The enactment of this passage refers to the sin of theft or any other

breach of the eighth commandment which involved trespass not only

against man, but also against God--"When a man or woman shall commit

any sin that men commit to do a trespass against the Lord, and that

soul be guilty; then shall they confess their sin which they have

done." The statute supplements one given in Lev. vi. 1-4, omitting

some details, but adding the provision that if the person defrauded

has died, restitution shall be made to the _goël_, and if there is no

surviving relation, to the priest. The cases specified in Leviticus

are those of false dealing in regard to a deposit or a bargain,

robbery, oppression,--probably in the way of withholding hire from a

labourer,--finding what was lost and denying it; but in each instance

false swearing is added to the offence and constitutes it a trespass

against the Lord. Restitution to man must be made by returning the

amount and one-fifth in addition; to God by bringing a ram without

blemish, with which the priest makes atonement.

In this statute the punishment does not seem severe. But the penalty

is imposed after confession when the offence has been for some time

undetected. The ordinary law required for the theft of an ox, if the

animal had not been slaughtered, double restitution; and if it had

been slaughtered or sold, fivefold restitution. In the case of a sheep

slaughtered or sold the restitution was to be fourfold. Confession of

the theft, according to the present statute, diminishes the penalty.

Noticeable particularly is the provision for atonement, which is

nowhere else admitted in connection with a serious breach of the

moral law. Any offence against the first four commandments was to be

punished with death; so also were murder, adultery, and certain other

crimes. It might have been expected that false swearing by any one in

regard to theft or valuables intrusted to him would add to his guilt.

Here, however, by means of the ram of atonement even that offence is

apparently expiated. Possibly the confession is held to mitigate the

crime. Still the nature of the statute is surprising and exceptional.

3. THE WATER OF JEALOUSY

NUMBERS v. 11-31

The long and remarkable statute regarding the water of jealousy seems

to have been interposed to prevent, by means of an ordeal, that cruel

practice of peremptory divorce which had been in vogue at some period

among the Hebrews. The position given to woman by the old customs

must have been exceedingly low. Under polygamy a wife was in constant

danger of suspicions and accusations she had no means of removing.

The whole scope of this enactment and the means used for deciding

between the husband and a suspected wife point to the frequency and

general groundlessness of charges made by men in the "hardness of

their hearts," or by other women in the hardness of theirs.

The ordeal to which the wife was to be subjected was twofold. One

point was the imprecation of the Divine curse upon herself if she had

been guilty. This oath was administered in terms and with ceremonies

fitted to produce the most profound impression. She is set "before the

Lord"--probably in the court of the sanctuary. Her hair is loose. She

has the offering of jealousy in her hand--the tenth part of an ephah

of barley-meal. The priest holds a basin of the "water of jealousy."

The terms of the curse with its frightful consequences are not only

repeated in her hearing, but written on a scroll which is dropped into

the water. The second thing is her drinking of the "water of jealousy,"

"holy water" mingled with dust from the floor of the sanctuary, and

with the terms of the curse. The nature of the ordeal was such that

few guilty persons would have braved it. The only thing which appears

wanting is a provision for the punishment of the man whose wife had

passed the terrible test. Since the punishment of this crime was death,

and he made the accusation without cause, his own judgment should

have followed. Here, however, deference had to be paid to the notions

of the time, as our Lord clearly indicates. The absolute right, the

just equality between husband and wife, could not be established. Nor

indeed, with all our progress, is it yet secured.

The ordeal of the water of jealousy must have saved many an innocent

life from wreck. In one sense it was part of a system designed to

maintain a high standard of morality, and in that system it had a

place which at the time could not be filled in any other way. The

main stress lies on the oath of purgation; and to the present day

in certain ecclesiastical courts this is in use for the purpose of

bringing to an end processes not otherwise capable of solution.

It must be noted that our marriage laws, lax as they are thought

to be, do not give to a husband anything like the power or allow

divorce with anything like the facility admitted by the Mosaic law

as some of the Rabbis interpreted it. And this ordeal was of such a

nature that if those in use throughout Europe only a century ago or

thereby, in the trial of witches for instance, be compared with it,

we can at once see its superiority. Those barbarous tests, not used

by the vulgar alone, but by religious men and Church authorities,

made escape from false accusation next to impossible. Here there

is absolutely nothing required which could in any sense injure or

imperil an innocent woman. She might take her oath, see it written,

and drink the water without the least fear or hesitation. The

beneficence of the law is strongly marked along with its wisdom. It

was a wonderful provision for the time.

V

_NAZIRITISM: THE BLESSING OF AARON_

NUMBERS vi

1. The custom of Naziritism, which tended to form a semi-religious

caste, is obscure in its origin. The cases of Samson and Samuel imply

that before birth some were bound in terms of this vow by their

parents. In the passage before us nothing whatever is said as to the

reasons which the law recognised for the practice of Naziritism. We

may believe, however, that it was from the first, like many votive

customs, distinctly religious. One who had been delivered from some

danger or restored to health might adopt this method of showing his

thankfulness to God. It is impossible to connect Naziritism with any

sacerdotal duty. A man under the vow had no function, no privilege,

that in the least approached that of the priest. Nor can we trace any

parallel between the Nazirite rule and that of the fakirs of India

or the dervishes of Egypt and Arabia, whose poverty is their mark of

consecration. There is, however, some resemblance to the vow of the

Arab pilgrim, who, on his way to the holy place, must not cut or dress

his hair, and must abstain from bloodshed. The prophet Amos (ii. 11)

claims that God had raised up young men to be Nazirites, and he places

their influence almost on a level with that of the prophets as a means

of blessing to the people. We may believe, therefore, that they helped

both morality and religion; and the conditions of their vow seem to

have given them fine bodily health and personal appearance.

When the Nazirite vow was undertaken for a term, say thirty, sixty, or

a hundred days, the law assumed its religious character, prescribed the

conditions to be observed, the means of removing accidental defilement,

and the ceremonies to be performed when the period of separation

closed. Any man might devote himself without appealing to the priest or

going through any religious rite; and in general his own conscience was

depended on to make him rigidly attentive to his vow. There was to be

no monastic association of Nazirites, no formal watch kept over their

conduct. They mingled with others in ordinary life, and went about

their business as at other times. But the unshorn hair distinguished

them; they felt that the eye of God as well as the eyes of men were

upon them, and walked warily under the sense of their pledge. The

discharge which had to be given by the priest was a further check; it

would have been withheld if any charge of laxity had been made against

the Nazirite. The ceremonies of release were of a kind fitted to

attract general attention.

The modern pledge of abstinence bears in various points resemblance

to the Nazirite vow. We can easily believe that indulgence in strong

drink was one of the principal sins against which Naziritism testified.

And as in ancient Israel that body of abstainers from the fruit of the

vine, honourably known as a caste, acknowledged by the Divine law,

formed a constant check on intemperance, so the existence of a large

class among ourselves, bound to abstinence, aids most effectually

in restraining the drinking customs of the present age. When we add

to the approval of Naziritism which is before us here the fact that

priests in the discharge of their ministry were required to forego

the use of wine, the sanction of Hebrew legislation on its moral side

may certainly be claimed for the total abstinence pledge. No doubt

the circumstances differ greatly. Wine was the common beverage in

Palestine. It was in general so slightly intoxicating that the use of

it brought little temptation. But our distilled liquors and fermented

drinks are so strongly alcoholic, so dangerous to health and morals,

that the argument for abstinence is now immensely greater than it was

among the Hebrews. Not only as an example of self-restraint, but as a

safeguard against constant peril, the pledge of abstinence deservedly

enjoys the sanction of the Churches of Christ.

On the other hand, the pledge of the total abstainer, like the vow

of the Nazirite, carries with it a certain moral danger. One who,

having come voluntarily under such a pledge, allows himself to break

it, suffers a serious loss of spiritual power. The abstainer, like

the Nazirite, is his own witness, his own judge. But if his pledge

has been sacredly undertaken, solemnly made, any breach of it is an

offence to conscience, a denial of obligation to God which must react

on the will and life. It was not by using strong drink that Samson

broke his vow of Naziritism, but in a far less serious manner--by

allowing his hair to be cut off. Still his case is an instructive

parable. The Spirit of the Lord passed from him; he became weak as

other men, the prey of his enemies. The man who has come under the

bond of total abstinence, especially in a religious way, and breaks

it, becomes weaker than others. To confess his fault and resume his

resolution may not lift him up again. The will is less capable, the

sense of sacredness less imperative and potent.

It is hard to say why the peculiar defilement caused by touching a

dead body or being present at a death is that alone on which special

attention is fixed in the Nazirite law (vi. 9 ff.). One would have

expected the other offence of using wine to be dealt with rather than

mere accidents, so to speak. We can see that the law as it stands is

one of many that must have preceded the prophetic period. If Amos,

for example, had influenced the nature of the legislation regarding

Naziritism, it would have been in the direction of making drunkenness

rather than ceremonial uncleanness a special point in the statutes.

From beginning to end of his prophecy he makes no distinct reference

to ceremonial defilement. But injustice, intemperance, disaffection to

Jehovah, are constantly and vehemently denounced. Hosea, again, does

refer to unclean food, the necessity of eating which would be part

of Israel's punishment in exile. But he too, unless in this casual

reference, is a moralist--cares nothing, so far as his language goes,

for the contact with dead bodies or any other ceremonial defilement.

Judging a Nazirite, he would certainly have regarded sobriety and

purity of life as the tests of consecration--drunkenness and neglect

of God as the sins that deserved punishment. Hosea's condemnation of

Israel is: "They have left off to take heed to Jehovah. Whoredom and

wine and new wine take away the understanding." In Ezekiel, whose

schemes of worship and of priestly work are declared to have been the

origin of the Priests' Code, the same tendency is to be found. He

has a passage regarding unclean foods, which assumes the existence of

statutes on the subject. But as a legislator he is not concerned with

ceremonial transgressions, the defilement caused by dead bodies, and

the like. Take into account the whole of his prophecy, and it will be

seen that the new heart and the right spirit are for Ezekiel the main

things, and the worship of the temple he describes is to be that of a

people not ceremonially consecrated, but spiritually pure, and so in

moral unity with God. He adopts the old forms of worship along with the

priesthood, but his desire is to give the ritual an ethical basis and

aim.

The statute which applies to the discharge of the Nazirite from his

rule (vi. 13-21) is exceedingly detailed, and contains provisions

which on the whole seem fitted to deter rather than encourage the

vow. The Nazirite could not escape from obligation as he had entered

upon it, without priestly intervention and mediation. He had to offer

an oblation,--one he-lamb of the first year for a burnt offering;

one ewe-lamb of the first year for a sin offering; and for peace

offerings a ram, with a basket of unleavened bread, cakes of fine

flour mingled with oil, unleavened wafers anointed with oil; and

meal offerings and drink offerings. These had to be presented by the

priest in the prescribed manner. In addition to the possible cost

of repeated cleansings which might be needful during the period of

separation, the expense of those offerings must have been to many in

a humble station almost prohibitory. We cannot help concluding that

under this law, at whatever time it prevailed, Naziritism became

the privilege of the more wealthy. Those who took the vow under the

appointed conditions must have formed a kind of puritan aristocracy.

The final ceremonies included burning of the hair, which was

carefully removed at the door of the tent of meeting. It was to

be consumed in the fire under the peace offering, the idea being

that the obligation of the vow and perhaps its sanctity had been

identified with the flowing locks. The last rite of all was similar

to that used in the consecration of priests. The sodden shoulder

of the ram, an unleavened cake, and an unleavened wafer were to be

placed on the hands of the Nazirite, and waved for a wave offering

before the Lord--thereafter, with other parts of the sacrifice,

falling to the priest. After that the man might drink wine, perhaps

in a formal way at the close of the ceremonies.

To explain this elaborate ritual of discharge it has been affirmed

that the idea of the vow "culminated in the sacrificial festival

which terminated the consecration, and in this attained to its

fullest manifestation." If this were so, ritualism was indeed

predominant. To make such the underlying thought is to declare that

the abstinence of the Nazirite from strong drink and dainties, to

which a moralist would attach most importance, was in the eye of

the law nothing compared to the symbolic feasting with God and the

sacerdotal functions of the final ceremony. Far more readily would we

assume that the ritual of the discharge was superfluously added to

the ancient law at a time when the hierarchy was in the zenith of its

power. But, as we have already seen, the final rites were of a kind

fitted to direct public attention to the vow, and may have had their

use chiefly in preventing any careless profession of Naziritism,

tending to bring it into contempt.

One other question still demands consideration: What was meant by the

"sin offering" which had to be presented by the Nazirite when he had

unintentionally incurred uncleanness, and the sin offering which had to

be offered at the time of his discharge--what, in short, was the idea

of sin to which this oblation corresponded? The case of the Nazirite

is peculiarly instructive, for the point to be considered is seen here

entirely free from complications. The Nazirite does not undertake

the obligation of his vow as an acknowledgment of wrong he has done,

nor does he place himself under any moral disadvantage by assuming

it. There is no reason why in becoming a Nazirite or ceasing to be a

Nazirite he should appear as a transgressor; rather is he honouring

God by what he does. Suppose he has been present at a death which has

unexpectedly taken place--that involves no moral fault by which a man's

conscience should be burdened. Deliberately to touch a dead body might,

under the law, have brought the sense of wrongdoing; but to be casually

in a defiled house could not. Yet an atonement was necessary (vi. 11).

It is expressly said that a sin offering and a burnt offering must be

presented to "make atonement for him, for that he sinned by reason of

the dead." And again, when he has kept the terms of his vow to the

last, honouring Jehovah by his devotion, commending morality by his

abstinence, maintaining more rigidly than other Israelites the idea

of consecration to Jehovah, he cannot be released from his obligation

till a sin offering is made for him. There is no moral offence to be

expiated. Rather, to judge in an ordinary human way, he has carried

obedience farther than his fellow-Israelites.

The whole circumstances show that the sin offering has no reference

to moral pollution. The idea is not that of removing a shadow from

the conscience, but taking away a taint of the flesh, or, in certain

cases, of the mind which has become aware of some occult injury. A

clear division was made between the moral and the immoral; and it was

assumed that all Israelites were keeping the moral commandments of

the law. Then moral persons were divided into those who were clean

and those who were unclean; and the ceremonial law alone determined

the conditions of undefiled and acceptable life. If the law declared

that a sin offering was necessary, it meant not that there had been

immorality, but that some specified or unspecified taint lay upon a

man. No doubt there were principles according to which the law was

framed. But they might not be apparent; and no man could claim to

have them explained. Now with regard to Naziritism, the idea was that

of a vivid and pure form of life to which a man might attain if he

would discipline himself. And it seems to have been understood that

in returning from this to the common life of the race an apology, so

to speak, had to be made to Jehovah and to religion. The higher range

of life during the term of separation was peculiarly sensitive to

invasions of earthly circumstance, and especially of the defilement

caused by death; and for anything of this sort there was needed

more than apology, more than trespass-offering. The Nazirite going

back to ordinary life was regarded in more senses than one as a

sinner. The conditions of his vow had been difficult to keep, and,

presumably, had been broken. He was all the more under the suspicion

of defilement that he had undertaken special obligations of purity.

A peculiar form of mysticism is involved here, an effort of humanity

to reach transcendental holiness. And the law seemed to give up

each experiment with a sigh. In the story of Samson we have only the

popular pictorial elements of Naziritism. The statutes convey hints

of deeper thought and feeling.

Generally speaking the whole system of purification enjoined by

the ceremonial law, the constant succession of cleansings and

sacrifices, must have appeared to be arbitrary. But it would be a

mistake to suppose that there was no esoteric meaning, no purpose

beyond that of keeping up the sense of religious duty and the

need of mediation. Some intangible defilement seems to have been

associated with everything mundane, everything human. The aim was to

represent sanctity of a transcendent kind, the nature of which no

words could express, for which the shedding of blood alone supplied a

sufficiently impressive symbol.

2. The blessing which the priests were commissioned to pronounce on

the people (vi. 24-26) was in the following terms:--

"Jehovah bless thee, and keep thee:

Jehovah make His face to shine upon thee, and be gracious unto

thee:

Jehovah lift up His countenance upon thee, and give thee peace."

By means of this threefold benediction the name of Jehovah was to be

put upon the children of Israel--that is to say, their consecration

to Him as His accepted flock and their enjoyment of His covenant

grace were to be signified. In a sense the invocation of this

blessing was the highest function of the priest: he became the

channel of spiritual endowment in which the whole nation shared.

It is a striking fact that the distinctive ideas conveyed in the three

portions of the blessing--Preservation, Enlightenment, Peace--bear a

relation, by no means fanciful, to the work of the Father, the Son, and

the Holy Spirit. First are invoked the providential care and favour of

God, as Ruler of the universe, Arbiter among the nations, Source of

creaturely life, Upholder of human existence. Israel as a whole, and

each individual Israelite as a member of the sacred community, should

in terms of the covenant enjoy the guardianship of the Almighty. The

idea is expanded in Psalm cxxi.:--

"Jehovah is thy keeper:

Jehovah is thy shade upon thy right hand.

The sun shall not smite thee by day,

Nor the moon by night.

Jehovah shall keep thee from all evil;

He shall keep thy soul.

Jehovah shall keep thy going out and thy coming in,

From this time forth and for evermore."

And in almost every Psalm the theme of Divine preservation is touched

on either in thanksgiving, prayer, or exultant hope.

"For God will save Zion, and build the cities of Judah;

And they shall abide there, and have it in possession.

The seed also of His servants shall inherit it;

And they that love His name shall dwell therein."

Often sorely pressed by the nations around, their land made the

battle-field of empires, the Hebrews could comfort themselves with

the assurance that Jehovah of Hosts was with them, that the God of

Jacob was their refuge. And each son of Abraham had his own portion

in the blessing.

"I will say of Jehovah, He is my refuge and my fortress,

My God in whom I trust."

The keynote of joyful confidence in the unseen King was struck in the

benediction which, pronounced by Aaron and by the high-priests after

him, associated Israel's safety with obedience to all the laws and

forms of religion.

The second member of the blessing indicates under the figure of the

shining of Jehovah's face the revelation of enlightening truth. Here

are implied the unfolding of God's character, the kindly disclosure

of His will in promise and prophecy, the opening to the minds of men

of those high and abiding laws that govern their destiny. There is a

forth-shining of the Divine countenance which troubles and dismays

the human heart: "The face of the Lord is against them that do evil."

But here is denoted that gracious radiance which came to its fulness

in Christ. And of this Divine shining Jacob Boehme writes: "As the

sun in the visible world ruleth over evil and good, and with its

light and power and all whatsoever itself is, is present everywhere,

and penetrates every being, and yet in its image-like [symbolic] form

doth not withdraw again to itself with its efflux, but wholly giveth

itself into every being, and yet ever remaineth whole, and nothing

of its being goeth away therewith: thus also it is to be understood

concerning Christ's power and office which ruleth in the inward

spiritual world visibly, and in the outward world invisibly, and

throughly penetrateth the faithful man's soul, spirit, and heart....

And as the sun worketh through and through an herb so that the herb

becometh solar (or filled with the virtue of the sun, and as it were

so converted by the sun that it becometh wholly of the nature of the

sun): so Christ ruleth in the resigned will in soul and body over all

evil inclinations, over Satan's introduced lust, and generateth the

man to be a new heavenly creature and wholly floweth into him."[2]

The Expositor's Bible: The Book of Numbers · 第 4 / 28 段