123.
Changes of their relation and condition by the Declaration of
Independence. ii. 124.
The elements of their affectionate attachment to England. ii. 125.
The largest part of the population of the Colonies after the Declaration
of Independence. ii. 124.
Their claims to have their rights and liberties restored. ii. 125.
Their position and character, described by Mr. Hildreth, and
abused by mobs and oppressed by new Acts, and authorities. ii. 125.
First scene of severity against them; new American maxim of forgiving
"Tories." ii. 127.
Their treatment in New York, Philadelphia, Virginia, and other
places. ii. 128.
Legislative and executive acts against them. ii. 130-136.
Rhode Island, Connecticut. ii. 130.
Massachusetts. ii. 131.
New Hampshire, Virginia, New York. ii. 131.
New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware. ii. 132.
Maryland, North Carolina, Georgia. ii. 132.
South Carolina. ii. 136.
Their treatment on their applications for compensation after the
Revolution. ii. 139-144.
Their treatment by the British Government and Parliament after
the Revolution. ii. 159-182.
Refused compensation by the States of America, as proposed in the
Treaty of Peace, and contrary to the practice of civilized
nations. ii. 159.
Their compensation advocated in both Houses of Parliament. ii. 160, 163.
Their agents in England; proceedings of Parliamentary Commission;
results. ii. 166-182
Driven from the United States to the British Provinces; and sketches
of twenty-three of them. ii. 191-204.
Dr. Canniff's account of their first settlement on the North shore
of the St. Lawrence and in the country around and West of
Kingston. ii. 203-208.
Their adventures, sufferings, and first settlement in Canada,
privations and labours, as written by themselves and their
descendants. ii. 206-270.
(See table of contents, chapter xli.)
Loyalists--New penal laws passed against them after the Declaration
of Independence. ii. 5.
Loyalists, in Massachusetts, who maintain in the Court and among the
people, the Royal authority. i. 162.
The true Liberals of that day. i. 152.
Lundy's Lane--Battle of. ii. 438.
Marsden (Rev. J.W.). i. 298.
Maryland General Assembly's reply to the message of the Lt. Governor
on Lord Hillsborough's circular. i. 344.
Massachusetts and other Colonial grateful acknowledgments to England
for deliverance from the French and Spaniards. i. 27.
Massachusetts Bay Rulers persecute the Baptists, etc. i. 87.
Prohibit writing or speaking in favour of the King as a capital offence,
but authorize it in favour of the Parliament. i. 87.
Petition Parliament in 1651, and address Cromwell in 1651, 1654. i. 108.
Massachusetts Bay Rulers' treatment of Cromwell at his death, and their
professions in regard to Cromwell and Charles the Second at his
restoration. i. 124.
They evade the conditions on which the King promised to continue the
Charter, and deny the King's jurisdiction. i. 149.
They present a long address to the King, and enclose copies of it,
with letters to Lord Chancellor Clarendon, the Earl of Manchester,
Lord Say, and the Hon. Robert Boyle. i. 152.
Massachusetts Bay Rulers aggressors throughout upon the rights of the
Sovereign and of their fellow-subjects. i. 75.
They side with the Long Parliament and Cromwell; their first address
and commissioners to. i. 86.
They pass Acts for publication in England, and then adopt measures to
prevent their execution in Massachusetts--such as the Navigation Act,
Oath of Allegiance, the Franchise, Liberty of Worship, and Persecution
of the Baptists and Quakers. i. 195.
They bribe Clerks in the Privy Council, and offer a bribe to the
King. i. 205.
Their double game played out. i. 204.
Massachusetts circular displeasing to the British Ministry. i. 341.
Circular from Lord Hillsborough, Secretary of State for the
Colonies. i. 341.
Massachusetts compensated by Parliament. i. 267.
Benefited by the English and French war. i. 270.
Massachusetts General Assembly refuse to legislate under the guns of
a land and naval force. i. 357.
General Assembly--Its proceedings on the quartering of troops in
Boston. i. 358.
Massachusetts never acknowledged the Act of Parliament changing its
constitution without its consent. i. 407.
Its proceedings before the affairs of Lexington and Concord to enlist
the Indians. ii. 79.
Massachusetts Legislative Assembly's noble circular to the Assemblies
of other Colonies, on the unconstitutional and oppressive acts of
the British Parliament. i. 338.
Massachusetts--Seed-plot of the American Revolution. i. 1.
First emigration to. i. 1.
Mahon (Lord)--His reflections on the American contest; apology for
George III.; unhappiness of the Americans since the Revolution;
unity of the Anglo-Saxon race. ii. 154.
Mather (Rev. Dr. Increase) makes a violent speech--appeals from man
to God--decision against him. i. 209.
His proceedings in England, i. 226.
Fails to get the first Charter restored. i. 228.
First protests against the second Royal Charter, then thanks King
William for it. i. 229.
Merritt (Thomas). ii. 196.
McDonald (Alexander). ii. 195.
McGill (John). 196.
McGillis (Donald). ii. 196.
McNab (Allan). ii. 202.
Moneys provided for the war, abstracted from England and expended
in the Colonies. i. 270.
Montcalm, French General, captures Forts Oswego and William Henry. i. 253.
Morris (Roger). ii. 200.
Montreal besieged and taken from the French. i. 267.
Navigation Act passed by the Long Parliament in 1651, oppressive to the
Southern Colonies, but regularly evaded in Massachusetts by collusion
with Cromwell. i. 111.
Neal (the Puritan historian) deprecates the persecutions by the
Massachusetts Bay Rulers. i. 120.
Newark (now Niagara)--Seat of Government of Upper Canada first established
there. ii. 308.
Burned by the Americans. ii. 423.
New England--Two distinct emigrations to. i. 1.
Two separate Governments in for seventy years, and characteristics
of each. i. 1.
New Plymouth--Original name of--first Sabbath in. i. 7.
First mild winter and early vegetation at. i. 8.
First "Harvest-home." i. 9.
Their government, toleration, oath of allegiance, loyalty. i. 15.
Their answers to the King's Commissioners. i. 18.
The melancholy end of their government. i. 22.
The loyalty and enterprise of their descendants. i. 23.
Ancestors of English Peers. i. 23.
New York--First Act of Parliament against. i. 329.
New York Legislature, which had not endorsed the first continental
Congress, in 1774, now petitions Parliament on the subject of
Colonial grievances; but its petition, presented by Mr. Burke,
defended by Mr. Fox and others, is refused to be received, on motion
of Lord North, by a majority of 186 to 67, and the Lords reject the
same petition. i. 434-440.
Niagara (Newark) taken from the French by the English. i. 263.
Nineteen years' evasion by the Massachusetts Bay Rulers of the conditions
on which King Charles II. promised to perpetuate their Charter. i. 193.
North (Lord)--His Bill to repeal the Colonial Revenue Acts, except the
duty on tea. i. 368.
His agreement with the East India Company rouses and intensifies
opposition in America. i. 371.
Combined opposition to it by English merchants and the Colonists. i. 372.
Explains his American policy. i. 394.
His resolution for address to the King, 1775, endorsing the coercive
policy, and denouncing Colonial complaints as "rebellion;" debates
on it. i. 426-429.
Second great debate in the Commons on his warlike resolution. i. 430.
His address made the joint address of both Houses of Parliament; the
King's reply. i. 431.
Lord North's proposed resignation and preparations for it. ii. 8.
Defeat of his Administration. ii. 51.
Opinions of Lords Macaulay and Mahon on the success of a Commission
recommended by the Earl of Chatham. ii. 8.
Origin of non-importation agreement in New York; sanctioned by persons
in the highest stations. i. 360.
Origin of republicanism and hatred of monarchy in America. ii. 66.
Paine (Tom)--His appeal to the Colonists, called _Common Sense_, the first
publication in America against monarchy. i. 450.
Author of republicanism and hatred of monarchy in America; his character
and writings, and their effects. ii. 66-72.
Palfrey's and other New England historians' unfair statements and unjust
imputations against the British Government of that time. i. 190, 211.
Parliament--Its authority over the Colonies. i. 317.
Three Bills passed by, to raise a revenue in the Colonies. i. 331.
Parliament passes an Act (1775) to punish the Colonies for countenancing
Massachusetts. i. 433.
Parliament passes oppressive Acts in 1775 and 1776, with measures for
employing foreign soldiers, Indians, and slaves against the complaining
Colonists. i. 459.
Parliament passes no Act to authorize peace with America for three months
after the accession of the new Ministry. ii. 54.
Parliament votes £115,000 sterling to compensate the Colonies for expenses
incurred by them. i. 252.
Parties--Origin of political parties at Massachusetts Bay. i. 209.
Petitions and representations to the King from Episcopalians,
Presbyterians, Baptists, etc., in Massachusetts Bay, on their
persecutions and disfranchisement by the local Government. i. 137.
Petitions from various towns in England, Scotland, and Ireland against
Lord North's coercive American policy. i. 425.
Pilgrim Fathers--who. i. 2.
Their settlement, and residence of 12 years in Holland. i. 3.
Long to be under the English Government. i. 3.
Cross the Atlantic in the _Mayflower_. i. 3.
Where intended to settle in America, i. 4
What known of Cape Cod before the Pilgrims landed. i. 4.
Their agreement and constitution of government before landing. i. 5.
Remarks upon it by Messrs. Bancroft and Young. i. 6.
Inflated American accounts of their voyage. i. 7.
Their first "Harvest-home." i. 9.
Pitt (afterwards Earl of Chatham) changes the whole fortune of the war
with the French in America in favour of England. i. 260.
Policy of the British Ministry in employing foreign soldiers and Indians,
deprecated by all classes in Europe and America. ii. 72-74.
Pownall (Governor)--His speech and amendment in the House of Commons to
repeal the duty on tea; rejected by a majority 242 to 204. i. 361.
Preface--The reason and objects of writing the history of the Loyalists
of America. i. 3-5.
Protests and Loyal Petitions of the Colonists against English
Parliamentary Acts to raise a revenue in the Colonies. i. 337.
Puritan authorities alone adduced in this historical discussion. i. 59.
Puritan letters suppressed by the biographer of Governor Winthrop. i. 59.
Puritans of Massachusetts Bay Company. i. 24.
Their Charter and settlement in 1629. i. 23.
Their intolerance. i. 24.
Their wealth and trade. i. 25.
Their enterprise under two aspects. i. 26.
Professed members of the Church of England when they left England. i. 26.
Puritan treatment of the Indians. i. 298.
Puritan legal opinions in England on the constant violation of the first
Charter by the Massachusetts Bay Rulers. i. 233.
Quebec taken by General Wolfe. i. 263.
Queenston Heights--Battle of. ii. 365-8.
Quo Warranto--Notice of sent to the Rulers of Massachusetts Bay in July,
1683, to answer to thirteen complaints against them for violating the
Royal Charter; received in October, 1683; judgment given July, 1685,
nearly two years afterwards. i. 208-211.
Remonstrances of the Rev. Drs. Owen, T. Goodwin, and other Nonconformist
ministers in England against the persecutions by the Massachusetts Bay
Puritans. i. 185.
Retrospect of the transactions between Charles I. and II. and the
Massachusetts Bay Rulers from 1630 to 1666, with extracts of
correspondence. i. 171.
Revolution--Principal characteristics of it, and the feeling which should
now be cultivated by both of the former contending parties; by
J.M. Ludlow. ii. 145.
Richardson (Rev. James)--Letter by. ii. 208.
Robinson (Beverley). ii. 196.
Robinson (Christopher). ii. 198.
Robinson (Sir J.B.). ii. 199.
Robinson (Sir C.K.P.). ii. 199.
Robinson (Morris). ii. 199.
Robinson (John). ii. 200.
Rockingham (Marquis of)--His death and its consequences. ii. 53.
Royal Charter (second) by William and Mary; nine principal provisions of
it, establishing for the first time civil and religious liberty in
Massachusetts. i. 229-233.
Royal Charter to Massachusetts Bay Puritans. i. 28.
Its provisions. i. 30.
Violated by the Massachusetts Bay Puritans. i. 33.
Transferred from England to Massachusetts Bay, and the fact concealed
for four years. i. 69.
Royal Commission issued to examine into the complaints made against
the Massachusetts Bay Rulers--conduct of parties. i. 72.
Royal Commissioners' Report on the Colony of Massachusetts Bay; twenty
anomalies in its laws inconsistent with the Royal Charter; evades the
conditions of the promised continuance of the Charter; denies the
King's jurisdiction. i. 149.
Royal Patriotic Society of Upper Canada and its doings. ii. 464.
Royal Speech on meeting Parliament, October 26th, 1775, and discussions
upon it. i. 474.
Ryerse (Rev. George)--Letter by. ii. 226.
Ryerse (Colonel Samuel). ii. 229.
Ryerson (Colonel Joseph). ii. 257.
Salaries of officials paid independent of the Colonies--cause of
dissatisfaction. i. 366.
Saltonstall (Sir Richard) remonstrates against the persecutions by
the Massachusetts Bay Rulers. i. 116.
Scadding (Rev. Dr.)--Sketch by. ii. 259.
Second Charter--Its happy influence upon toleration, loyalty, peace,
and unity of society in Massachusetts. i. 237.
Seven years of war and bloodshed prevented, had Congress in 1776
adhered to its previous professions. ii. 56.
Shelburne (Earl of)--Correspondence with Dr. Franklin on negotiations
for peace. ii. 54.
Simcoe (General Graves)--First Governor of Upper Canada. ii. 308.
Soldiers--The humiliating position of soldiers in Boston. i. 360.
Insulted, abused, and collisions with the inhabitants. i. 365.
Spain joins France against England in 1779. ii. 28.
Spohn (Mrs. E.B.)--Paper by. ii. 264.
Stamp Act and its effects in America. i. 283.
Virginia leads the opposition against it. i. 287.
Riots in Boston against it. i. 288.
Petitions in England against it. i. 291.
Its repeal and rejoicings at it. i. 323.
Extracts from speeches respecting it by Charles Townsend and Colonel
Barré, and remarks upon them. i. 296.
Extracts from the speeches of Lords Chatham and Camden on the passing
and repeal of the Stamp Act. i. 302.
Summary of events from its repeal, March, 1766, to the end of the
year. i. 323-336.
Statements of the historians Hutchinson and Neal on the persecutions by
the Massachusetts Bay Puritans. i. 185.
Story (Judge) on the happy influence of the second Charter, and
improved legislation and progress of the Colony under it. i. 235.
Tea Duty Act virtually defeated in America. i. 370.
Opposition to it represented in England as "rebellion," and the
advocates of Colonial rights as "rebels" and "traitors." i. 388.
Tea--Duty of threepence per pound, to be paid in America into the
British Treasury, continued. i. 363.
Three Acts of Parliament passed to remove all grounds of complaint
on the part of the Colonists. ii. 6.
Ticonderago taken by the English. i. 263.
Treaty of Peace between Great Britain and the United States; rights
and interests of the Loyalists sacrificed by it; omissions in it;
protests against it in Parliament. ii. 164, 165.
Vane (Sir Henry) remonstrates against the persecutions by the
Massachusetts Bay Rulers. i. 116.
Vice-Admiralty Courts and the Navy employed as custom-house offices
in the Colonies. i. 331.
Virginia House of Burgess's admirable answer to the Massachusetts
Circular, 1668, and similar replies from other Colonies. i. 342, 343.
Rejects Lord North's so-called "conciliatory proposition" to the
Colonies. i. 464.
Its traditional loyalty of Virginians, and their aversion to revolutions;
but resolved to defend their rights. i. 464.
Remonstrate with Lord Dunmore for leaving the seat of his government
and going on board of a vessel; assure him and his family of perfect
safety by remaining at Williamsburg. i. 467.
Are horror-struck at Lord Dunmore's threat and proclamation to free
the slaves. i. 465.
Moved by his fears, goes on board of ship, twelve miles from the seat
of government. i. 466.
Attempts to destroy the town of Hampton; reduces to ashes the town of
Norfolk, then the first commercial city in Virginia. i. 467, 471.
His conduct unlawful and inhuman; English accounts of his
conduct. i. 470, 472.
War formally declared between England and France in 1756. i. 252.
War party and corrupt Administration defeated in the House of
Commons, 1782. ii. 49.
War by the United States against Great Britain, 1812-1815. ii. 316-330.
(See table of contents, chapters xlvii., xlviii., xlix., l., li., lii.,
liii., liv., lv., lvi., lvii., lviii.)
War--Close of; remarks; conclusion.
(See table of contents, chapter lx.)
Washington--Weakness of his army and depression of American finances
in 1778. ii. 32.
His despondency without funds. ii. 41.
With the French commander plans an expedition to the South. ii. 42.
His skill and courage. ii. 47.
Washington recommended by Dunwiddie, Governor of Virginia, but his
services are not recognized. i. 257.
Washington, under date of July 27th, 1776, recommends the employment
of the Indians in the Revolutionary Cause. ii. 80.
Watts (Rev. Isaac)--A remarkable letter from him addressed to the
Rev. Dr. Cotton Mather, explanatory of Neal's History of New
England, on "the persecuting principles and practices of the first
planters," and urging the formal repeal of the "cruel and sanguinary
statutes" which had been passed by the Massachusetts Bay Court under
the first Charter. i. 239.
White (Rev. John), projector and founder of the Massachusetts Bay
Settlement. i. 26-28.
Wolfe (General)--His heroism at Louisburg. i. 262.
Takes Quebec. i. 263.
Wyoming--The massacre of, original inflated accounts of. ii. 85.
Four versions of it, by accredited American historians--Dr. Ramsay,
Mr. Bancroft, Mr. Tucker, and Mr. Hildreth. ii. 85-90.
Discrepancies in four essential particulars of these four
accounts. ii. 92.
Supplementary remarks upon, by the author of the Life of Joseph
Brant, etc. ii. 94.
Massacre (alleged) of Wyoming--American retaliation for. ii. 99-106.
(See table of contents, chapter xxxv.)
END OF VOL. I.