UNITED STATES.
HORACE MANN (1796-1859)
(From the painting at the Westfield, Massachusetts, Normal School)
HENRY BARNARD (1811-1900)]
In 1843 he was called to Rhode Island to examine and report upon the
existing schools, and from 1845 to 1849 acted as State Commissioner of
Public Schools there, where he rendered a service similar to that
previously rendered in Connecticut. In addition he organized a series of
town libraries throughout the State. For his teachers' institutes he
devised a traveling model school, to give demonstration lessons in the art
of teaching. From 1851 to 1855 he was again in Connecticut, as principal
of the newly established state normal school and _ex-officio_ Secretary of
the Connecticut State Board of Education. He now rewrote the school laws,
increased taxation for schools, checked the power of the districts, there
known as "school societies," and laid the foundations of a state system of
schools. The work of Mann and Barnard had its influence throughout all the
Northern States, and encouraged the friends of education everywhere.
Almost contemporaneous with them were leaders in other States who helped
fight through the battles of state establishment and state organization
and control, and the period of their labors has since been termed the
period of the "great awakening."
V. THE BATTLE TO ELIMINATE SECTARIANISM
THE SECULARIZATION OF AMERICAN EDUCATION. The Church, it will be
remembered, was from the earliest colonial times in possession of the
education of the young. Not only were the earliest schools controlled by
the Church and dominated by the religious motive, but the right of the
Church to dictate the teaching in the schools was clearly recognized by
the State. Still more, the State looked to the Church to provide the
necessary education, and assisted it in doing so by donations of land and
money. The minister, as a town official, naturally examined the teachers
and the instruction in the schools. After the establishment of the
National Government this relationship for a time continued. [10] New York
and the New England States specifically set aside lands to help both
church and school. After about 1800 these land endowments for religion
ceased, but grants of state aid for religious schools continued for nearly
a half-century longer. Then it became common for a town or city to build a
schoolhouse from city taxation, and let it out rent-free to any
responsible person who would conduct a tuition school in it, with a few
free places for selected poor children. Still later, with the rise of the
state schools, it became quite common to take over church and private
schools and aid them on the same basis as the new state schools.
In colonial times, too, and for some decades into our national period, the
warmest advocates of the establishment of schools were those who had in
view the needs of the Church. Then gradually the emphasis shifted to the
needs of the State, and a new class of advocates of public education now
arose. Still later the emphasis has been shifted to industrial and civic
and national needs, and the religious aim has been almost completely
eliminated. This change is known as the secularization of American
education. It also required many a bitter struggle, and was accomplished
in the different States but slowly. The two great factors which served to
produce this change were:
1. The conviction that the life of the Republic demanded an educated
and intelligent citizenship, and hence the general education of all in
common schools controlled by the State; and
2. The great diversity of religious beliefs among the people, which
forced tolerance and religious freedom through a consideration of the
rights of minorities.
The secularization of education must not be regarded either as a
deliberate or a wanton violation of the rights of the Church, but rather
as an unavoidable incident connected with the coming to self-consciousness
and self-government of a great people.
THE FIGHT IN MASSACHUSETTS. The educational awakening in Massachusetts,
brought on largely by the work of Horace Mann, was to many a rude
awakening. Among other things, it revealed that the old school of the
Puritans had gradually been replaced by a new and purely American type of
school, with instruction adapted to democratic and national rather than
religious ends. Mr. Mann stood strongly for such a conception of public
education, and being a Unitarian, and the new State Board of Education
being almost entirely liberal in religion, an attack was launched against
them, and for the first time in our history the cry was raised that "The
public schools are Godless schools." Those who believed in the old system
of religious instruction, those who bore the Board or its Secretary
personal ill-will, and those who desired to break down the Board's
authority and stop the development of the public schools, united their
forces in this first big attack against secular education. Horace Mann was
the first prominent educator in America to meet and answer the religious
onslaught.
A violent attack was opened in both the pulpit and the press. It was
claimed that the Board was trying to eliminate the Bible from the schools,
to abolish correction, and to "make the schools a counterpoise to
religious instruction at home and in Sabbath schools." The local right to
demand religious instruction was insisted upon.
Mr. Mann felt that a great public issue had been raised which should be
answered carefully and fully. In three public statements he answered the
criticisms and pointed out the errors in the argument (R. 322). The Bible,
he said, was an invaluable book for forming the character of children, and
should be read without comment in the schools, but it was not necessary to
teach it there. He showed that most of the towns had given up the teaching
of the Catechism before the establishment of the Board of Education. He
contended that any attempt to decide what creed or doctrine should be
taught would mean the ruin of the schools. The attack culminated in the
attempts of the religious forces to abolish the State Board of Education,
in the legislatures of 1840 and 1841, which failed dismally. Most of the
orthodox people of the State took Mr. Mann's side, and Governor Briggs, in
one of his messages, commended his stand by inserting the following:
Justice to a faithful public officer leads me to say that the
indefatigable and accomplished Secretary of the Board of Education has
performed services in the cause of common schools which will earn him
the lasting gratitude of the generation to which he belongs.
THE ATTEMPT TO DIVIDE THE SCHOOL FUNDS. As was stated earlier, in the
beginning it was common to aid church schools on the same basis as the
state schools, and sometimes, in the beginnings of state aid, the money
was distributed among existing schools without at first establishing any
public schools. In many Eastern cities church schools at first shared in
the public funds. In Pennsylvania church and private schools were aided
from poor-law funds up to 1834. In New Jersey the first general school law
of 1829 had been repealed a year later through the united efforts of
church and private-school interests, who unitedly fought the development
of state schools, and in 1830 and 1831 new laws had permitted all private
and parochial schools to share in the small state appropriation for
education.
After the beginning of the forties, when the Roman Catholic influence came
in strongly with the increase in Irish immigration to the United States, a
new factor was introduced and the problem, which had previously been a
Protestant problem, took on a somewhat different aspect in the form of a
demand for a division of the school funds. Between 1825 and 1842 the fight
was especially severe in New York City. In 1825 the City Council refused
to grant public money to any religious Society, [11] and in 1840 the
Catholics carried the matter to the State Legislature.
The legislature deferred action until 1842, and then did the unexpected
thing. The heated discussion of the question in the city and in the
legislature had made it evident that, while it might not be desirable to
continue to give funds to a privately organized corporation, to divide
them among the quarreling and envious religious sects would be much worse.
The result was that the legislature created for the city a City Board of
Education, to establish real public schools, and stopped the debate on the
question of aid to religious schools by enacting that no portion of the
school funds was in the future to be given to any school in which "any
religious sectarian doctrine or tenet should be taught, inculcated, or
practiced." Thus the real public-school system of New York City was
evolved out of this attempt to divide the public funds among the churches.
The Public School Society continued for a time, but its work was now done,
and, in 1853, surrendered its buildings and property to the City Board of
Education and disbanded.
THE CONTEST IN OTHER STATES. As early as 1830, Lowell, Massachusetts, had
granted aid to the Irish Catholic parochial schools in the city, and in
1835 had taken over two such schools and maintained them as public
schools. In 1853 the representatives of the Roman Catholic Church made a
demand on the state legislature for a division of the school fund of the
State. To settle the question once for all a constitutional amendment was
submitted by the legislature to the people, providing that all state and
town moneys raised or appropriated for education must be expended only on
regularly organized and conducted public schools, and that no religious
sect should ever share in such funds. This measure failed of adoption at
the election of 1853 by a vote of 65,111 for and 65,512 against, but was
re-proposed and adopted in 1855. This settled the question in
Massachusetts, as Mann had tried to settle it earlier, and as New
Hampshire had settled it in its constitution of 1792, Connecticut in its
constitution of 1818, and Rhode Island in its constitution of 1842.
Other States now faced similar demands, but no demand for a share in or a
division of the public-school funds, after 1840, was successful. The
demand everywhere met with intense opposition, and with the coming of
enormous numbers of Irish Catholics after 1846, and German Lutherans after
1848, the question of the preservation of the schools just established as
unified state school systems now became a burning one. Petitions for a
division of the funds deluged the legislatures (R. 323), and these were
met by counter-petitions (R. 324). Mass meetings on both sides of the
question were held. Candidates for office were forced to declare
themselves. Anti-Catholic riots occurred in a number of cities. The
Native-American Party was formed, in 1841, "to prevent the union of Church
and State," and to "keep the Bible in the schools." In 1841 the Whig
Party, in New York, inserted a plank in its platform against sectarian
schools. In 1855 the national council of the Know-Nothing Party, meeting
in Philadelphia, in its platform favored public schools and the use of the
Bible therein, but opposed sectarian schools. This party carried the
elections that year in Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Connecticut, Rhode
Island, Maryland, and Kentucky.
To settle the question in a final manner legislatures now began to propose
constitutional amendments to the people of their several States which
forbade a division or a diversion of the funds, and these were almost
uniformly adopted at the first election after being proposed. No State
admitted to the Union after 1858, except West Virginia, failed to insert
such a provision in its first state constitution. [12]
VI.
THE BATTLE TO ESTABLISH THE AMERICAN HIGH SCHOOL
The elementary or common schools which had been established in the
different States, by 1850, supplied an elementary or common school
education to the children of the masses of the people, and the primary
schools which were added, after about 1820, carried this education
downward to the needs of the beginners. In the rural schools the American
school of the 3 Rs provided for all the children, from the little ones up,
so long as they could advantageously partake of its instruction. Education
in advance of this common school training was in semi-private
institutions--the academies and colleges--in which a tuition fee was
charged. The next struggle came in the attempt to extend the system upward
so as to provide to pupils, free of charge, a more complete education than
the common schools afforded.
[Illustration: FIG. 204. A TYPICAL NEW ENGLAND ACADEMY
Pittsfield Academy, New Hampshire.]
THE TRANSITION ACADEMY. About the middle of the eighteenth century a
tendency manifested itself, in Europe as well as in America, to establish
higher schools offering a more practical curriculum than the old Latin
schools had provided. In America it became particularly evident, after the
coming of nationality, that the old Latin grammar-school type of
instruction, with its limited curriculum and exclusively college-
preparatory ends, was wholly inadequate for the needs of the youth of the
land. The result was the gradual dying-out of the Latin school and the
evolution of the tuition Academy, previously referred to briefly on page
463.
The academy movement spread rapidly during the first half of the
nineteenth century. By 1800 there were 17 academies in Massachusetts, 36
by 1820, and 403 by 1850. By 1830 there were, according to Hinsdale, 950
incorporated academies in the United States, and many unincorporated ones,
and by 1850, according to Inglis, there were, of all kinds, 1007 academies
in New England, 1636 in the Middle Atlantic States, 2640 in the Southern
States, 753 in the Upper Mississippi Valley States, and a total reported
for the entire United States of 6085, with 12,260 teachers employed and
263,096 pupils enrolled. [13]
The greatest period of their development was from 1820 to 1830, though
they continued to dominate secondary education until 1850, and were very
prominent until after the Civil War.
CHARACTERISTIC FEATURES. The most characteristic features of these
academies were their semi-public control (R. 325), their broadened
curriculum and religious purpose, and the extension of their instruction
to girls. The Latin Grammar School was essentially a town free school,
maintained by the towns for the higher education of certain of their male
children. It was aristocratic in type, and belonged to the early period of
class education. With the decline in zeal for education, after 1750, these
tax-supported higher schools largely died out, and in their place private
energy and benevolence came to be depended upon to supply the needed
higher education.
One of the main purposes expressed in the endowment or creation of the
academies was the establishment of courses which should cover a number of
subjects having value aside from mere preparation for college,
particularly subjects of a modern nature, useful in preparing youths for
the changed conditions of society and government and business. The study
of real things rather than words about things, and useful things rather
than subjects merely preparatory to college, became prominent features of
the new courses of study. Among the most commonly found new subjects were
algebra, astronomy, botany, chemistry, general history, United States
history, English literature, surveying, intellectual philosophy,
declamation, and debating. [14]
Not being bound up with the colleges, as the earlier Latin grammar schools
had largely been, the academies became primarily independent institutions,
taking pupils who had completed the English education of the common school
and giving them an advanced education in modern languages, the sciences,
mathematics, history, and the more useful subjects of the time, with a
view to "rounding out" their studies and preparing them for business life
and the rising professions. They thus built upon instead of running
parallel to the common school course, as the old Latin grammar school had
done (see Figure 198, p. 666) and hence clearly mark a transition from the
aristocratic and somewhat exclusive college-preparatory Latin grammar
school of colonial times to the more democratic high school of to-day. The
academies also served a very useful purpose in supplying to the lower
schools the best-educated teachers of the time.
The old Latin grammar school, too, had been maintained exclusively for
boys. Girls had been excluded as "Improper & inconsistent w'th such a
Grammar Schoole as ye law injoines, and is ye Designe of this Settlem't."
The new academies soon reversed this situation. Almost from the first they
began to be established for girls as well as boys, and in time many became
co-educational. In New York State alone 32 academies were incorporated
between 1819 and 1853 with the prefix "Female" to their title. In this
respect, also, these institutions formed a transition to the modern co-
educational high school. The higher education of women in the United
States clearly dates from the establishment of the academies. Troy (New
York) Seminary, founded by Emma Willard, in 1821, and Mt. Holyoke
(Massachusetts) Seminary, founded by Mary Lyon, in 1836, though not the
first institutions for girls, were nevertheless important pioneers in the
higher education of women.
THE DEMAND FOR HIGHER SCHOOLS. The different movements tending toward the
building-up of free public-school systems in the cities and States, which
we have described in this and the preceding chapter, and which became
clearly defined in the Northern States after 1825, came just at the time
when the Academy had reached its maximum development. The settlement of
the question of general taxation for education, the elimination of the
rate-bill by the cities and later by the States, the establishment of the
American common school as the result of a long native evolution, and the
complete establishment of public control over the entire elementary-school
system, all tended to bring the semi-private tuition academy into
question. Many asked why not extend the public-school system upward to
provide the necessary higher education for all in one common state-
supported school. [15]
The demand for an upward extension of the public school, which would
provide academy instruction for the poor as well as the rich, and in one
common public higher school, now made itself felt. As the colonial Latin
grammar school had represented the educational needs of a society based on
classes, and the academies had represented a transition period and marked
the growth of a middle class, so the rising democracy of the second
quarter of the nineteenth century now demanded and obtained the democratic
high school, supported by the public and equally open to all, to meet the
educational needs of a new society built on the basis of a new and
aggressive democracy. Where, too, the academy had represented in a way a
missionary effort--that of a few providing something for the good of the
people (Rs. 319, 325)--the high school on the other hand represented a
coöperative effort on the part of the people to provide something for
themselves.
[Illustration: FIG. 205. THE DEVELOPMENT OF SECONDARY SCHOOLS IN THE
UNITED STATES
The transitional character of the Academy is well shown in this diagram.]
THE FIRST AMERICAN HIGH SCHOOL. The first high school in the United States
was established in Boston, in 1821 (R. 326). For three years it was known
as the "English Classical School" (R. 327), but in 1824 the school
appears in the records as the "English High School." In 1826 Boston also
opened the first high school for girls, but abolished it in 1828, due to
its great popularity, and instead extended the course of study for girls
in the elementary schools.
[Illustration: FIG. 206 THE FIRST HIGH SCHOOL IN THE UNITED STATES
Established at Boston in 1821.]
THE MASSACHUSETTS LAW OF 1827. Though Portland, Maine, established a high
school in 1821, Worcester, Massachusetts, in 1824, and New Bedford,
Haverhill, and Salem, Massachusetts, in 1827, copying the Boston idea, the
real beginning of the American high school as a distinct institution dates
from the Massachusetts Law of 1827 (R. 328), enacted through the influence
of James G. Carter. This law formed the basis of all subsequent
legislation in Massachusetts, and deeply influenced development in other
States. The law is significant in that it required a high school in every
town having 500 families or over, in which should be taught United States
history, bookkeeping, algebra, geometry, and surveying, while in every
town having 4000 inhabitants or over, instruction in Greek, Latin,
history, rhetoric, and logic must be added. A heavy penalty was attached
for failure to comply with the law. In 1835 the law was amended so as to
permit any smaller town to form a high school as well.
This Boston and Massachusetts legislation clearly initiated the public
high-school movement in the United States. It was there that the new type
of higher school was founded, there that its curriculum was outlined,
there that its standards were established, and there that it developed
earliest and best.
THE STRUGGLE TO ESTABLISH AND MAINTAIN HIGH SCHOOLS. The development of
the American high school, even in its home, was slow. Up to 1840 not much
more than a dozen high schools had been established in Massachusetts, and
not more than an equal number in the other States. The Academy was the
dominant institution, the cost of maintenance was a factor, and the same
opposition to an extension of taxation to include high schools was
manifested as was earlier shown toward the establishment of common
schools. The early state legislation, as had been the case with the common
schools, was nearly always permissive and not mandatory. Massachusetts
forms a notable exception in this regard. The support for the schools had
to come practically entirely from increased local taxation, and this made
the struggle to establish and maintain high schools in any State for a
long time a series of local struggles. Years of propaganda and patient
effort were required, and, after the establishment of a high school in a
community, constant watchfulness was necessary to prevent its abandonment
(R. 329).
[Illustration: FIG. 207. HIGH SCHOOLS IN THE UNITED STATES BY 1860
Based on the table given in the _Report of the United States Commissioner
of Education_, 1904, vol. II, pp. 1782-1989. This table is only
approximately correct, as exact information is difficult to obtain. This
table gives 321 high schools by 1860, and all but 35 of these were in the
States shown on the above map. There were two schools in California and
three in Texas, and the remainder not shown were in the Southern States.
Of the 321 high schools reported, over half (167) were in the three States
of Massachusetts (78), New York (41), and Ohio (48).]
In many States, legislation providing for the establishment of high
schools was attacked in the courts. One of the clearest cases of this came
in Michigan, in a test case appealed from the city of Kalamazoo, and
commonly known as the Kalamazoo case. The opinion of the Supreme Court of
the State (R. 330) was so favorable and so positive that this decision
deeply influenced development in almost all of the Upper Mississippi
Valley States. The struggle to establish and maintain high schools in
Massachusetts and New York preceded the development in most other States,
because there the common school had been established earlier. In
consequence, the struggle to extend and complete the public-school system
came there earlier also. The development was likewise more peaceful there,
and came more rapidly. In Massachusetts this was in large part a result of
the educational awakening started by James G. Carter and Horace Mann. In
New York it was due to the early support of Governor De Witt Clinton, and
the later encouragement and state aid which came from the Regents of the
University of the State of New York. Maine, Vermont, and New Hampshire
were like Massachusetts in spirit, and followed closely its example. In
Rhode Island and New Jersey, due to old conditions, and in Connecticut,
due to the great decline in education there after 1800, the high school
developed much more slowly, and it was not until after 1865 that any
marked development took place in these States. The democratic West soon
adopted the idea, and established high schools as soon as cities developed
and the needs of the population warranted. In the South the main high-
school development dates from relatively recent times.
Gradually the high school has been accepted as a part of the state common-
school system by all the American States, and the funds and taxation
originally provided for the common schools have been extended to cover the
high school as well. The new States of the West have based their
legislation largely on what the Eastern and Central States earlier fought
out.
VII. THE STATE UNIVERSITY CROWNS THE SYSTEM
THE COLONIAL COLLEGES. The earlier colleges--Harvard, William and Mary,
Yale--had been created by the religious-state governments of the earlier
colonial period, and continued to retain some state connections for a time
after the coming of nationality. As it early became evident that a
democracy demands intelligence on the part of its citizens, that the
leaders of democracy are not likely to be too highly educated, and that
the character of collegiate instruction must ultimately influence national
development, efforts were accordingly made to change the old colleges or
create new ones, the final outcome of which was the creation of state
universities in all the new and in most of the older States. The evolution
of the state university, as the crowning head of the free public school
system of the State, represents the last phase which we shall trace of the
struggle of democracy to create a system of schools suited to its peculiar
needs.
The close of the colonial period found the Colonies possessed of nine
colleges. These, with the dates of their foundation, the Colony founding
them, and the religious denomination they chiefly represented were:
1636. Harvard College Massachusetts Puritan
1693. William and Mary Virginia Anglican
1701. Yale College Connecticut Congregational
1746. Princeton New Jersey Presbyterian
1753-55 Academy and College Pennsylvania Non-denominational
1754. King's College (Columbia) New York Anglican
1764. Brown Rhode Island Baptist
1765. Rutgers New Jersey Reformed Dutch
1769. Dartmouth New Hampshire Congregational
The religious purpose had been dominant in the founding of each
institution, though there was a gradual shading-off in strict
denominational control and insistence upon religious conformity in the
foundations after 1750. Still the prime purpose in the founding of each
was to train up a learned and godly body of ministers, the earlier
congregations at least "dreading to leave an illiterate ministry to the
churches when our present ministers shall lie in the dust." In a pamphlet,
published in 1754, President Clap of Yale declared that "Colleges are
_Societies of Ministers_, for training up Persons for the Work of the
_Ministry_" and that "The great design of founding this School (Yale), was
to Educate Ministers in our _own Way_." In the advertisement published in
the New York papers announcing the opening of King's College, in 1754, it
was stated that:
IV. The chief Thing that is aimed at in this College, is, to teach and
engage the Children _to know God in Jesus Christ_, and to love
and serve him in all _Sobriety, Godliness_, and _Richness of
Life_, with a perfect Heart and a Willing Mind: and to train them
up in all Virtuous Habits, and all such useful Knowledge as may render
them creditable to their Families and Friends, Ornaments to their
Country, and useful to the Public Weal in their generation.
These colonial institutions were all small. For the first fifty years of
Harvard's history the attendance at the college seldom exceeded twenty,
and the President did all the teaching. The first assistant teacher
(tutor) was not appointed until 1699, and the first professor not until
1721, when a professorship of divinity was endowed. By 1800 the
instruction was conducted by the President and three professors--divinity,
mathematics, and "Oriental languages"--assisted by a few tutors who
received only class fees, and the graduating classes seldom exceeded
forty. The course was four years in length, and all students studied the
same subjects. The first three years were given largely to the so-called
"Oriental languages" Hebrew, Greek, and Latin. In addition, Freshmen
studied arithmetic; Sophomores, algebra, geometry, and trigonometry; and
Juniors, natural (book) science; and all were given much training in
oratory, and some general history was added. The Senior year was given
mainly to ethics, philosophy, and Christian evidences. [16] The
instruction in the eight other older colleges, before 1800, was not
materially different.
[Illustration: FIG. 208. COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES ESTABLISHED BY 1860
Compiled from data given in the _Reports of the United States Commissioner
of Education_. Of the 246 colleges shown on the map, but 17 were state
institutions, and but two or three others had any state connections.]
GROWTH OF COLLEGES BY 1860. Fifteen additional colleges were founded
before 1800, and it has been estimated that by that date the two dozen
American colleges then existing did not have all told over one hundred
professors and instructors, not less than one thousand nor more than two
thousand students, or property worth over one million dollars. Their
graduating classes were small. No one of the twenty-four admitted women
in any way to its privileges. After 1820, with the firmer establishment
of the Nation, the awakening of a new national consciousness, the
development of larger national wealth, and a court decision which
safeguarded the endowments, interest in the founding of new colleges
perceptibly quickened, as may be seen from the adjoining table, and
between 1820 and 1880 came the great period of denominational effort. The
map shows the colleges established by 1860, from which it will be seen how
large a part the denominational colleges played in the early history of
higher education in the United States. Up to about 1870 the provision of
higher education, as had been the case earlier with the provision of
secondary education by the academies, had been left largely to private
effort. There were, to be sure, a few state universities before 1870,
though usually these were not better than the denominational colleges
around them, and often they maintained a non-denominational character only
by preserving a proper balance between the different denominations in the
employment of their faculties. Speaking generally, higher education in the
United States before 1870 was provided very largely in the tuitional
colleges of the different religious denominations, rather than by the
State. Of the 246 colleges founded by the close of the year 1860, as shown
on the map, but 17 were state institutions, and but two or three others
had any state connections.
COLLEGES FOUNDED UP TO 1900
Before 1780 10
1780-89 7
1790-99 7
1800-09 9
1810-19 5
1820-29 22
1830-39 38
1840-49 42
1850-59 92
1860-69 73
1870-79 61
1880-89 74
1890-99 54
---
Total 494
(After a table by Dexter corrected by U.S. Comr. Educ. data. Only
approximately correct.)
THE NEW NATIONAL ATTITUDE TOWARD THE COLLEGES. After the coming of
nationality there gradually grew up a widespread dissatisfaction with the
colleges as then conducted, because they were aristocratic in tendency,
because they devoted themselves so exclusively to the needs of a class,
and because they failed to answer the needs of the States in the matter of
higher education. Due to their religious origin, and the common
requirement that the president and trustees must be members of some
particular denomination, they were naturally regarded as representing the
interests of some one sect or faction within the State rather than the
interests of the State itself. With the rise of the new democratic spirit
after about 1820 there came a demand, felt least in New England and most
in the South and the new States in the West, for institutions of higher
learning which should represent the State. It was argued that colleges
were important instrumentalities for moulding the future, that the kind of
education given in them must ultimately influence the welfare of the
State, and that higher education cannot be regarded as a private matter.
The type of education given in these higher institutions, it was argued,
"will appear on the bench, at the bar, in the pulpit, and in the senate,
and will unavoidably affect our civil and religious principles." For these
reasons, as well as to crown our state school system and to provide higher
educational advantages for its leaders, it was argued that the State
should exercise control over the colleges.
This new national spirit manifested itself in a number of ways. In New
York we see it in the reorganization of King's College, the rechristening
of the institution as Columbia, and the placing of it under at least the
nominal supervision of the governing educational body of the State. In
Pennsylvania an attempt was made to bring the university into closer
connection with the State, but this failed. In New Hampshire the
legislature tried, in 1816, to transform Dartmouth College into a state
institution. This act was contested in the courts, and the case was
finally carried to the Supreme Court of the United States. There it was
decided, in 1819, that the charter of a college was a contract, the
obligation of which a legislature could not impair.
EFFECT OF THE DARTMOUTH COLLEGE DECISION. The effect of this decision
manifested itself in two different ways. On the one hand it guaranteed the
perpetuity of endowments, and the great period of private and
denominational effort (see table) now followed. On the other hand, since
the States could not change charters and transform old establishments,
they began to turn to the creation of new state universities of their own.
Virginia created its state university the same year as the Dartmouth case
decision. The University of North Carolina, which had been established in
1789, and which began to give instruction in 1795, but which had never
been under direct state control, was taken over by the State in 1821. The
University of Vermont, originally chartered in 1791, was rechartered as a
state university in 1838. The University of Indiana was established in
1820. Alabama provided for a state university in its first constitution,
in 1819, and the institution opened for instruction in 1831. Michigan, in
framing its first constitution preparatory to entering the Union, in 1835,
made careful provisions for the safeguarding of the state university and
for establishing it as an integral part of its state school system, as
Indiana had done in 1816. Wisconsin provided for the creation of a state
university in 1836, and embodied the idea in its first constitution when
it entered the Union in 1848, and Missouri provided for a state university
in 1839, Mississippi in 1844, Iowa in 1847, and Florida in 1856. The state
university is today found in every "new" State and in some of the
"original" States, and practically every new Western and Southern State
followed the patterns set by Indiana, Michigan, and Wisconsin and made
careful provision for the establishment and maintenance of a state
university in its first state constitution.
There was thus quietly added another new section to the American
educational ladder, and the free public-school system was extended farther
upward. Though the great period of state university foundation came after
1860, and the great period of state university expansion after 1885, the
beginnings were clearly marked early in our national history. Of the
sixteen States having state universities by 1860 (see Figure 208), all
except Florida had established them before 1850. For a long time small,
poorly supported by the States, much like the church colleges about them
in character and often inferior in quality, one by one the state
universities have freed themselves alike from denominational restrictions
on the one hand and political control on the other, and have set about
rendering the service to the State which a state university ought to
render. Michigan, the first of our state universities to free itself, take
its proper place, and set an example for others to follow, opened in 1841
with two professors and six students. In 1844 it was a little institution
of three professors, one tutor, one assistant, and one visiting lecturer,
had but fifty-three students, and offered but a single course of study,
consisting chiefly of Greek, Latin, mathematics, and intellectual and
moral science (R. 331). As late as 1852 it had but seventy-two students,
but by 1860, when it had largely freed itself from the incubus of Baptist
Latin, Congregational Greek, Methodist intellectual philosophy,
Presbyterian astronomy, and Whig mathematics, and its remarkable growth as
a state university had begun, it enrolled five hundred and nineteen.
THE AMERICAN FREE PUBLIC-SCHOOL SYSTEM NOW ESTABLISHED. By the close of
the second quarter of the nineteenth century, certainly by 1860, we find
the American public-school system fully established, in principle at
least, in all our Northern States (R. 332). Much yet remained to be done
to carry into full effect what had been established in principle, but
everywhere democracy had won its fight, and the American public school,
supported by general taxation, freed from the pauper-school taint, free
and equally open to all, under the direction of representatives of the
people, free from sectarian control, and complete from the primary school
through the high school, and in the Western States through the university
as well, was established permanently in American public policy. It was a
real democratic educational ladder that had been created, and not the
typical two-class school system of continental European States. The
establishment of the free public high school and the state university
represent the crowning achievements of those who struggled to found a
state-supported educational system fitted to the needs of great democratic
States. Probably no other influences have done more to unify the American
People, reconcile diverse points of view, eliminate state jealousies, set
ideals for the people, and train leaders for the service of the States and
of the Nation than the academies, high schools, and colleges scattered
over the land. They have educated but a small percentage of the people, to
be sure, but they have trained most of the leaders who have guided the
American democracy since its birth.
[Illustration: FIG. 209. THE AMERICAN EDUCATIONAL LADDER
Compare this with the figure on page 577, and the democratic nature of the
American school system will be apparent.]
QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION
1. Explain the theory of "vested rights" as applied to private and
parochial schools.
2. Does every great advance in provisions for human welfare require a
period of education and propaganda? Illustrate.
3. Explain just what is meant by "the wealth of the State must educate the
children of the State."
4. Show how the retention of the pauper-school idea would have been
dangerous to the life of the Republic.
5. Why were the cities more anxious to escape from the operation of the
pauper-school law than were the towns and rural districts?
6. Why were the pauper-school and the rate-bill so hard to eliminate?
7. Explain why, in America, schools naturally developed from the community
outward.
8. State your explanation for the older States beginning to establish
permanent school funds, often before they had established a state system
of schools.
9. Show the gradual transition from church control of education, through
state aid of church schools, to secularized state schools.
10. Show why secularized state schools were the only possible solution for
the United States.
11. Show that secularization would naturally take place in the textbooks
and the instruction, before manifesting itself in the laws.
12. Show how the American academy was a natural development in the
national life.
13. Show how the American high school was a natural development after the
academy.
14. Show why the high school could be opposed by men who had accepted tax-
supported elementary schools. Why has such reasoning been abandoned now?
15. Explain the difference, and illustrate from the history of American
educational development, between establishing a thing in principle and
carrying it into full effect.
16. Was the early argument as to the influence of higher education on the
State a true argument? Why?
17. What would have been the probable results had the Dartmouth College
case been decided the other way?
18. Show how the opening of collegiate instruction to women was a phase of
the new democratic movement.
19. Show how college education has been a unifying force in the national
life.
SELECTED READINGS
In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following illustrative
selections are reproduced:
316. Mann: The Ground of the Free-School System.
317. Governor Cleveland: Repeal of the Connecticut School Law.
318. Mann: On the Repeal of the Connecticut School Law.
319. Gulliver: The Struggle for Free Schools in Norwich.
320. Address: The State and Education.
321. Michigan: A Rate-Bill, and a Warrant for Collection.
322. Mann: On Religious Instruction in the Schools.
323. Michigan: Petition for a Division of the School Fund.
324. Michigan: Counter-Petition against a Division.
325. Connecticut: Act of Incorporation of Norwich Free Academy,
326. Boston: Establishment of the First American High School.
327. Boston: The Secondary-School System in 1823.
328. Massachusetts: The High School Law of 1827.
329. Gulliver: An Example of the Opposition to High Schools.
330. Michigan: The Kalamazoo Decision.
331. Michigan: Program of Studies at University, 1843.
332. Tappan: The Michigan State System of Public Instruction.
QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS
1. Do Mann's three propositions (316) hold equally true to-day?
2. Of what type of person is the reasoning of Governor Cleveland (317)
typical?
3. Assuming Mann's description of Connecticut progress (318) to be
correct, how do you account for the legislature following Governor
Cleveland's recommendations so readily?
4. Did the leaders in Norwich (319) use good diplomacy?
5. Point out the essential soundness of the reasoning of the New Jersey
Report (320).
6. Explain the willingness of people seventy-five years ago to conduct the
school business on such a small basis (321) as the rate-bill indicates.
7. Show that, as Mr. Mann points out (322), sectarian schools and a State
Church are near together.
8. Point out the weakness in the argument in the Michigan petition (323).
9. State the purpose and nature of the first American high school (326),
and contrast it with the earlier academy.
10. Contrast the English Classical School (High School) of Boston of 1823,
with the older Latin School (327), as to purpose and instruction.
11. Just what did the Massachusetts Law of 1827 (328) require?
12. Has such opposition as that described in 329 completely died out even
now?
13. State the line of reasoning and the conclusions of the Court in the
Kalamazoo Case (330). Point out how this decision might influence
development elsewhere.
14. Compare the University of Michigan of 1843 (331) with a present-day
high school.
15. Show that Michigan (332) had perfected an American educational ladder.
SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES
* Brown, E. E. _The Making of our Middle Schools_.
* Brown, S. W. _The Secularization of American Education_.
Cubberley, E. P. _Public Education in the United States_.
Dexter, E. G. _A History of Education in the United States_.
* Hinsdale, B. A. _Horace Mann, and the Common School Revival in the
United States_.
* Inglis, A. J. _The Rise of the High School in Massachusetts_.
Martin, George H. _The Evolution of the Massachusetts Public School
System_.
* Mead, A. R. _The Development of Free Schools in the United States, as
Illustrated by Connecticut and Michigan_.
Taylor, James M. _Before Vassar Opened_.
* Thwing, Charles F. _A History of Higher Education in America_.
CHAPTER XXVII
EDUCATION BECOMES A NATIONAL TOOL
I. SPREAD OF THE STATE-CONTROL IDEA
THE FIVE TYPE NATIONS. We have now traced, in some detail, the struggles
of forward-looking men to establish national systems of education in five
great world nations. In each we have described the steps by means of which
the State gradually superseded the Church in the control of education, and
the motives and impulses which finally led the State to take over the
school as a function of the State. The steps and impelling motives and
rate of transfer were not the same in any two nations, but in each of the
five the political necessities of the State in time made the transfer seem
desirable. Time everywhere was required to effect the change. The movement
began earliest and was concluded earliest in the German States, and was
concluded last in England. In the German States, France, and Italy the
change came rapidly and as a result of legislative acts or imperial
decrees. In England and the United States the transfer took place, as we
have seen, only in response to the slow development of public opinion.
This change in control and extension of educational advantages was
essentially a nineteenth-century movement, and a resultant of the new
political philosophy and the democratic revolutions of the later
eighteenth century, combined with the industrial revolution of the
nineteenth century. A new political impulse now replaced the earlier
religious motive as the incentive for education, and education for
literacy and citizenship became, during the nineteenth century, a new
political ideal that has, in time, spread to progressive nations all over
the world.
The five great nations whose educational evolution has been described in
the preceding chapters may be regarded as having formed types which have
since been copied, in more or less detail, by the more progressive nations
in different parts of the world. The continental European two-class school
system, the American educational ladder, and the English tendency to
combine the two and use the best parts of each, have been reproduced in
the different national educational systems which have been created by the
various political governments of the world. The continental European idea
of a centralized ministry for education, with an appointed head or a
cabinet minister in control, has also been widely copied. The Prussian
two-class plan has been most influential among the Teutonic and Slavic
peoples of Europe, and has also deeply influenced educational development
among the Japanese; English ideas have been extensively copied in the
English self-governing dominions; and the American plan has been clearly
influential in Canada, the Argentine, and in China. The French centralized
plan for organization and administration has been widely copied in the
state educational organizations of the Latin nations of Europe and South
America. In a general way it may be stated that the more democratic the
government of a nation has become the greater has been the tendency to
break away from the two-class school system, to introduce more of an
educational ladder, and to bring in more of the English conception of
granting to localities a reasonable amount of local liberty in educational
affairs.
SPREAD OF THE STATE CONTROL IDEA AMONG NORTHERN NATIONS. The development
of schools under the control of the government, and the extension of state
supervision to the existing religious schools, took place in the different
cantons of Switzerland, and in Holland, Denmark, Norway, and Sweden,
somewhat contemporaneously with the development described for the five
type nations. The work of Pestalozzi and Fellenberg, and of their
disciples and followers, had given an early impetus to the establishment
of schools and teacher-training in the Swiss cantons, most being done in
the German-speaking portions.
In Holland, where the Reformation zeal for schools largely died out in the
eighteenth century, the organization of the "Society of Public Good," in
1784, by a Mennonite clergyman, did much to awaken a new interest in
schools for the people and to inaugurate a new movement for educational
organization. In 1795 a revolution took place in Holland, a republic was
established, and the extension of educational advantages followed. From
1806 to 1815 Holland was under the rule of Napoleon. A school law of 1806
forms the basis of public education in Holland. This asserted the
supremacy of the State in education, and provided for state inspection of
schools. In 1812 the French scientist, M. Cuvier, reported to Napoleon
that there were 4451 schools in little Holland, and that one tenth of the
total population was in school. In 1816 a normal school was established at
Haarlem. Both the constitutions of 1815 and 1848 provided for state
control of education, which has been steadily extended since the beginning
of the revival in 1784. Today Holland provides a good system of public
instruction for its people.
[Illustration: Fig. 210. THE SCHOOL SYSTEM OF DENMARK]
In Denmark and Sweden the development of state schools has been worked
out, much as in England, in coöperation with the Church, and the Church
still assists the State in the administration and supervision of the
school systems which were eventually evolved. In each of these countries,
too, the continental two-class school system has been somewhat modified by
an upward movement of the transfer point between the two and the
development of people's high schools, so as to produce a more democratic
type of school and afford better educational opportunities to all classes
of the population. The annexed diagram, showing the organization of
education in Denmark, is typical of this modification and extension.
Finland should also be classed with these northern nations in matters of
educational development. Lutheran ideas as to religion and the need for
education took deep hold there at an early date (p. 297). A knowledge of
reading and the Catechism was made necessary for confirmation as early as
1686, and democratic ideas also found an early home among this people. In
consequence the Finns have for long been a literate people. The law making
elementary education a function of the State, however, dates only from
1866, and secondary education was taken over from the ecclesiastical
authorities only in 1872.
Similarly, Scotland, another northern nation, began schools as a phase of
its Reformation fervor. During the eighteenth century the parish schools,
created by the Acts of 1646 (R. 179; p. 335) and 1696, proved
insufficient, and voluntary schools were added to supplement them.
Together these insured for Scotland a much higher degree of literacy than
was the case in England. The final state organization of education in
Scotland dates from the Scottish Education Act of 1872.
[Illustration: FIG. 211. THE PROGRESS OF LITERACY IN EUROPE BY THE CLOSE
OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY]
The map reproduced here, showing the progress of general education by the
close of the nineteenth century, as measured by the spread of the ability
to read and write, reveals at a glance the high degree of literacy of the
northern Teutonic and mixed Teutonic nations. It was among these nations
that the Protestant Reformation ideas made the deepest impression; it was
in these northern States that the Protestant elementary vernacular school,
to teach reading and religion, attained its earliest start; it was there
that the school was taken over from the Church and erected into an
effective national instrument at an early date; and it was these nations
which had been most successful, by the close of the nineteenth century, in
extending the elements of education to all and thus producing literate
populations.
THE STATE-CONTROL IDEA IN THE SOUTH AND EAST OF EUROPE. As we pass to the
south and east of Europe we pass not only to lands which remained loyal to
the Roman Church, or are adherents of the Greek Church, and hence did not
experience the Reformation fervor with its accompanying zeal for
education, but also to lands untouched by the French-Revolution movement
and where democratic ideas have only recently begun to make any progress.
Greece alone forms an exception to this statement, a constitutional
government having been established there in 1843. Removed from the main
stream of European civilization, these nations have been influenced less
by modern forces; the hold of the Church on the education of the young has
there been longest retained; and the taking-over of education by the State
has there been longest deferred. In consequence, the schools provided have
for long been inadequate both in number and scope, and the progress of
literacy and democratic ideas among the people has been slow.
Despite the beginnings made by Maria Theresa (p. 475) in the late
eighteenth century, Austria dropped backward to a low place in matters of
education during the period of reaction following the Napoleonic wars, and
the real beginnings of state elementary-schools there date from the law of
1867. The beginnings in Hungary date from 1868. The beginnings of other
state elementary school systems are: Greece, 1823; Portugal, 1844; Spain,
1857; Roumania, 1859; Bulgaria, 1881; and Serbia, 1882. In many of these
States, despite early beginnings, but little real progress has even yet
been made in developing systems of national education that will provide
gratuitous elementary-school training for all and inculcate the national
spirit. In many of these States the illiteracy of the people is still
high, [1] the people are poor, the nations are economically backward, the
military and clerical classes still dominate, and intelligent and
interested governments have not as yet been evolved.
In Russia, though Catherine II and her successors made earnest efforts to
begin a system of state education, the period following Napoleon was one
of extreme repressive reaction. The military class and the clergy of the
Greek Church joined hands in a government interested in keeping the people
submissive and devout. In consequence, at the time of the emancipation of
the serfs, in 1861, it was estimated that not one per cent of the total
population of Russia was then under instruction, and the ratio of
illiteracy by the close of the nineteenth century was the highest in
Europe outside of Spain, Portugal, and the Balkan States.
THE STATE-CONTROL IDEA IN THE ENGLISH SELF-GOVERNING DOMINIONS. The
English and French settlers in Ontario, Quebec, and the Maritime Provinces
of Canada brought the English and French parochial-school ideas from their
home-lands with them, but these home conceptions were materially modified,
at an early date, by settlers from the northern States of the American
Union. These introduced the New England idea of state control and public
responsibility for education. In part copying precedents recently
established in the new American States, as an outcome of the struggles
there to establish free, tax-supported, and state-controlled schools, both
Ontario and Quebec early began the establishment of state systems of
education for their people. A superintendent of education was appointed in
Ontario in 1844, and the Common School Act of 1846 laid the foundation of
the state school system of the Province. In the law of 1871 a system of
uniform, free, compulsory, and state-inspected schools was definitely
provided for. Quebec, in 1845, made the ecclesiastical parish the unit for
school administration; in 1852 appointed government inspectors for the
church schools; and in 1859 provided for a Council of Public Instruction
to control all schools in the Province. The Dominion Act of 1867 left
education, as in the United States, to the several Provinces to control,
and state systems of education, though with large liberty in religious
instruction, or the incorporation of the religious schools into the state
school systems, have since been erected in all the Canadian Provinces.
Following American precedents, too, a thoroughly democratic educational
ladder has almost everywhere been created, substantially like that shown
in the Figure on page 708.
In Australia and New Zealand education has similarly been left to the
different States to handle, but a state centralized control has been
provided there which is more akin to French practice than to English
ideas. In each State, primary education has been made free, compulsory,
secular, and state-supported. The laws making such provision in the
different States date from 1872, in Victoria; 1875, in Queensland; 1878,
in South Australia, West Australia, and New Zealand; and 1880, in New
South Wales. Secondary education has not as yet been made free, and many
excellent privately endowed or fee-supported secondary schools, after the
English plan, are found in the different States.
In the new Union of South Africa all university education has been taken
over by the Union, while the existing school systems of the different
States are rapidly being taken over and expanded by the state governments,
and transformed into constructive instruments of the States.
THE STATE-CONTROL IDEA IN THE SOUTH AMERICAN STATES. As we have seen in
Chapter XX, the spirit of nationality awakened by the French Revolution
spread to South America, and between 1815 and 1821 all of Spain's South
American colonies revolted, declared their independence from the mother
country, and set up constitutional republics. Brazil, in 1822, in a
similar manner severed its connections from Portugal. The United States,
through the Monroe Doctrine (1823), helped these new States to maintain
their independence. For approximately half a century these States,
isolated as they were and engaged in a long and difficult struggle to
evolve stable forms of government, left such education as was provided to
private individuals and societies and to the missionaries and teaching
orders of the Roman Church. After the middle of the nineteenth century,
the new forces stirring in the modern world began to be felt in South
America as well, and, after about 1870, a well-defined movement to
establish state school systems began to be in evidence.
The Argentine constitution of 1853 had directed the establishment of
primary schools by the State, but nothing of importance was done until
after the election of Dr. Sarmiento as President, in 1868. Under his
influence an American-type normal school was established, teachers were
imported from the United States, and liberal appropriations for education
were begun. In 1873 a general system of national aid for primary education
was established, and in 1884 a new law laid the basis of the present state
school system. Though some earlier beginnings had been made in some of the
other South American nations, Argentine is regarded as the leader in
education among them. This is largely due to the democratic nature of the
government which, in connection with the deep interest in education of
President Sarmiento, [2] found educational expression in the creation of
an American-type educational ladder, as the accompanying diagram shows.
Large emphasis has been placed on scientific and practical studies in the
secondary _colegios_. The normal school has been given large importance,
and made a parallel and connecting link in the educational ladder between
the primary schools and the universities. The Argentine school system,
probably due to American influences acting through President Sarmiento,
forms an exception to the usual South American state school system, as
nearly all the other States have followed the French model and created a
European two-class school system.
[Illustration: FIG. 212. THE SCHOOL SYSTEM OF THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC]
In Chili, the constitution of 1833 declared education to be of supreme
importance, and a normal school was established in Santiago, as early as
1840. The basic law for the organization of a state system of primary
instruction, however, dates from 1860, and the law organizing a state
system of secondary and higher education from 1872.
In Peru, an educational reform movement was inaugurated in 1876, but the
war with Chili (1879-84) checked all progress. In 1896 an Educational
Commission was appointed to visit the United States and Europe, and the
law of 1901 marked the creation of a ministry for education and the real
beginnings of a state school system.
The Brazilian constitution of 1824 left education to the several States
(twenty and one Federal District), and a permissive law of 1827 allowed
the different States to establish schools. It was not until 1854, however,
that public schools were organized in the Federal District, and these mark
the real beginning of state education in Brazil. Since then the
establishment of state schools has gradually extended to the coast States,
and inland with the building of railway lines and the opening-up of the
interior to outside influences. The basis for state-controlled education
has now been laid in all the States, but the attendance at the schools as
yet is small. [3]
In some of the other South American States, such as Bolivia, Ecuador, and
Venezuela, but little progress in extending state-controlled schools has
as yet been made, and the training of the young is still left largely to
private effort, the Church, and the religious orders. The illiteracy in
all the South American States is still high, in part due to the large
native populations, and much remains to be done before education becomes
general there. The state-control idea, though, has been definitely
established in principle in these countries. With the establishment of
stable governments, the building of railroads and steamship lines, and the
development of an important international commerce--events which there
have characterized the first two decades of the twentieth century--early
and important progress in state educational organization and in the
extension of educational advantages may be expected.
THE STATE-SCHOOL IDEA IN EASTERN ASIA. In 1854 Admiral Perry effected the
treaty of friendship with Japan which virtually opened that nation to the
influences of western civilization, and one of the most wonderful
transformations of a people recorded in history soon began. In 1867 a new
Mikado came to the throne, and in 1868 the small military class, which had
ruled the nation for some seven hundred years, gave up their power to the
new ruler. A new era in Japan, known as the _Meiji_, dates from this
event. In 1871 the centuries-old feudal system was abolished, and all
classes in the State were declared equal before the law. This same year
the first newspaper in Japan was begun. In 1872 the first educational code
for the nation was promulgated by the Mikado. This ordered the general
establishment of schools, the compulsory education of the people (R. 334
a), and the equality of all classes in educational matters. Students were
now sent abroad, especially to Germany and the United States; foreign
teachers were imported; an American normal-school teacher was placed in
charge of the newly opened state normal school; the American class method
of instruction was introduced; schoolbooks and teaching apparatus were
prepared, after American models; middle schools were organized in the
towns; higher schools were opened in the cities; and the old Academy of
Foreign Languages was evolved (1877) into the University of Tokyo. In 1884
the study of English was introduced into the courses of the public
schools. In 1889 a form of constitution was granted to the people, and a
parliament established. [4]
[Illustration: FIG. 213. THE JAPANESE TWO-CLASS SCHOOL SYSTEM.]
Adapting the continental European idea of a two-class school system to the
peculiar needs of the nation, the Japanese have worked out, during the
past half-century, a type of state-controlled school system which has been
well adapted to their national needs. [5] Instruction in national
morality, based on the ancestral virtues, brotherly affection, and loyalty
to the constitution and the ruling class (R. 334 b-c), has been well
worked out in their schools. Though the government has remained largely
autocratic in form, the Japanese have, however, retained throughout all
their educational development the fundamental democratic principle
enunciated in the Preamble to the Educational Code of 1872 (R. 334 a),
_viz_., that every one without distinction of class or sex shall receive
primary education at least, and that the opportunity for higher education
shall be open to all children. So completely has the education of the
people been conceived of as one of the most important functions of the
State that all education has been placed under a centralized state
control, with a Cabinet Minister in charge of all administrative matters
connected with the education of the nation.
[Illustration: FIG. 214. THE CHINESE EDUCATIONAL LADDER]
Since near the end of the nineteenth century what promises to be an even
more wonderful transformation of a people-political, social, scientific,
and industrial--has been taking place in China (R. 335). A much more
democratic type of national school system than that of the Japanese has
been worked out, and this the new (1912) Republic of China is rapidly
extending in the provinces, and making education a very important function
of the new democratic national life. [6] In the beginning, when displacing
the centuries-old Confucian educational system, [7] the Chinese adopted
Japanese ideas and organized their schools (1905) somewhat after the
Japanese model. Later on, responding to the influence of many American-
educated Chinese and to the more democratic impulses of the Chinese
people, the new government established by the Republic of 1912 changed the
school system at first established so as to make it in type more like the
American educational ladder. The new Chinese school system is shown in the
drawing on page 721. The university instruction is modern and excellent,
and the addition of the cultural and scientific knowledge worked out in
western Europe to the intellectual qualities of this capable people can
hardly fail to result, in time, in the production of a wonderful modern
nation, [8] probably in one of the greatest nations of the mid-twentieth
century.
In 1891 the independent Kingdom of Siam, [9] awakened from its age-long
isolation by new world influences, sent a prince to Europe to study and
report on the state systems of education maintained there. As a result of
his report a department of public education was created, which later
evolved into a ministry of public instruction, and elementary schools were
opened by the State in the thirteen thousand old Buddhist temples. These
schools offered a two-year course in Siamese, followed by a five-year
course in English, given by imported English teachers. Schools for girls
were provided, as well as for boys. Since this beginning, higher schools
of law, medicine, agriculture, engineering, and military science have been
added, taught largely by imported English and American teachers. In
consequence of the new educational organization, and the new influences
brought in, the whole life of this little kingdom has been transformed
during the past three decades.
GENERAL ACCEPTANCE OF THE STATE-FUNCTION CONCEPTION. The different
national school systems, the creation of which has so far been briefly
described, are typical and represent a great world movement which
characterized the latter half of the nineteenth century. This movement is
still under way, and increasing in strength. Other state school
organizations might be added to the list, but those so far given are
sufficient. Beginning with the nations which were earliest to the front of
the onward march of civilization, the movement for the state control of
education, itself an expression of new world forces and new national
needs, has in a century spread to every continent on the globe. To-day
progressive nations everywhere conceive of education for their people as
so closely associated with their social, political, and industrial
progress, and their national welfare and prosperity (R. 336), that the
control of education has come to be regarded as an indispensable function
of the State. State constitutions (R. 333) have accordingly required the
creation of comprehensive state school systems; legislators have turned to
education with a new interest; bulky state school codes have given force
to constitutional mandates; national literacy has become a goal; the
diffusion of political intelligence by means of the school has naturally
followed the extension of the suffrage; while the many new forces and
impulses of a modern world have served to make the old religious type of
education utterly inadequate, and to call for national action to a degree
never conceived of in the days when religious, private, and voluntary
educational effort sufficed to meet the needs of the few who felt the call
to learn. What a few of the more important of these new nineteenth-century
forces have been, which have so fundamentally modified the character and
direction of education, it may be worth while to set forth briefly, before
proceeding further.
II. NEW MODIFYING FORCES
THE ADVANCE OF SCIENTIFIC KNOWLEDGE. The first and most important of these
nineteenth-century forces, and the one which preceded and conditioned all
the others, was the great increase of accurate knowledge as to the forces
and laws of the physical world, arising from the application of scientific
method to the investigation of the phenomena of the material world (R.
337). During the nineteenth century the intellect of man was stimulated to
activity as it had not been before since the days when little Athens was
the intellectual center of the world. What the Revival of Learning was to
the classical scholars of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the
movement for scientific knowledge and its application to human affairs was
to the nineteenth. It changed the outlook of man on the problems of life,
vastly enlarged the intellectual horizon, and gave a new trend to
education and to scholarly effort. What the scholars of the seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries had been slowly gathering together as interesting
and classified phenomena, the scientific scholars of the nineteenth
century organized, interpreted, expanded, and applied. Since the day of
Copernicus (p. 386) and Newton (p. 388) a growing appreciation of the
permanence and scope of natural law in the universe had been slowly
developing, and this the scholars of the nineteenth century fixed as a
principle and applied in many new directions. A few of the more important
of these new directions may profitably be indicated here.
[Illustration: FIG. 215. BARON JUSTUS VON LIEBIG (1803-73)]
In the domain of the physical sciences very important advances
characterized the century. Chemistry, up to the end of the first quarter
of the nineteenth century largely a collection of unrelated facts, was
transformed by the labors of such men as Dalton (1766-1844), Faraday
(1791-1867), and Liebig into a wonderfully well-organized and vastly
important science. Liebig carried chemistry over into the study of the
processes of digestion and the functioning of the internal organs, and
reshaped much of the instruction in medicine. Liebig is also important as
having opened, at Giessen, in 1826, the first laboratory instruction in
chemistry for students provided in any university in the world. By many
subsequent workers chemistry has been so applied to the arts that it is
not too much to say that a knowledge of chemistry underlies the whole
manufacturing and industrial life of the present, and that the degree of
industrial preeminence held by a nation to-day is largely determined by
its mastery of chemical processes.
Physics has experienced an equally important development. It, too, at the
beginning of the nineteenth century was in the preliminary state of
collecting, coördinating, and trying to interpret data. In a century
physics has, by experimentation and the application of mathematics to its
problems, been organized into a number of exceedingly important sciences.
In dynamics, heat, light, and particularly in electricity, discoveries and
extension of previous knowledge of the most far-reaching significance have
been made. What at the beginning of the nineteenth century was a small
textbook study of natural philosophy has since been subdivided into the
two great sciences of physics and chemistry, and these in turn into
numerous well-organized branches. Today these are taught, not from
textbooks, but in large and costly laboratories, while manufacturing
establishments and governments now find it both necessary and profitable
to maintain large scientific institutions for chemical and physical
research.
The great triumph of physics, from the point of view of the reign of law
in the world of matter, was the experimental establishment (1849) of the
fundamental principle of the conservation of energy. This ranks in
importance in the world of the physical sciences with the theory of
evolution in the biological. The perfection of the spectroscope (1859)
revealed the rule of chemical law among the stars, and clinched the theory
of evolution as applied to the celestial universe. The atomic theory of
matter [10] was an extension of natural laws in another direction. In 1846
occurred the most spectacular proof of the reign of natural law which the
nineteenth century witnessed. Two scientists, in different lands, [11]
working independently, calculated the orbit of a new planet, Neptune, and
when the telescope was turned to the point in the heavens indicated by
their calculations the planet was there. It was a tremendous triumph for
both mathematics and astronomy. Such work as this meant the firm
establishment of scientific accuracy, and the ultimate elimination of the
old theories of witchcraft, diabolic action, and superstition as
controlling forces in the world of human affairs.
The publication by Charles Lyell (1797-1875) of his _Principles of
Geology_, in 1830, marked another important advance in the knowledge of
the operations of natural law in the physical world, and likewise a
revolution in thinking in regard to the age and past history of the earth.
Few books have ever more deeply influenced human thinking. The old
theological conception of earthly "catastrophes" [12] was overthrown, and
in its place was substituted the idea of a very long and a very orderly
evolution of the planet. Geology was created as a new science, and out of
this has come, by subsequent evolution, a number of other new sciences
[13] which have contributed much to human progress.
[Illustration: FIG. 216. CHARLES DARWIN (1809-82)]
Another of the great books of all time appeared in 1859, when Charles
Darwin (1809-1882) published the results of thirty years of careful
biological research in his _Origin of Species_. This swept away the old
theory of special and individual creation which had been cherished since
early antiquity; and substituted in its place the reign of law in the
field of biological life. This substitution of the principle of orderly
evolution for the old theory of special creation marked another forward
step in human thinking, [14] and gave an entirely new direction to the old
study of natural history. [15] In the hands of such workers as Wallace
(1823-1913), Asa Gray (1810-88), Huxley (1825-94), and Spencer (1820-1903)
it now proved a fruitful field.
In 1856 the German Virchow (1821-1902) made his far-reaching contribution
of cellular pathology to medical science; between 1859 and 1865 the French
scientist Pasteur (1822-95) established the germ theory of fermentation,
putrefaction, and disease; about the same time the English surgeon Lister
(1827-1914) began to use antiseptics in surgery; and, in 1879, the
bacillus of typhoid fever was found. Out of this work the modern sciences
of pathology, aseptic surgery, bacteriology, and immunity were created,
and the cause and mode of transmission of the great diseases [16] which
once decimated armies and cities--plague, cholera, malaria, typhoid,
typhus, yellow fever, dysentery--as well as the scourges of tuberculosis,
diphtheria, and lockjaw, have been determined. The importance of these
discoveries for the future welfare and happiness of mankind can scarcely
be overestimated. Sanitary science arose as an application of these
discoveries, and since about 1875 a sanitary and hygienic revolution has
taken place.
[Illustration: FIG. 217 LOUIS PASTEUR (1822-95)]
The above represent but a few of the more important of the many great
scientific advances of the nineteenth century. What the thinkers of the
eighteenth century had sowed broadcast through a general interest in
science, their successors in the nineteenth reaped as an abundant harvest.
The three great master keys of science--the higher mathematics, the
principle of the conservation of energy, and the principle of orderly
evolution of life according to law--so long unknown to man, had at last
been discovered, and, with these in their possession, men have since
opened up many of the long-hidden secrets of cause and growth and form and
function, both in the heavens and on the earth, and have revealed to a
wondering world the prodigious and eternal forces of an orderly universe.
The fruitfulness of the Baconian method (p. 390) in the hands of his
successors has far surpassed his most sanguine expectations.
THE APPLICATIONS OF SCIENCE AND THE RESULT. All this work, as has been
frequently pointed out (R. 338), had of necessity to precede the
applications of science to the arts and to the advancement of the comforts
and happiness of mankind. The new studies soon caught the attention of
younger scholars; special schools for their study began to be established
by the middle of the nineteenth century; [17] enthusiastic students of
science began forcefully to challenge the centuries-long supremacy of
classical studies; funds for scientific research began to be provided; the
printing-press disseminated the new ideas; and thousands of applications
of science to trade and industry and human welfare began to attract public
attention and create a new demand for schools and for a new extension of
learning. During the past century the applications of this new learning to
matters that intimately touch the life of man have been so numerous and so
far-reaching in their effects that they have produced a revolution in life
conditions unlike anything the world ever experienced before. In all the
days from the time of the Crusades to the end of the Napoleonic Wars the
changes in living effected were less, both in scope and importance, than
have taken place in the century since Napoleon was sent to Saint Helena.
THIS TRANSFORMATION WE CALL THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION. This, as we pointed
out earlier (p. 492), began in England in the late eighteenth century.
France did not experience its beginnings until after the Napoleonic Wars,
though after about 1820 the transformations there were rapid and far-
reaching. In the United States it began about 1810-15, and between 1820
and 1860 the industrial methods of the people of the northeastern quarter
of the United States were revolutionized. Between 1860 and 1900 they were
revolutionized again. In the German States the transformation began about
1840, though it did not reach its great development until after the
establishment of the Empire, in 1871. Since the middle of the nineteenth
century, with the development of factories, the building of railroads, and
the extension of steamship lines, even the most remote countries have been
affected by the new forces. Nations long primitive and secluded have been
modernized and industrialized; century-old trades and skills have been
destroyed by machinery; the old home and village industries have been
replaced by the factory system; cities for manufacturing and trade have
everywhere experienced a rapid development; and even on the farm the
agricultural methods of bygone days have been replaced by the discoveries
of science and the products of invention. Almost nothing is done to-day as
it was a century ago, and only in remote places do people live as they
used to live. The nature and extent of the change which has been wrought,
and some estimate as to its effect upon educational procedure, may perhaps
be better comprehended if we first contrast living conditions before and
after this industrial transformation.
[Illustration: FIG. 218. MAN POWER BEFORE THE DAYS OF STEAM
Foot power a century ago. (From a cut by Anderson, America's first
important engraver)]
LIVING CONDITIONS A CENTURY AGO. A century ago people everywhere lived
comparatively simple lives. The steam engine, while beginning to be put to
use (p. 493), had not as yet been extensively applied and made the willing
and obedient slave of man. The lightning had not as yet been harnessed,
and the now omnipresent electric motor was then still unknown. Only in
England had manufacturing reached any large proportions, and even there
the methods were somewhat primitive. Thousands of processes which we now
perform simply and effectively by the use of steam or electric power, a
century ago were done slowly and painfully by human labor. The chief
sources of power were then man and horse power. The home was a center in
which most of the arts and trades were practiced, and in the long winter
evenings the old crafts and skills were turned to commercial account. What
every family used and wore was largely made in the home, the village, or
the neighborhood.
Travel was slow and expensive and something only the well-to-do could
afford. To go fifty miles a day by stage-coach, or one hundred by sailing
packet on the water, was extraordinarily rapid. "One could not travel
faster by sea or by land," as Huxley remarked, "than at any previous time
in the world's history, and King George could send a message from London
to York no faster than King John might have done." The steam train was not
developed until about 1825, and through railway lines not for a quarter-
century longer. It took four days by coach from London to York (188
miles); six weeks by sailing vessel from Southampton to Boston; and six
months from England to India. People moved about but little. A journey of
fifty miles was an event--for many something not experienced in a
lifetime. To travel to a foreign land made a man a marked individual.
Benjamin Franklin tells us that he was frequently pointed out on the
streets of Philadelphia, then the largest city in the United States, as a
man who had been to Europe. George Ticknor has left us an interesting
record (R. 339) of his difficulties, in finding anything in print in the
libraries of the time, about 1815, or any one who could tell him about the
work of the German universities, which he, as a result of reading Madame
de Staël's book on Germany, was desirous of attending. [18]
Everywhere it was a time of hard work and simple living. Every youngster
had to become useful at an early age. The work of life, in town or on the
farm, required hard and continual labor from all. Farm machinery had not
been perfected, and hand labor performed all the operations of ploughing
and sowing, reaping and harvesting. With the introduction of the factory
system, men, women, and children were used to operate machinery, children
being apprenticed to the mills at about eight years of age and working ten
to twelve hours a day. This soon worked the life out of human beings, and
in consequence sickness, wretchedness, juvenile delinquency, ignorance,
drunkenness, pauperism, and crime increased greatly as cities grew and the
factory system drew thousands from the farms to the towns. When Queen
Victoria came to the throne (1837) one person in twelve in England was a
pauper, and the lot of the poor was wretched in the extreme. In cities
they lived in cellars and basements and hovels. There was practically no
sanitation or drainage. Streets and alleys were filthy. Graveyards were
commonly located in the heart of a town. A pure water-supply through
water-mains was unknown. Pumps and water-carriers supplied nearly all the
needs. There was in consequence much sickness, and such diseases as
typhoid and malaria ran rampant.
[Illustration: FIG. 219. THRESHING WHEAT A CENTURY AGO
(After a woodcut by Jacque, in _L'Illustration_)]
CHANGE IN LIVING CONDITIONS TO-DAY. In a century all has been changed.
Steam and electricity and sanitary science have transformed the world; the
railway, steamship, telegraph, cable, and printing-press have made the
world one. The output of the factory system has transformed living and
labor conditions, even to the remote corners of the world; sanitary
science and sanitary legislation have changed the primitive conditions of
the home and made of it a clean and comfortable modern abode; men and
women have been freed from an almost incalculable amount of drudgery and
toil, and the human effort and time saved may now be devoted to other
types of work or to enjoyment and learning. Thousands who once were needed
for menial toil on farm or in shop and home are now freed for employment
in satisfying new wants and new pleasures that mankind has come to know,
[19] or may devote their time and energies to forms of service that
advance the welfare of mankind or minister to the needs of the human
spirit.
[Illustration: FIG. 220. A CITY WATER-SUPPLY ABOUT 1830
(After a lithograph by Bellange)]
Labor-saving devices and the applications of scientific work have touched
all phases of life and labor of men and women, and under modern methods of
transportation go everywhere. The American self-binding reaper is found in
the grain-fields of Russia and the Argentine; one may buy cans of kerosene
and tinned meats and vegetables almost anywhere in the world today; sewing
machines and phonographs add to the comfort and pleasure of the African
native and the dweller on the Yukon; "milady" in Siam uses cosmetics
manufactured for the devotees of fashion in Paris; the Sultan of Sulu
wears an elegant American wrist-watch; the Dahomeny tribesman has a safety
razor, and a mirror of French plate; the Persian dandy wears shoes and
haberdashery made in the United States; old Chinamen up the Yellow River
Valley read their Confucius by the light of an Edison Mazda; the steam
train wends its way up from Jaffa to Jerusalem; the gasoline power boat
chugs its course up the Nile the Pharaohs sailed; and modern surgical
methods and instruments are used in the hospitals of Manila and Singapore,
Cairo and Cape Town. A rupee spent for thread at Calcutta starts the
spindles going in Manchester; a new calico dress for a Mandalay belle
helps the cotton-print mills of Leeds; a new carving set for a Fiji
Islander means more labor for some cutlery works in Sheffield; a half-
dollar for a new undershirt in Panama means increased work for a cotton
mill in New England; a new blanket called for against the winter's cold of
Siberia moves the looms of some Rhode Island town; a dime spent for a box
of matches in Alaska means added labor and profit for a match factory in
California; a new bath tub in Paraguay spells increased output for a
factory at Milan or Turin; and the Christmas wishes of the children in
Brazil give work to the toy factories of Nüremberg.
Trains and huge steamers move today along the great trade routes of the
modern world, exchanging both the people and their products. The holds of
the ships are filled with coal and grain and manufactured implements and
commodities of every description, while their steerage space is crowded
with modern Marco Polos and Magellans going forth to see the world. The
Hindoo walks the streets of Cape Town, London, Sydney, New York, San
Francisco, and Valparaiso; the Russian Jew is found in all the Old and New
World cities; the Englishman and the American travel everywhere; the
Japanese are fringing the Pacific with their laboring classes; toiling
Italians and Greeks are found all over the world; peasants from the
Balkans gather the prune and orange crops of California; the moujic from
the Russian Caucasus tills the wheat-fields of the Dakotas; while the
Irish, Scandinavians, and Teutons form the political, farming, and
commercial classes in many far-distant lands. In the recent World War
Serbs from Montana and Colorado fought side by side with Serbs from
Belgrade and Nisch; Greeks from New York and San Francisco helped their
brothers from Athens drive the Bulgars back up the Vardar Valley; Italians
from New Orleans and Rio de Janeiro helped their kinsmen from the valley
of the Po hold back the Hun from the Venetian plain; Chinese from the
valleys of the Tong-long and the Yang-tse-Kiang backed up the Allied
armies by tilling the fields of France; and Algerian and Senegalese
natives helped the French hold back the Teutonic hordes from the
ravishment of Paris. So completely has the old isolation been broken down!
So completely is the world in flux! So small has the world become!
[Illustration: FIG. 221. THE GREAT TRADE ROUTES OF THE MODERN WORLD
Broken lines, on land, indicate gaps soon to be closed. Compare this with
the maps on pages 161 and 258, and note the progress in discovery and
intercommunication. Ships and trains are constantly passing over these
routes, bearing both freight and peoples.]
It was almost a century from the time instruction in Greek was revived in
Florence (1396) until Linacre first lectured on Greek at Oxford (c. 1492);
six months after the X-ray was perfected in Germany it was in use in the
hospitals of San Francisco. In the Middle Ages thousands might have died
of starvation in Persia or Egypt, a famous city in Asia Minor might have
been destroyed by an earthquake and many people killed, or war might have
raged for years in the Orient without a citizen of western Europe knowing
of it all his life. Today any important event anywhere within the range of
the telegraph or the cable would be reported in tomorrow morning's paper,
and carefully described and illustrated in the magazines at an early date.
Man is no longer a citizen of a town or a state, but of a nation and of
the world. How intelligently he can use this larger citizenship depends
today largely upon the character and the extent of the education he has
received.
[Illustration: FIG. 222. AN EXAMPLE OF THE SHIFTING OF OCCUPATIONS.
Sawing boards by hand, before the introduction of steam power.]
EFFECT OF THESE CHANGES ON THE LABORING-CLASSES. At first the effect of
the introduction of factory-made goods and labor-saving devices was to
upset the old established institutions. Trades practiced by the guilds
since the Middle Ages were destroyed, because factories could turn out
goods faster and cheaper than guild workmen could make them. The age-old
apprenticeship system began to break down. Everywhere people were thrown
out of employment, and a vast shifting of occupations took place. There
was much discontent, and laborers began to unite, where allowed to do so,
[20] with a view to improving their economic and political condition by
concerted action. The political revolutions of 1848 throughout Europe were
in part a manifestation of this discontent, and the right to organize was
everywhere demanded and in time generally obtained. Among the planks in
their platform were equality of all before the law; the limitation of
child and woman labor; better working conditions and wages; the provision
of schools for their children at public expense; and the extension of the
right of suffrage.
Despite certain unfortunate results following the change from age-old
working conditions, the century of transition has seen the laboring man
making gains unknown before in history, and the peasant has seen the
abolition of serfdom [21] and feudal dues. Homes have gained tremendously.
The drudgery and wasteful toil have been greatly mitigated. To-day there
is a standard of comfort and sanitation, even for those in the humblest
circumstances, beyond all previous conceptions. The poorest workman to-day
can enjoy in his home lighting undreamed of in the days of tallow candles;
warmth beyond the power of the old smoky soft-coal grate; food of a
variety and quality his ancestors never knew; kitchen conveniences and an
ease in kitchen work wholly unknown until recently; and sanitary
conveniences and conditions beyond the reach of the wealthiest half a
century ago. The caste system in industry has been broken down, and men
and their children may now choose their occupations freely, [22] and move
about at will. Wages have greatly increased, both actually and relatively
to the greatly improved standard of living. The work of women and children
is easier, and all work for shorter hours. Child labor is fast being
eliminated in all progressive nations. In consequence of all these changes
for the better, people to-day have a leisure for reading and thinking and
personal enjoyment entirely unknown before the middle of the nineteenth
century, and governments everywhere have found it both desirable and
necessary to provide means for the utilization of this leisure and the
gratification of the new desires. Along with these changes has gone the
development of the greatest single agent for spreading liberalizing ideas
--the modern newspaper--"the most inveterate enemy of absolutism and
reaction." Despite censorships, suppressions, and confiscations, the press
has by now established its freedom in all enlightened lands, and the
cylinder press, the telegraph, and the cable have become "indispensable
adjuncts to the development of that power which every absolutist has come
to dread, and with which every prime minister must daily reckon."
III. EFFECT OF THESE CHANGES ON EDUCATION
GENERAL RESULT OF THESE CHANGES. The general result of the vast and far-
reaching changes which we have just described is that the intellectual and
political horizon of the working classes has been tremendously broadened;
the home has been completely altered; children now have much leisure and
do little labor; and the common man at last is rapidly coming into his
own. Still more, the common man seems destined to be the dominant force in
government in the future. To this end he and his children must be
educated, his wife and children cared for, his home protected, and
governments must do for him the things which satisfy his needs and advance
his welfare. The days of the rule of a small intellectual class and of
government in the interests of such a class have largely passed, and the
political equality which the Athenian Greeks first in the western world
gave to the "citizens" of little Athens, the Industrial Revolution has
forced modern and enlightened governments to give to all their people. In
consequence, real democracy in government, education, justice, and social
welfare is now in process of being attained generally, for the first time
in the history of the world.
The effect of all these changes in the mode of living of peoples is
written large on the national life. The political and industrial
revolutions which have marked the ushering-in of the modern age have been
far-reaching in their consequences. The old home life and home industries
of an earlier period are passing, or have passed, never to return. Peoples
in all advanced nations are rapidly swinging into the stream of a new and
vastly more complex world civilization, which brings them into contact and
competition with the best brains of all mankind. At the same time a great
and ever-increasing specialization of human effort is taking place on all
sides, and with new and ever more difficult social, political,
educational, industrial, commercial, and human-life problems constantly
presenting themselves for solution. The world has become both larger and
smaller than it used to be, and even its remote parts are now being linked
up, to a degree that a century ago would not have been deemed possible,
with the future welfare of the nations which so long bore the brunt of the
struggle for the preservation and advancement of civilization.
THESE CHANGES AND THE SCHOOL. It is these vast and far-reaching political,
industrial, and social changes which have been the great actuating forces
behind the evolution and expansion of the state school systems which we
have so far described. The American and French political revolutions, with
their new philosophy of political equality and state control of education,
clearly inaugurated the movement for taking over the school from the
Church and the making of it an important instrument of the State. The
extension of the suffrage to new classes gave a clear political motive for
the school, and to train young people to read and write and know the
constitutional bases of liberty became a political necessity. The
industrial revolution which followed, bringing in its train such extensive
changes in labor and in the conditions surrounding home and child life,
has since completely altered the face of the earlier educational problem.
What was simple once has since become complex, and the complexity has
increased with time. Once the ability to read and write and cipher
distinguished the educated man from the uneducated; to-day the man or
woman who knows only these simple arts is an uneducated person, hardly fit
to cope with the struggle for existence in a modern world, and certainly
not fitted to participate in the complex political and industrial life of
which, in all advanced nations, he or she [23] to-day forms a part.
It is the attempt to remould the school and to make of it a more potent
instrument of the State for promoting national consciousness (R. 340) and
political, social, and industrial welfare that has been behind the many
changes and expansions and extensions of education which have marked the
past half-century in all the leading world nations, and which underlie the
most pressing problems in educational readjustment to-day. These changes
and expansions and problems we shall consider more in detail in the
chapters which follow. Suffice it here to say that from mere teaching
institutions, engaged in imparting a little religious instruction and some
knowledge of the tools of learning, the school, in all the leading
nations, has to-day been transformed into an institution for advancing
national welfare. The leading purpose now is to train for political and
social efficiency in the more democratic types of governments being
instituted among peoples, and to impart to the young those industrial and
social experiences once taught in the home, the trades, and on the farm,
but which the coming of the factory system and city life have deprived
them otherwise of knowing.
NEW PROBLEMS TO BE MET BY EDUCATION. As participation in the political
life of nations has been extended to larger and larger groups of the
people, and as the problems of government have become more and more
complex, the schools have found it necessary to add instruction in
geography, history, government, and national ideals and culture to the
earlier instruction. In the less democratic nations which have evolved
national school systems, this new instruction has often been utilized to
give strength to the type of government and social conditions which the
ruling class desired to have perpetuated. This has been the evident
purpose in Japan (R. 334), though the government of Imperial Germany
formed perhaps the best illustration of such perversion. This was seen and
pointed out long ago by Horace Mann (R. 281). There the idea of
nationality through education (R. 342) was carried to such an extreme as
made the government oppressive to subject peoples and a menace to
neighboring States. [24] On the other hand, the French have used their
schools for national ends (R. 341) in a manner that has been highly
commendable.
As the social life of nations has become broader and more complex, a
longer period of guidance has become necessary to prepare the future
citizens of the State for intelligent participation in it. As a result,
child life everywhere has and is still experiencing a new lengthening of
the period of dependence and training, and all national interests now
indicate that the period devoted to preparing for life's work will need to
be further lengthened. All recent thinking and legislation, as well as the
interests of organized labor and the public welfare, have in recent
decades set strongly against child labor. Economically unprofitable under
modern industrial conditions, and morally indefensible, it has at last
come to be accepted as a principle, by progressive nations, that it is
better for children and for society that they remain under some form of
instruction until they are at least sixteen years of age. To this end the
common primary school has been continued upward, part-time continuation
schools of various types have been organized for those who must go to
labor earlier, and people's high schools or middle schools have been added
(see Figure 210, p. 713) to give the equivalent of a high-school education
to the children of the classes not patronizing the exclusive and limited
tuition secondary school.
As large numbers of immigrants from distant lands have entered some of the
leading nations, notably England and the United States, and particularly
immigrants from less advanced nations where general education is not as
yet common, and where far different political, social, judicial, and
hygienic conditions prevail, a new duty has been thrust upon the school of
giving to such incoming peoples, and their children, some conception of
the meaning and method and purpose of the national life of the people they
have come among. The national schools have accordingly been compelled to
give attention to the needs of these new elements in the population, and
to direct their attention less exclusively to satisfying the needs of the
well-to-do classes of society. Educational systems have in consequence
tended more and more to become democratic in character, and to serve in
part as instruments for the assimilation of the stranger within the
nation's gates and for the perpetuation and improvement of the national
life.
EDUCATION A CONSTRUCTIVE NATIONAL TOOL. One result of the many political,
social, and industrial changes of a century has been to evolve education
into the great constructive tool of modern political society. For ages a
church and private affair, and of no great importance for more than a few,
it has to-day become the prime essential to good government and national
progress, and is so recognized by the leading nations of the world. As
people are freed from autocratic rule and take upon themselves the
functions of government, and as they break loose from their age-old
political, social, and industrial moorings and swing out into the current
of the stream of modern world-civilization, the need for the education of
the masses to enable them to steer safely their ship of state, and take
their places among the stable governments of a modern world, becomes
painfully evident. In the hands of an uneducated people a democratic form
of government is a dangerous instrument, while the proper development of
natural resources and the utilization of trade opportunities by backward
peoples, without being exploited, is almost impossible. In Russia, Mexico,
and the Central American "republics" we see the results of a democracy in
the hands of an uneducated people. There, too often, the revolver instead
of the ballot box is used to settle public issues, and instead of orderly
government under law we find injustice and anarchy. A general system of
education that will teach the fundamental principles of constitutional
liberty, and apply science to production in agriculture and manufacturing,
is almost the only solution for such conditions. By contrast with the
surrounding "republics" one finds in Guatemala [25] a country that has
used education intelligently as a tool to advance the interests of its
people.
[Illustration: FIG. 223. THE PHILIPPINE SCHOOL SYSTEM
A teacher-training course is given as one of the vocational courses in the
Intermediate School, and the Normal School at Manila represents one of the
secondary school courses. The University, besides the combined five-year
college course, has eight professional courses of from three to five years
in length.]
When the United States freed Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines from
Spanish rule, a general system of public education, modeled after the
American educational ladder, was created as a safeguard to the liberty
just brought to these islands, and to education the United States added
courts of justice and bureaus of sanitation as important auxiliary
agencies. As a result the peoples of these islands have made a degree of
progress in self-government and industry in three decades not made in
three centuries under Spanish rule. The good results of the work done in
these islands in establishing schools, building roads and bridges,
introducing police courts, establishing good sanitary conditions, building
hospitals and training nurses, applying science to agriculture, developing
tropical medicine, and training the people in the difficult art of self-
government, will for long be a monument to the political foresight and
intelligent conceptions of government held by the American people. In a
similar way the French have opened schools in Morocco, Algiers, Tunis,
Senegal, Madagascar, and French Indo-China, as have the English in Egypt,
India, Hong Kong, [26] the West Indies, and elsewhere. With the freeing of
Palestine from the rule of the Turk, the English at once began the
establishment of schools and a national university there, and doubtless
they will do the same in time in Persia and Mesopotamia.
Germany, too, before the World War, but with less benevolent purposes than
the Americans, the French, or the English, was also busily engaged in
extending her influence through education. Her universities were thrown
open to students from the whole world, and excellent instruction did they
offer. The "Society for the Extension of Germanism in Foreign Countries"
rendered an important service. Professors were "exchanged"; the
introduction of instruction in the German language into the schools of
other nations was promoted; and German schools were founded and encouraged
abroad. Especially were _Realschulen_ promoted to teach the wonders of
German science, pure and applied. In southern Brazil and the Argentine,
and in Roumania, Bulgaria, and Turkey, particular efforts were made to
extend German influence and pave the way for German commercial and perhaps
political expansion. Primary schools, girls' schools, and _Real_-schools
in numbers were founded and aided abroad, and their progress reported to
the colonial minister at home. All through the Near East the German was
busily building, through trade and education, a new empire for himself.
Had he been content to follow the slower paths of peaceful commercial and
intellectual conquest, with his wonderful organization he would have been
irresistible. With one gambler's throw he dashed his future to the ground,
and unmasked himself before the world!
EXPANSION OF THE EDUCATIONAL IDEA. In all lands to-day where there is an
intelligent government, the education of the people through a system of
state-controlled schools is regarded as of the first importance in
moulding and shaping the destinies of the nation and promoting the
country's welfare. Beginning with education to impart the ability to read
and write and cipher, and as an aid to the political side of government,
the education of the masses has been so expanded in scope during the
century that today it includes aims, classes, types of schools, and forms
of service scarcely dreamed of at the time the State began to take over
the school from the Church, with a view to extending elementary
educational advantages and promoting literacy and citizenship. What some
of the more important of these expansions have been we shall state in a
following chapter, but before doing so let us return to another phase of
the problem--that of the progress of educational theory--and see what have
been the main lines of this progress in the theory as to the educational
purpose since the time when Pestalozzi formulated a theory for the secular
school.
QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION
1. What does the emphasis on the People's High Schools in Denmark indicate
as to the political status of the common people there?
2. Explain the educational prominence of Finland, compared with its
neighbor Russia.
3. Show the close relation between the character of the school system
developed in Japan and the character of its government. In China.
4. Show why the state-function conception of education is destined to be
the ruling plan everywhere.
5. Show the close connection between the Industrial Revolution and a
somewhat general diffusion of the fundamental principles revealed by the
study of science.
6. Show how the Industrial Revolution has created entirely new problems in
education, and what some of these are.
7. Show the connection between the Industrial Revolution and political
enfranchisement.
8. Enumerate some of the educational problems we now face that we should
not have had to deal with had the Industrial Revolution not taken place.
9. Why has the result of these changes been to extend the period of
dependence and tutelage of children?
10. Outline an educational solution of the problem of Mexico. Of Russia.
Of Persia.
11. Show how Germany found it profitable to establish _Realschulen_ in
such distant countries as Turkey, Mesopotamia, and the Argentine.
12. Describe the expansion of the educational idea since the days when
Pestalozzi formulated the theory for the secular school.
13. What is the social significance of the development of parallel
secondary schools and courses, in all lands?
14. Contrast the American and the European secondary school in purpose.
Why should the American be a free school, while those in Europe are
tuition schools?
15. Show why the essentially democratic school system maintained in the
United States would not be suited to an autocratic form of government.
16. Show that the weight of a priesthood and the force of religious
instruction in the schools would be strong supports for monarchical forms
of government.
17. Homogeneous monarchical nations look after the training of their
teachers much better than does such a cosmopolitan nation as the United
States. Why?
SELECTED READINGS
In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following illustrative
selections are reproduced:
333. Switzerland: Constitutional Provisions as to Education and
Religious Freedom.
334. Japan: The Basic Documents of Japanese Education.
(a) Preamble to the Education Code of 1872.
(b) Imperial Rescript on Moral Education.
(c) Instructions as to Lessons on Morals.
335. Ping Wen Kuo: Transformation of China by Education.
336. Mann: Education and National Prosperity.
337. Huxley: The Recent Progress of Science.
338. Anon.: Scientific Knowledge must precede Invention.
339. Ticknor: Illustrating Early Lack of Communication.
340. Monroe: The Struggle for National Realization.
341. Buisson, F.: The French Teacher and the National Spirit.
342. Fr. de Hovre: The German Emphasis on National Ends.
343. Stuntz: Landing of the Pilgrims at Manila.
QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS
1. Compare the Swiss and American Federal organizations, and state just
what the Swiss Constitution (333) provides as to education.
2. Suppose you knew nothing about the Japanese, what type of government
would you take theirs to be from reading the Imperial Rescript (334b)?
3. In comparing the Chinese transformation and the Renaissance (335), does
Mr. Ping propose comparable events?
4. Show that Mr. Mann's argument (336) is still sound.
5. Does Huxley overdraw (337) our dependence on science?
6. From 338, show why the Middle Ages were so poor in inventions and
discoveries.
7. Are there universities anywhere to-day of which we know as little as
Ticknor was able to find out (339) a century ago?
8. Show that Monroe's statements are true that the struggle for national
realization (340) has dominated modern history from the fifteenth century
on.
9. Compare the conceptions as to the function of education in a State as
revealed in the selections as to French (341) and German (342) educational
purpose.
10. Show the entirely new character of the event (343) described by
Stuntz.
SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES
* Buisson, F. and Farrington, F. E. _French Educational Ideals of To-
day_.
Butler, N. M. "Status of Education at the Close of the Century"; in
_Proceedings National Education Association_, 1900, pp. 188-96.
Davidson, Thos. "Education as World Building"; in _Educational
Review_, vol. xx, pp. 325-45. (November, 1900.)
Doolittle, Wm. H. _Inventions of the Century_.
Foster, M. "A Century's Progress in Science"; in _Educational
Review_, vol. xviii, pp. 313-31. (November, 1899.)
* Friedel, V. H. _The German School as a War Nursery_.
Gibbons, H. de B. _Economic and Industrial Progress of the
Century_.
Hughes, J. L., and Klemm, L. R. _Progress of Education in the
Nineteenth Century_.
* Huxley, Thos. "The Progress of Science"; in his _Methods and
Results_.
* Kuo, Ping Wen. _The Chinese System of Public Education_.
Lewis, R. E. _The Educational Conquest of the Far East_.
Macknight, Thos. _Political Progress of the Century_.
* Ross, E. A. "The World Wide Advance of Democracy"; in his _Changing
America_.
Routledge, R. _A Popular History of Science_.
Sandiford, Peter, Editor. _Comparative Education_.
* Sedgwick, W. T., and Tyler, H. W. _A Short History of Science_.
* Thwing, C. F. _Education in the Far East_.
Webster, W. C. _General History of Commerce_.
White, A. D. _The-Warfare of Science and Theology_.
CHAPTER XXVIII
NEW CONCEPTIONS OF THE EDUCATIONAL PROCESS
I. THE PSYCHOLOGICAL ORGANIZATION OF ELEMENTARY INSTRUCTION
THE BEGINNINGS OF NORMAL-SCHOOL TRAINING. The training of would-be
teachers for the work of instruction is an entirely modern proceeding. The
first class definitely organized for imparting training to teachers,
concerning which we have any record, was a small local training group of
teachers of reading and the Catechism, conducted by Father Démia, at
Lyons, France, in 1672. The first normal school to be established anywhere
was that founded at Rheims, in northern France, in 1685, by Abbé de la
Salle (p. 347). He had founded the Order of "The Brothers of the Christian
Schools" the preceding year, to provide free religious instruction for
children of the working classes in France (R. 182), and he conceived the
new idea of creating a special school to train his prospective teachers
for the teaching work of his Order. Shortly afterward he established two
similar institutions in Paris. Each institution he called a "Seminary for
Schoolmasters." In addition to imparting a general education of the type
of the time, and a thorough grounding in religion, his student teachers
were trained to teach in practice schools, under the direction of
experienced teachers. This was an entirely new idea.
The beginnings elsewhere, as we have previously pointed out were made in
German lands, Francke's _Seminarium Praeceptorum_, established at Halle
(p. 419), in 1697, coming next in point of time. In 1738 Johann Julius
Hecker (1707-68), one of Francke's teachers (p. 562), established the
first regular Seminary for Teachers in Prussia, and in 1748 he established
a private _Lehrerseminar_ in Berlin. In these two institutions he first
showed the German people the possibilities of special training for
teachers in the secondary school. In 1753 the Berlin institution was
adopted as a Royal Teachers' Seminary (p. 563) by Frederick the Great.
After this, and in part due to the enthusiastic support of the Berlin
institution by the King, the teacher-training idea for secondary teachers
began to find favor among the Germans. We accordingly find something like
a dozen Teachers' Seminaries had been founded in German lands before the
close of the eighteenth century. [1] A normal school was established in
Denmark, by royal decree, as early as 1789, and five additional schools
when the law organizing public instruction in Denmark was enacted, in
1814. In France the beginnings of state action came with the action of the
National Convention, which decreed the establishment of the "Superior
Normal School for France," in 1794 (p. 517). This institution, though, was
short lived, and the real beginnings of the French higher normal school
awaited the reorganizing work of Napoleon, in 1808 (p. 595; R. 283).
The schools just mentioned represent the first institutions in the history
of the world organized for the purpose of training teachers to teach. The
teachers they trained, though, were intended primarily for the secondary
schools, and the training was largely academic in character. Only in
Silesia was any effort made, before the nineteenth century, to give
training in special institutions to teachers intended for the vernacular
schools. There Frederick the Great, in his "Regulations for the Catholic
Schools of Silesia" (R. 275, a § 2) designated six cathedral and monastery
schools as model schools, where teachers could "have the opportunity for
learning all that is needed by a good teacher." In another place he
defined this as "skill in singing and playing the organ sufficient to
perform the services of the Church," and "the art of instructing the young
in the German language" (R. 275, a § 1). So long as the instruction in the
vernacular school consisted chiefly of reading and the Catechism, and of
hearing pupils recite what they had memorized, there was of course but
little need for any special training for the teachers. It was not until
after Pestalozzi had done his work and made his contribution that there
was anything worth mentioning to train teachers for.
PESTALOZZI'S CONTRIBUTION. The memorable work done by Pestalozzi in
Switzerland, during his quarter-century (1800-25) of effort at Burgdorf
and Yverdon, changed the whole face of the preparation of teachers
problem. His work was so fundamental that it completely redirected the
education of children. Taking the seed-thought of Rousseau that sense-
impression was "the only true foundation of human knowledge" (R. 267), he
enlarged this to the conception of the mental development of human beings
as being organic, and proceeding according to law. His extension of this
idea of Rousseau's led him to declare that education was an individual
development, a drawing-out and not a pouring-in; that the basis of all
education exists in the nature of man; and that the method of education is
to be sought and constructed. [2] These were his great contributions.
These ideas fitted in well with the rising tide of individualism which
marked the late eighteenth and the early nineteenth centuries, and upon
these contributions the modern secular elementary school has been built.
These ideas led Pestalozzi to emphasize sense perception and expression;
to formulate the rule that in teaching we must proceed from the concrete
to the abstract; and to construct a "faculty psychology" which conceived
of education as "a harmonious development" of the different "faculties" of
the mind. He also tried, unsuccessfully to be sure, to so organize the
teaching process that eventually it could be so "mechanized" that there
would be a regular A, B, C, for each type of instruction, which, once
learned, would give perfection to a teacher. In his Report of 1800 (R.
267), which forms a very clear statement of his aims, he had said:
I know what I am undertaking; but neither the difficulties in the way,
nor my own limitations in skill and insight, shall hinder me from
giving my mite for a purpose which Europe needs so much... The most
essential point from which I start is this:--Sense-impression of
Nature is the only true foundation of human knowledge. All that
follows is the result of this sense-impression, and the process of
abstraction from it....
Then the problem I have to solve is this:--How to bring the elements
of every art into harmony with the very nature of mind, by following
the psychological mechanical laws by which mind rises from physical
sense-impressions to clear ideas.
Largely out of these ideas and the new direction he gave to instruction
the modern normal school for training teachers for the elementary schools
arose.