[477] Several authors have thought that these beams, instead of being

placed perpendicularly to the direction of the wall, were placed

parallel to that direction. This interpretation appears to us

inadmissable. The beams so placed would have no solidity, and would

easily have been torn down. We see on the Trajan Column walls

constructed as we describe; moreover, the Latin expression _trabes

directæ_ can leave no doubt, for the word _directus_ means always

_perpendicular to a direction_. (See _De Bello Gallico_, IV. 17,

_directa materia injecta_, and the dissertation in the _Philologus_,

Jahrganges 19, Heft. 3.)

[478] The name of _pluteus_ was given generally to all kinds of covering

with hurdles or with skins. (Festus, in voce _Pluteus_.--Vitruvius, X.

20.)--Vegetius (IV. 15) applies the name of _pluteus_ to a kind of

penthouse, of wicker-work or skins, mounted on three wheels, and

protecting the men placed behind it, so that they might shoot at the

defenders.

[479] They gave this name to a small engine resembling the balistæ,

which threw darts. These scorpions composed, as it were, the

field-artillery of the ancients.

[480] _De Bello Gallico_, VII. 32.

[481] It is very probably that Cæsar proceeded first to Noviodunum

(_Nevers_), since he informs us that he had established in that town a

great magazine and provisions of every kind.

[482] At present the Allier is fordable almost everywhere in summer; but

in the course of nineteen centuries the bed of the river must have been

considerably raised.

[483] The commentators are not agreed on this passage. I have adopted

the version which seemed to me the best, and which MM. Köchly and Rustow

have followed in their German translation, Stuttgart, 1862.

[484] Dio Cassius, XL. 35.

[485] Cæsar, on leaving Decize, followed, no doubt the Gaulish road

which led to the Allier, and the existence of which may be assumed from

the later construction of the Roman road which goes from Decize to

Bourbon-l’Archambault (_Aquæ Borvonis_), and which crossed the Allier a

little below Moulins. Thence he followed the course of the river for

some days, constantly in face of the enemy. In order to pass it by the

help of a stratagem, he took advantage of the remains of a bridge; and,

as this bridge indicates that there must have been a road, it becomes a

question to find among the ancient roads which crossed the Allier that

which Cæsar followed. Now we only know two Roman roads leading to the

Allier below Moulins, one at Varennes, the other at Vichy. We adopt

Varennes. That locality is seventy-seven kilomètres from Gergovia,

reckoning them along the Allier, and Cæsar took five days to perform

them; but, as the four legions sent forward to deceive the enemy

returned during the night, in order to rejoin him, they must have

suffered great fatigues; hence it is to be presumed that the next day

the first march was very short. The fifth also was not long, for,

according to the “Commentaries,” Cæsar had time on the day of his

arrival to fortify his camp, to reconnoitre the place, and to engage in

a cavalry combat. Besides, the country, interspersed with woods and

marshes, was unknown to him; and we believe that we do not depart from

the truth if we admit that the first and the last march were of no more

than ten kilomètres, and the three others of nineteen, which gives a

total of seventy-seven kilomètres, the distance from Varennes to

Gergovia. When Cæsar left Gergovia, he crossed the Allier again, but at

a point nearer to Gergovia, being in haste to place the river between

him and the enemy. Indeed, on the second day after his check, he fought

a successful cavalry engagement, broke up his camp, and the following

day (_tertio die_) crossed the Allier again, according to our opinion,

at Vichy, which is only fifty-five kilomètres from Gergovia.

[486] The Artières receives, on the north of Gergovia, the little brook

of Clémensat, marked on _Plate 21_.

[487] It is by seeking the essential conditions required for the placing

of troops that Commandant Baron Stoffel succeeded in finding the camps.

Cæsar had to place from 30,000 to 40,000 men in the neighbourhood of

water, at a convenient distance from Gergovia, and in such a manner as

to preserve his line of operation upon Nevers, where his magazines were.

These necessities indicated that the principal camp would be near the

Auzon, and to the east. Moreover, it must be sufficiently near the

_oppidum_, that from the top of the mountain of Gergovia could be seen

what was going on in it; and yet sufficiently distant that the objects

could not be clearly distinguished. The camp must be in the plain; Dio

Cassius (XL. 36) formally says, “Cæsar remained in the plain, not having

been able to take (for placing his camp) a place strong by its

elevation;” and then the “Commentaries” inform us that the Romans only

occupied one single hill, namely, the one they took by surprise (La

Roche-Blanche). Lastly, it was indispensable that there should be in

front of the camp a space sufficiently large to admit of cavalry

engagements.

[488] Vercingetorix, placed in the centre of a kind of semicircle, might

easily be considered by Cæsar as surrounded by his numerous troops

(_collocaverat copias circum se_).

[489] The combats of cavalry took place in the plain which extends from

the small eminence called _Le Puy-de-Marmant_ to the marsh of Sarlièves.

[490] The hill is certainly the Roche-Blanche, for it is situated

opposite the _oppidum_ (_e regione oppidi_); it begins at the very foot

of the slopes of the mountain of Gergovia (_sub ipsis radicibus

montis_), is singularly fortified by nature, and, as it were, cut out

from all sides (_egregie munitus atque ex omni parte circumcisus_). So

long as the Gauls occupied it, they could go to the Auzon by the ravine

of Merdogne, to obtain water and forage; but as soon as it was in the

power of the Romans, the Gauls were compelled to draw their water from

the springs on the mountain of Gergovia, and from the little brook of

Artières.

The excavations made in 1862 brought the two camps to light. The fosses

of the little camp are clearly defined in the calcareous soil. They form

an irregular outline, represented on _Plate 22_. The Roche-Blanche,

which presents in its southern part an escarpment almost as

perpendicular as a wall, has lost on the sides its abrupt form by

successive landslips, the last of which took place within memory of the

inhabitants. The communication between the great and little camps was

composed of a parapet, formed by the earth thrown out of two contiguous

fosses, each four feet in depth and six in breadth, so that the breadth

of the two together is only twelve feet. If we wonder that the Romans

should have dug two little ditches, each six feet broad and four feet

deep, instead of making one eight feet wide by six feet deep, which

would have given the same amount of soil to take out, it may be answered

that the two little ditches were much more quickly made than one large

ditch.

[491]

HOURS.

Cæsar starts at four o’clock in the morning, and arrives at Randan

at one o’clock in the afternoon 9

Employs in negotiation from one o’clock to seven o’clock 6

Repose from seven o’clock to ten o’clock in the evening 3

Hurried return from Randan to Gergovia, from ten o’clock to

four o’clock in the morning 6

--

Duration of Cæsar’s absence 24

[492] _Plate 22_ shows the places which Cæsar’s eye could embrace from

the summit of the Roche-Blanche. He could see neither the plateau, nor

the country situated on the norther slopes of the mountains of Gergovia

and Rissoles. It was for this reason that he had to learn from the

deserters the form of the ground which lay on the other side. He thus

learnt that the ridge of this latter mountain (_dorsum ejus jugi_) was

not very uneven, and gave access to the western part of the town (_ad

alteram partem oppidi_) by a narrow wooded passage (the defile of the

Goules, which separates Rissoles from Gergovia). (_See Plate 21 in C._)

This defile leads to the gate _P_ of the _oppidum_. The foundations, of

masonry, and the approaches to this gate, were uncovered in the month of

July, 1861. The wide road which led from this gate to the defile _C_ is

distinctly seen. The alarm of Vercingetorix may be imagined; he feared

lest the Romans might shut up from the Gauls this issue from the

_oppidum_. These latter would have been almost blockaded (_pœne

circumvallati_), without any way out, and in the impossibility of

producing forage from the valley of the Artières, since the northern

part of the town was difficult to access. Consequently, the words _si

alterum collem amisissent_ can only apply to the mountain mass of

Rissoles, and not, as several authors have pretended, to Montrognon or

to Puy-Giroux; for the possession of those two peaks, detached and

rather far from the mountain mass of Gergovia, offered no interest

either for the attack or for the defence.

The spot which it was important for the Gauls to fortify was the part _D

E_ of the heights of Rissoles which are opposite the village of Opme,

because troops could only scale the mass by the western slope. How can

any one suppose that, fearing for the defile of the Goules, the Gauls

would have abandoned their camp before the place to go and entrench

themselves on Montrognon, three kilomètres from Gergovia? How admit that

Cæsar, to threaten the defile, would have sent troops to make the

circuit of the mountain of Gergovia by the north? How could the legion,

which supported this movement, without advancing far, and which

concealed itself in the woods, have assisted in the stratagem, if the

false attack had been made to the east and to the north of Gergovia, at

two leagues from the camp? In passing by the south, that is, by the

defile of Opme, the legion was always in communication with the camps,

on which it could fall back, and the broken and wooded ground prevented

the Gauls from knowing accurately the importance of the attack. Besides,

two facts which result from the “Commentaries” prove that the Gauls were

not very far from the _oppidum_. Cæsar sees the southern front

abandoned, and he establishes his legions at a distance of 1,200 paces

from the place. The soldiers scale the heights at a rapid pace; but

scarcely have they reached the principal enclosure, when the Gauls, who

hear the cries of the women and of the small number of defenders left in

the place (_primo exaudito clamore_), have time to hurry to them, and

drive back the Romans. Consequently, the Gauls were at a distance where

the cries could be heard; and this distance may be measured by the time

which the attacking columns must have taken to climb the space of 1,200

paces, since they arrived almost simultaneously. We believe, therefore,

that they were at a distance of less than two kilomètres from the gate

_O_ of the town, engaged in fortifying the plateau of the heights of

Risolles.

[493] According to Polyænus (VIII. xxiii. 9), the soldiers marched with

their heads bent down, in order not to be seen.

[494] It is, in fact, 1780 mètres from the foot of the mountain, where

Cæsar must have assembled his troops, between the Roche-Blanche and the

Puy-de-Marmant, to the gate _O_ of the _oppidum_. This is the line which

passes by the ravine in which the village of Merdogne is situated; to

the left and to the right the ground is too rugged for the troops to

climb it.

[495] General Gœler believes, with apparent reason, that we ought to

read _regressus_ instead of _progressus_. The 10th legion, which acted

as reserve, must, in the presence of a combat, the issue of which was

uncertain, have taken up a position behind rather than towards the

front.

[496] The part of the southern slope of Gergovia which was the scene of

the last battle is clearly indicated by the ground itself. This battle

took place on the whole space which extends in front of the gate _O_ of

the _oppidum_, the principal object of the attack. The ravine which,

according to the “Commentaries,” prevented the legions from hearing the

signal to retreat, is that which descends to the west of the Merdogne.

Hence it may be concluded that, at this moment, Cæsar and the 10th

legion were to the right of this ravine. Lastly, we understand on the

spot the movement of the Ædui. To the east of Merdogne there is a spur,

_H_, attached to the mountain of Gergovia, forty mètres below the

table-land, and presenting several successive terraces. So long as the

Ædui, who came from the east, had not arrived on the crest of this spur,

they could not be perceived by the Romans, who were fighting towards

Merdogne; but it may be imagined that, when they appeared all at once on

this crest, and at a distance of 600 mètres from the right flank of the

legions, the sight of them must have singularly surprised the troops,

who were expecting no re-enforcement from that side.

General de Gœler, without having seen the locality, has indicated nearly

the site of the Roman camp; but he does not place it sufficiently to the

west. He makes the Gaulish troops encamp on the four slopes of the

mountain of Gergovia. It is, no doubt, the expression _circum se_ (VII.

36) which led him into this error. It is, indeed, impossible to admit

that the Gauls could have encamped on the abrupt slopes of the northern

declivity. General de Gœler is also mistaken in directing the false

attack upon Montrognon. Lastly, he places the scene of the battle too

much towards the west.

[497] _De Bello Gallico_, VII. 52.

[498] “In the war of the Gauls, Caius Julius Cæsar was surprised by an

enemy, who carried him off, armed as he was, on his horse, when another

Gaul, who recognized Cæsar, called out, intending to insult him, “Cæcos,

Cæsar!” which in the Gaulish language signifies, _let him go, set him

loose_; and so he escaped. Cæsar says so himself, in his _Ephemerides_,

in the passage where he speaks of his good fortune.” (Servius Maurus

Honoratus, a grammarian of the fifth century, in his commentary on the

11th book of the _Æneid_, line 743, II. p. 48, edit. Albert Lion.)

The manuscripts of Servius do not all present the same reading. The

following are some of the principal variations: _Cecos, Cæsar_; _Cæcos

ac Cæsar_; and _Cæsar, Cesar_.

[499] Plutarch, _Cæsar_, 29.

[500] There has always been a ford at Bourbon-Lancy.

[501] _De Bello Gallico_, VII. 56.

[502] A sling-ball of lead has been found at Sens, on which are stamped

in relief the words “T. Labienus.” This ball forms part of the

collection of the Museum of Saint-Germain.

[503] MM. de Saulcy and J. Quicherat have already demonstrated in a

conclusive manner that Labienus must have followed the left bank of the

Yonne, after leaving Sens, and that he crossed over to the right bank of

the Seine at Melun. In fact, Labienus, on the right bank, found himself,

as Cæsar says, threatened on one side by the Bellovaci, on the other by

the army of Camulogenus (VII. 59). On the opposite bank, on the

contrary, Labienus would not have been placed between the two, since he

would have had Camulogenus in front, and, at a greater distance, the

Bellovaci coming from the north.

“A very large river kept the legions separated from their reserve and

their baggage.” This very great river cannot be the Marne, which Cæsar

does not even mention in the whole course of this campaign: it was

evidently the Seine, which Labienus has crossed once only, at Melodunum

(_Melun_); by crossing over to the right bank, he was separated from his

base of operations, which was at Sens. On the contrary hypothesis, no

river would have separated Labienus from his line of retreat; unless we

admit, with Dulaure and several others, the identity of Agedincum with

Provius, which is no longer possible.

The Captain of the Staff Rouby has made investigations on the spot,

which prove that from Sens the most ancient ways leading to Paris passed

on the left bank of the Yonne and of the Seine. Moreover, the

discoveries of M. Carré have made us acquainted with the exact direction

followed by the Roman road after quitting Sens towards Paris; it was

entirely on the left bank of the Yonne. If Cæsar’s lieutenant had

followed the right bank of the Yonne, he would, the day after his

departure, have been arrested by the course of the Seine, and would have

fallen in with the Gaulish town of Condate, built in the very angle of

the two streams, in the midst of perhaps impassable marshes. If only a

few thousand Gauls had occupied the heights which played so important a

part in the campaign of 1814, Labienus, compelled to seek for a place to

cross higher up the stream, would have been diverted considerably from

his aim.

It has been supposed wrongly that the Bièvre was the marsh where

Labienus, in his march on the left bank of the Seine, had been arrested

by the Gaulish army. Leaving out of consideration the fact that the

Bièvre, which flows through a calcareous soil, can at no epoch have

formed a marsh capable of arresting an army, how can we suppose that

Labienus, if he had arrived at this stream, that is, close to Lutetia,

would have retraced his steps as far back as Melun, to march from thence

towards the _oppidum_ of the Parisii by the right bank of the Seine,

which would have obliged him to make a journey of twenty-four leagues?

The manœuvre of Labienus can only be explained by his desire to turn the

strong position of Camulogenus, and arrive at Paris before him. The text

of the “Commentaries” says clearly that Labienus, stopped by the marsh

which shelves towards the Seine, stole away by night, surprised the

passage of the Seine at Melun, and marched upon Lutetia, where he

arrived before Camulogenus. To allow of the success of this manœuvre,

the marsh in question must necessarily not have been far from Melun. The

Essonne alone fulfils that condition. The ground on the banks of this

little river offers, even at present, by its nature, a very serious

obstacle to an army. It is cut up by innumerable peat mosses; and it was

behind this line of Essonne that, in 1814, the Emperor Napoleon I.

established his army, whilst the enemy occupied Paris.

[504] We have not translated these words, _fugam parare_, because this

passage has always appeared unintelligible to us. How, indeed, could the

Gauls, seeing that the Romans were ready to pass the Seine by force,

believe that this was a flight?

[505] Some manuscripts have Metiosedum, a version which, in our opinion,

is utterly incorrect.

[506] _De Bello Gallico_, VII. 62.

[507] See _Appendix D_.

[508] _De Bello Gallico_, VII. 65.--_Evocati_ was the name given to the

old soldiers who, after having served, returned voluntarily to the ranks

of the army.

[509] Let us here recapitulate the numbers of the legions employed

during the war in Gaul. Cæsar’s army, as we have seen, was composed in

696 of six legions, the 7th, 8th, 9th, 10th, 11th, and 12th. In 697, two

new legions were raised in Italy, the 13th and 14th. Probably, in the

winter between 699 and 700, Cæsar brought several cohorts composed of

soldiers and sailors who were to serve in the fleet; for, on his return

from the second expedition into England, notwithstanding the losses he

had sustained, he was at the head of eight legions and five cohorts (V.

24). He lost at Aduatuca one legion and a half, that is, the 14th

legion, besides five cohorts; but in 701 three new legions replaced the

cohorts lost, and even doubled their number. These legions were the 1st,

lent by Pompey (_De Bello Gallico_, VIII. 54, and Lucan, _Pharsalia_,

VII., 1. 218); the 14th, which took the number of the legion destroyed

at Aduatuca (_De Bello Gallico_, VI. 32; VIII. 4); and the 15th; this

last legion was afterwards, with the 1st, given to Pompey for the war of

the Parthians; it figured in the Civil War, and took, in Pompey’s army,

the number 3. (Cæsar, _De Bello Civili_, III. 88.)

The 6th legion, judging from its number, must have been one of the

oldest, for Dio Cassius (XXXVIII. 47) informs us that the legions were

designated according to their order of inscription on the rolls of the

army; but, as it only appears for the first time in 702, it is probable

that it had remained in garrison among the Allobroges or in Italy. A

proof that this legion assisted in the siege of Alesia is found in the

fact that, after the surrender of the place, it was sent to winter

quarters on the Saône, where Cæsar found it a few months afterwards (_De

Bello Gallico_, VIII. 4). The distribution of the troops in their winter

quarters after the taking of Alesia confirms the number of legions given

above. The re-distribution after the siege of Uxellodunum gives also the

same result, for in book VII. c. 46 the “Commentaries” give the

positions of ten legions, without reckoning the 15th, which, according

to book VIII. c. 24, had been sent to Cisalpine Gaul. These facts are

repeated again, book VIII. c. 54.

[510] It is evident that an army could not remain in the wars for eight

years without receiving frequent re-enforcements in order to keep it up

to its effective number. Thus, when, after the murder of Clodius, all

the youth of Italy had been called to arms, Cæsar made new levies, which

were used probably to swell the ranks of his legions, for no new numbers

appear (_De Bello Gallico_, VII. 1).--In the same manner, when he

arrived, in 702, in the south of Gaul, and crossed the Cévennes, he

placed himself at the head of the troops which had been recruited in the

Roman province and of the re-enforcements which he had brought from

Italy (_partem copiarum ex provincia supplementumque quod ex Italia

adduxerat in Helvois, qui fines Arvernorum contingunt, convenire

jubet_). (_De Bello Gallico_, VII. 7.)--Labienus, on the other hand,

during his expedition to Paris, left his recruits in dépôt at Sens

(_Labienus eo supplemento quod nuper ex Italia venerat relicto_). (_De

Bello Gallico_, VII. 57.)

[511] Plutarch, _Cato_, 53.

[512] Plutarch, _Cæsar_, 36.

[513] See above, page 87.

[514] See above, page 108, note (2).

[515] We learn from the text that he formed three camps. This

disposition was necessitated by circumstances and the character of the

locality. The heights of Sacquenay form, in fact, three promontories,

_V_, _V_, _V_ (_see Plate 24_), advancing towards the north; the road to

Dijon passes over the one to the left, the road to Pontallier over the

one in the middle. By establishing three camps on these three

promontories, Vercingetorix occupied each of these roads with one-third

of his army, whilst he backed his right wing against the Vingeanne.

The Gaulish army had there a position of great natural strength, for, to

attack it, the enemy would have to climb high hills which were easy to

defend; it was, moreover, protected by two watercourses: one, the

Vingeanne, which covered its right; the other, the Badin, a small

tributary of the Vingeanne, which protected its front. In the space

comprised between these two watercourses and the road from Dijon to

Langres, a ground extends, measuring five kilomètres in every direction,

slightly broken in some parts, but almost flat everywhere else,

particularly between the Vingeanne and the hillock of Montsaugeon. Near

the road, and to the west, arise hills which command it, as well as the

whole country as far as Badin and the Vingeanne.

[516] The field of battle of the Vingeanne, which H.M. Defay, of

Langres, first pointed out, answers perfectly to all the requirements of

the Latin narrative, and, moreover, material proofs exist which are

undeniable evidences of the struggle. We allude to the tumuli which are

found, some at Prauthoy, others on the banks of the Vingeanne, at

Dardenay, and Cusey, and those which, at Pressant, Rivières-les-Fosses,

Chamberceau, and Vesvres, mark, as it were, the line of retreat of the

Gaulish army, to a distance of twelve kilomètres.

Two of these tumuli are situated near each other, between Prauthoy and

Montsaugeon (_see Plate 24_, where the tumuli are marked). There is one

near Dardenay, three to the west of Cusey, one at Rivières-les-Fosses,

another at Chamberceau. We will not mention those which have been

destroyed by agriculture, but which are still remembered by the

inhabitants.

Researches lately made in these tumuli have brought to light skeletons,

many of which had bronze bracelets round the arms and legs, calcined

bones of men and horses, thirty-six bracelets, several iron circles

which were worn around the neck, iron rings, fibulæ, fragments of metal

plates, pieces of Celtic pottery, an iron sword, &c.

It is a fact worthy of remark, that the objects found in the tumuli at

Rivières-les-Fosses and Chamberceau bear so close a resemblance to those

of the tumuli on the banks of the Vingeanne, that we might think they

had come from the hand of the same workman. Hence there can be no doubt

that all these tumuli refer to one and the same incident of war.

(Several of these objects are deposited in the Museum of Saint-Germain.)

We must add that the agricultural labourers of Montsaugeon, Isomes, and

Cusey have found during many years, when they make trenches for

drainage, horse-shoes buried a foot or two deep under the soil. In 1860,

at the dredging of the Vingeanne, hundreds of horse-shoes, the

inhabitants say, of excellent metal, were extracted from the gravel of

the river, at a depth of two or three feet. They are generally small,

and bear a groove all round, in which the heads of the nails were

lodged. A great number of these horse-shoes have preserved their nails,

which are flat, have a head in the form of a T, and still have their

rivet--that is, the point which is folded back over the hoof--which

proves that they are not shoes that have been lost, but shoes of dead

horses, the foot of which has rotted away in the soil or in the gravel.

Thirty-two of these horse-shoes have been collected. One of them is

stamped in the middle of the curve with a mark, sometimes found on

Celtic objects, and which has a certain analogy with the stamp on a

plate of copper found in one of the tumuli of Montsaugeon.

When we consider that the action between the Roman and Gaulish armies

was merely a cavalry battle, in which were engaged from 20,000 to 25,000

horses, the facts just stated cannot but appear interesting, although

they may possibly belong to a battle of a later date.

[517] We have adopted the reading, _aciemque constitui jubebat_, which

alone gives a reasonable interpretation.

[518] He was not the same as the one mentioned in pp. 307, 321, 320.

(_De Bello Gallico_, VII. 67.)

[519] The three Gaulish camps having been established on the heights of

Sacquenay, four or five kilomètres behind the position occupied by the

infantry during the battle, and the line of retreat towards Alesia lying

to the left, in the direction of Pressant and Vesvres, if Vercingetorix

had returned to ascend the hills with his 80,000 men, to remove the

baggage, that operation would have taken two or three hours, during

which Cæsar might have cut off his retreat, or have inflicted a still

more serious defeat upon him. But, by immediately hastening his march on

Pressant, in order to follow from thence the road which, by

Rivières-les-Fosses and Vesvres, joined the great road from Langres to

Alise, near Aujeur, he got in advance of the Roman army, which, in the

disorder in which it was at that moment, was not able to pursue him at

once. And this is what he did.

The text says, also, that Vercingetorix gave orders that the baggage

should be taken out of the camps in all haste, to follow him. If the

baggage of an army of 100,000 men had accompanied Vercingetorix, on the

road followed by the infantry, we cannot understand how the Roman army,

which pursued the Gauls as long as daylight lasted, should not have

captured it all. But investigations made in the country situated between

the field of battle and the Alise, behind the heights of Sacquenay, have

brought to light vestiges of a Roman road which, starting from

Thil-Châtel, thirteen kilomètres behind Sacquenay, proceeded, by

Avelanges, towards the hamlet of Palus, where it branched from the road

from Langres to Alise. We may suppose, therefore, that Vercingetorix

caused his baggage to follow in his rear as far as Thil-Châtel, where it

took the road to Palus.

The Roman road from Langres to Alise, which, without any doubt, marks

the direction followed by the two armies, has been traced almost in its

whole extent by Commandant Stoffel. Even at the present day, on the

territories of Fraignot, Salives, Echalot, and Poiseul-la-Grange, the

inhabitants call it the _Road of the Romans_, or _Cæsar’s way_.

[520] We read (_De Bello Gallico_, VII. 68) the words, _Altero die ad

Alesiam castra fecit_. We have before sought to prove that the words

_altero die_ must be translated by the _second day after_, and not by

the _next day_. [See page 279, note (1).] It took Cæsar, therefore, two

days’ march to move from the field of battle to Alesia.

A study of the country fully confirms the interpretation we give to the

expression _altero die_. In fact, to the north and east of

Alise-Sainte-Reine (_Alesia_), to less than two days’ march, the ground

is so cut up and broken that no cavalry battle would be possible upon

it. It retains this character as far as fifty-five or sixty kilomètres

from Alise, to the east of the road from Pranthoy to Dijon, where it

becomes more easy and open. The battle-field of the Vingeanne, which we

consider as the true one, is at a distance of sixty-five kilomètres from

Alise. Supposing that, on the day of the victory, the Roman army had

pursued the Gauls over a space of fifteen kilomètres, it would have had

to traverse in the two following days, before arriving at Alesia, a

distance of fifty kilomètres, that is to say, twenty-five kilomètres a

day.

[521] We call the reader’s attention particularly to the numerous Roman

and Gaulish coins found in one of the fosses of the camp _D_, the list

of which will be found in _Appendix C_, at the end of this volume.

[522] Near the western summit of the mountain two abundant springs

arise; there is another on the eastern side. With these springs, as at

Gergovia, it was easy to form large watering-places for cattle. Besides,

manifest traces of a great number of wells are visible on the

table-land, so that it is evident the besieged can never have wanted

water, besides which, they could always descend to the two rivers.

[523] We believe that these _castella_ were palisaded redoubts having a

recess attached, similar to the wooden blockhouses represented on the

Trajan Column; often even these recesses alone composed the _castellum_.

[524] It was not, as will be remarked, the countervallation which was

11,000 feet in extent, but the line of investment.

[525] _Eadem altitudine_. See paragraph XIII., Details on the

Excavations of Alesia, page 364.

[526] _Dolabratis_, diminished to a point, and not _delibratis_, peeled.

[527] In the excavations at Alesia, five _stimuli_ have been found, the

form of which is represented in _Plate 27_. The new names which Cæsar’s

soldiers gave to these accessory defenses prove that they were used for

the first time.

[528] This appears from a passage in _De Bello Civili_, III. 47.

[529]

The Ædui and their clients, the Segusiavi, the Ambluareti, the MEN.

Aulerci-Brannovices, and the Blannovii 35,000

The Arverni, with the people in their dependence, as the

Cadurci-Eleutheri, the Gabali, the Vellavi 35,000

The Senones, the Sequani, the Bituriges, the Santones, the Ruteni,

the Carnutes (each 12,000) 72,000

The Bellovaci 10,000

The Lemovices 10,000

The Pictones, the Turones, the Parisii, the Helvii (each 8,000) 32,000

The Suessiones, the Ambiani, the Mediomatrice, the Petrocorii,

the Nervii, the Morini, the Nitiobriges (each 5,000) 35,000

The Aulerci-Cenomanni 5,000

The Atrebates 4,000

The Veliocasses, the Lexovii, the Aulerci-Eburovices (each 3,000) 9,000

The Rauraci and the Boii (each 3,000) 6,000

Lastly, the peoples who dwelt on the shores of the ocean, and

whom the Gauls called Armoricans, amongst whom were the

Curiosolites, the Redones, the Ambibari, the Caletes, the

Osismii, the Lemovices-Armoricani, the Veneti, and the Unelli,

had to furnish together 30,000

-------

Total 283,000

[530]: See note on page 143.

[531] This passage proves clearly that the army of succour attacked also

the circumvallation of the plain. In fact, how can we admit that, of

240,000 men, only 60,000 should have been employed? It follows, from the

accounts given in the “Commentaries,” that among this multitude of

different peoples, the chiefs chose the most courageous men to form the

corps of 60,000 which operated the movement of turning the hills; and

that the others, unaccustomed to war, and less formidable, employed in

the assault of the retrenchments in the plain, were easily repulsed.

[532] According to Polyænus (VIII. xxiii. 11), Cæsar, during the night,

detached 3,000 legionaries and all his cavalry to take the enemy in the

rear.

[533] “Cæsar (at Alexandria) was greatly perplexed, being burdened with

his _purple_ vestments, which prevented him from swimming.” (Xiphilinus,

_Julius Cæsar_, p. 26.)--“Crassus, instead of appearing before his

troops in a purple-coloured _paludamentum_, as is the custom of the

Roman generals....” (Plutarch, _Crassus_, 28.)

[534] “The inhabitants of Alesia despaired of their safety when they saw

the Roman soldiers bringing from all sides into their camp an immense

quantity of shields ornamented with gold and silver, cuirasses stained

with blood, plate, and Gaulish flags.” (Plutarch, _Cæsar_, 30.)

[535] Florus, III. x. 26.--According to Plutarch (_Cæsar_, 30),

Vercingetorix, after having laid down his arms, seated himself in

silence at the foot of Cæsar’s tribunal.

[536] _De Bello Gallico_, VII. 90.--By comparing the data of the VIIth

book with those of the VIIIth, we obtain the following results:

LEGIONS.

In Franche-Comté, Labienus with the 7th and 15th 2

In the country of the Remi, Fabius and Basilius with the 8th

and 9th 2

Between the Loire and the Allier, Reginus with the 11th 1

In Berrry, Sextius with the 13th 1

In Rouergue, Rebilus with the 1st 1

At Mâcon, Tullius Cicero with the 6th 1

At Chalon, Sulpicius with the 14th 1

At Bibracte, Mark Antony with the 10th and 12th 2

--

Total 11

[537] There have been found, on a length of 200 mètres, in the bottom of

the upper fosse, ten Gaulish coins, twenty arrow-heads, fragments of

shields, four balls of stone of different diameters, two millstones of

granite, skulls and bones, earthenware, and fragments of amphoras in

such quantity, that it would lead us to suppose that the Romans threw

upon the assailants everything that came to hand. In the lower fosse,

near which the struggle was hotter after the sally of Labienus, the

result has surpassed all hopes. This fosse has been opened for a space

of 500 mètres in length from _X_ to _X_ (_see Plate 25_): it contained,

besides 600 coins (_see Appendix C_), fragments of pottery, and numerous

bones, the following objects: ten Gaulish swords and nine scabbards of

iron, thirty-nine pieces which belonged to arms of the description of

the Roman _pilum_, thirty heads of javelins, which, on account of their

lightness, are supposed to have been the points of the _hasta amentata_;

seventeen more heavy heads may also have served for javelins thrown by

the _amentum_, or simply by the hand, or even for lances; sixty-two

blades, of various form, which present such finished workmanship that

they may be ranged among the spears.

Among objects of defensive armour there have been found one iron helmet

and seven cheek-pieces, the forms of which are analogous to those which

we see represented on Roman sculptures; umbos of Roman and Gaulish

shields; an iron belt of a legionary; and numerous collars, rings and

fibulæ.

[538] In the fosses of the plain of Laumes have been found a fine sword,

several nails, and some bones; on the left bank of the Oserain, two

coins, three arrow-heads, and other fragments of arms; in the fosse

which descends towards the Ose, on the northern slopes of Mont

Penneville, a prodigious quantity of bones of animals. A spot planted

with vines, close by, on the southern slope of Mont Penneville, is still

at the present day called, on the register of lands, _Cæsar’s Kitchen_

(_la Cuisine de César_).

[539] In the fosses of the circumvallation in the plain of Laumes have

been found stone balls, some fragments of arms, pottery, and a

magnificent silver vase, of good Greek art. This last was found at _z_

(_see Plate 25_), near the imperial road from Paris to Dijon, at the

very bottom of the fosse, at a depth of 1·40m. Bronze arms, consisting

of ten spears, two axes, and two swords, have been found previously at

_y_ near the Oserain.

[540] This book, as is known, was written by Hirtius.

[541] _De Bello Gallico_, VIII. 5.

[542] Viz., the Aulerci-Eburovices.

[543] It has been objected that Mont Saint-Pierre was not sufficiently

large to contain seven legions; but, since Cæsar for a long while had

only four legions with him, the camp was made for that number.

Afterwards, instead of remaining on the defensive, he determined, as at

Alesia, to invest the Gaulish camp, and it was then only that he sent

for three more legions. The appearance of the different camps which have

been found is, on the contrary, very rational, and in conformity with

the number of troops mentioned in the “Commentaries.” Thus, the camp of

Berry-au-Bac, which contained eight legions, had forty-one hectares of

superfices; that of Gergovia, for six legions, had thirty-three

hectares; and that of Mont Saint-Pierre, for four legions, twenty-four

hectares.

[544] “Non solum vallo et sudibus, sed etiam turriculis instruunt....

quod opus loriculam vocant.” (Vegetius, IV. 28.)

[545] It may be seen, by the profiles of the fosses which have been

brought to light, that they could not have had vertical sides; the

expression used by Hirtius leads us to believe that, by _lateribus

directis_, he meant fosses not triangular, but with a square bottom.

[546] _De Bello Gallico_, VIII. 17.

[547] _De Bello Gallico_, VIII. 23.

[548] Rebilus had at first only one legion; we believe, with Rustow,

that the 10th, which was quartered at Bibracte, had come to join him. It

is said (VII. 90) that Rebilus had been sent to the Ruteni; but it

appears, from a passage of Orosius (VI. 11), “that he was stopped on his

way by a multitude of enemies, and ran the greatest dangers.” He

remained, therefore, in the country of the Pictones, where Fabius came

to his succour.

[549] Some manuscripts read erroneously the 13th legion.

[550] _De Bello Gallico_, VIII. 25.

[551] _De Bello Gallico_, VIII. 31.

[552] See his biography in _Appendix D_.

[553] _De Bello Gallico_, VIII. 44.

[554] It is due to the persevering research of M. J. B. Cessac, assisted

subsquently by the departmental commission of the Lot.

[555] List of the objects found at Puy-d’Issolu: one blade of a

_dolabrum_, thirty-six arrow-heads, six heads of darts for throwing by

catapults, fragments of bracelets, bear’s tooth (an amulet), necklace

beads, rings, a blade of a knife, and nails.

[556] According to Frontinus (_Stratag._, II. 11), Commius sought an

asylum in Great Britain.

[557] _De Bello Gallico_, VIII. 48.

[558] Plutarch, _Marius_, 19.

[559] _Mémoires de Napoléon I._, Revolt of Pavia, VII. 4.

[560] For the clearer intelligence of the recapitulation, we have

adopted the modern names of the different people of Gaul, although these

names are far from answering to their ancient boundaries.

[561] Cicero, when proconsul in Cilicia, obtained the sum of twelve

millions of sesterii (2,280,000 francs) from the sale of prisoners made

at the siege of Pindenissus. (Cicero, _Epistolæ ad Atticum_, V. 20.)

[562] Julian (_Cæsares_, p. 72, edit. Lasius) makes Cæsar say that he

had treated the Helvetii _like a philanthropist_, and rebuilt their

burnt towns.

[563] It was probably at this time that the chiefs of Auvergne, and

perhaps Vercingetorix himself, as Dio Cassius tells us, came to render

homage to the Roman proconsul. (See above, p. 80.)

[564] Mommsen, _Römische Geschichte_, III., p. 291. Berlin, 1861.

[565] Plutarch, _Pompey_, 51, 52.

[566] “He soon allowed himself to be enervated by his love for his young

wife. Entirely occupied in pleasing her, he passed whole days with her

in his country house or in his gardens, and ceased to think of public

affairs. Thus even Clodius, then tribune of the people, regarding him no

longer with anything but contempt, dared to embark in the rashest

enterprises.” (Plutarch, _Pompey_, 50.)

[567] Dio Cassius, XXXVIII. 13.

[568] Plutarch, _Pompey_, 51, 52.

[569] Dio Cassius, XXXVIII. 30.

[570] Plutarch, _Pompey_, 48 and 50.

[571] “Pompey is going at last to labour on my recall: he only waited

for a letter from Cæsar to cause the proposal to be made by one of his

partisans.” (Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_, III. 18.)--“If Cæsar has

abandoned me, if he has joined my enemies, he has been unfaithful to his

friendship, and has done me an injury; I ought to have been his enemy, I

deny it not; but if Cæsar has interested himself in my restoration, if

it be true that you thought it important for me that Cæsar should not be

opposed,” &c.... (_Orat. de Provinciis Consularibus_, 18.)

[572] “It was then that P. Sextius, the tribune nominate, repaired to

Cæsar to interest him in my recall. I say only that if Cæsar were well

intentioned towards me, and I believe he was, these proceedings added

nothing to his good intentions. He (Sextius) thought that, if they

wished to restore concord among the citizens and decide on my recall,

they must secure the consent of Cæsar.” (Cicero, _Pro Sextio_, 33)

[573] “Pompey took my brother as witness that all he had done for me he

had done by the will of Cæsar.” (Cicero, _Epist. Familiar._, I. 9.)

[574] Cicero, _Pro Sextio_, 31, _et seq._

[575] Cicero, _Pro Sextio_, 31.

[576] Plutarch, _Pompey_, 51.--Cicero, _Pro Sextio_, 32; _De Responsu

Haruspic._, 23: _Pro Milone_, 7.--Asconius, _Comment. in Orat. pro

Milone_, p. 47, edit. Orelli.

[577] Plutarch, _Pompey_, 51.--Cicero, _Pro Milone_, 7.--Asconius,

_Comment. in Orat. pro Milone_, p. 47, edit. Orelli.

[578] Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_, III. 23.--Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 6.

[579] Cicero, _Pro Sextio_, 33.

[580] Cicero, _Orat. pro Domo sua_, 27; _Pro Sextio_, 34.

[581] Cicero, _Pro Sextio_, 34; _De Legibus_, III. 19.

[582] Cicero, _Pro Sextio_, 34.

[583] Cicero, _Pro Sextio_, 35.--Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 7.--Plutarch,

_Pompey_, 51.

[584] Cicero, _Pro Sextio_, 35; _Orat. prima post Reditum_, 5, 6.

[585] Cicero, _De Officiis_, II. 17; _Orat. pro Sextio_, 39.--Dio

Cassius XXXIX. 8.

[586] Cicero, _Orat. secunda post Reditum ad Senatum_, 10; _Orat. pro

Domo sua_, 28; _Orat. in Pisonem_, 15.

[587] We thus see that the power of observing the sky continued to exist

in spite of the law Clodia.

[588] Cicero, in the passages cited.

[589] Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_, IV, 1.

[590] Asconius, _Comment in Orat. Ciceronis pro Milone_, p. 48, edit.

Orelli.

[591] Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 9.--Plutarch, _Pompey_, 52.

[592] Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_, IV. 1.--Cicero’s proposal was further

amplified by C. Messius, tribune of the people, who demanded for Pompey

a fleet, an army, and the authority to dispose of the finances.

[593] Plutarch, _Pompey_, 52.--Cicero, _Orat. pro Domo sua_, 10.

[594] _Epist. ad Attic._, IV. 2.

[595] “I will add that, in the opinion of the public, Clodius is

regarded as a victim reserved for Milo.” (Cicero, _De Respons. Harusp._,

3.)--This oration on the reply of the Aruspices is of May, June, or

July, 698. See, also, what he says in his letter to Atticus, of

November, 697. (_Epist. ad Attic._ IV. 3.)

[596] Plutarch, _Cæsar_, 23.--_De Bello Gallico_, II. 35.

[597] “But why, especially on that occasion, should any one be

astonished at my conduct or blame it, when I myself have already several

times supported propositions which were more honourable for Cæsar than

necessary for the state? I voted in his favour fifteen days of prayers;

it was enough for the Republic to have decreed to Cæsar the same number

of days which Marius had obtained. The gods would have been satisfied, I

think, with the same thanksgivings which had been rendered to them in

the most important wars. So great a number of days had therefore for its

only object to honour Cæsar personally. Ten days of thanksgivings were

accorded, for the first time, to Pompey, when the war of Mithridates had

been terminated by the death of that prince. I was consul, and, on my

report, the number of days usually decreed to the consulars was doubled,

after you had heard Pompey’s letter, and been convinced that all the

wards were terminated on land and sea. You adopted the proposal I made

to you of ordaining ten days of prayers. At present I have admired the

virtue and greatness of soul of Cn. Pompey, who, loaded with

distinctions such as no other before him had received the like, gave to

another more honours than he had obtained himself. Thus, then, those

prayers which I voted in favour of Cæsar were accorded to the immortal

gods, to the customs of our ancestors, and to the needs of the state;

but the flattering terms of the decree, this new distinction, and the

extraordinary number of days, it is to the person itself of Cæsar that

they were addressed, and they were a homage rendered to his glory.”

(Cicero, _Orat. pro Provinc. Consular._, 10, 11.) (August, A.U.C. 698.)

[598] Cicero, _Epist. ad Quint._, II. 1.

[599] Cicero, _Epist. ad Quint._, II. 1.

[600] Cicero, _Epist. ad Quint._, II. 1.

[601] Cicero, _Epist. ad Attic._, IV. 3.

[602] Cicero, _Epist. ad Attic._, IV. 2 and 3; _Epist. ad Quint._, II.

1.

[603] Atia had wedded in first marriage Octavius, by whom she had a son,

who was afterwards Augustus.

[604] Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 14.

[605] Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 12, 13.--Plutarch, _Pompey_, 52.

[606] Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 14.--“I do not spare upon him even reproaches,

to prevent him (Pompey) from meddling in this infamy.” Cicero, _Epist.

Famil._, I. 1.

[607] Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 15.

[608] Cicero, _Epist. ad Quintum_, II. 2.

[609] Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 16.

[610] Cicero, _Epist. ad Quintum_, II. 2.--Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 18.

[611] Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 18, 19.

[612] Cicero, _Epist. ad Quintum_, II. 3.

[613] Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 20.

[614] Cicero, _Epist. ad Quintum_, II. 3.

[615] Cicero, _Epist. ad Quintum_, II. 3.

[616] Cicero, _Epist. ad Quintum_, II. 3.--We look upon this word as

giving the explanation of the quarrel then existing between the two

triumvirs. Egypt was so rich a prey, that it was calculated to cause

division between them.

[617] “Clodius is cast down from the tribune, and I steal away, for fear

of accident.” (Cicero, _Ep. ad Quint._, II. 3.)

[618] Cicero, _Ep. ad Quint._, II. 3.

[619] Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 22.

[620] Plutarch, _Cato_, 45, tells us that Cato returned under the

consulship of Marcius Philippus.

[621] Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 23.

[622] Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 7.

[623] Cicero, _Epist. ad Quintum_, II. 1.

[624] Plutarch, _Cato_, 40; _Cicero_, 45.

[625] “There has reached me a mass of private talk of people here, whom

you may guess, who have always been, and always are, in the same ranks

with me. They openly rejoice at knowing that I am, at the same time,

already on terms of coolness with Pompey, and on the point of

quarrelling with Cæsar; but what was most cruel was to see their

attitude towards my enemy (Clodius), to see them embrace him, flatter

him, coax him, and cover him with caresses.” (Cicero, _Epist.

Familiar._, I. 9.)

[626] Cicero, _Epist. ad Quintum_, II. 3.

[627] These words are reported by Cicero (_Epist. ad Quintum_, II. 3),

to whom they were addressed by Pompey. Dio Cassius, contrary to all

probability, pretends that Pompey, from this moment, was irritated

against Cæsar, and sought to deprive him of his province. There is no

proof of such an allegation. The interview at Lucca, which took place

this same year, offers a formal contradiction to it.

[628] See Nonius Marcellus (edit. Gerlach and Roth, p. 261), who quotes

a passage from Book XXII. of the _Annals_ of Fenestella, who wrote under

Augustus or Tiberius.

[629] Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 24.

[630] Cicero, _Epist. ad Quintum_, II. 5.

[631] Cicero, _Epist. Familiar_., I. 9.

[632] “The question of the lands of Campania, which ought to have been

settled on the day of the Ides and the day following, is not yet

decided. I have much difficulty in making up my mind on this question.”

(Cicero, _Epist. ad Quintum_, II. 8.) (April, 698.)

[633] “Appius is not yet returned from his visit to Cæsar.” (Cicero,

_Epist. ad Quintum_, II. 6.) (April, 698.)

[634] “Knowing well that small news as well as great news have reached

Cæsar.” (_Epist. ad Quintum_, III. i. 3.)

[635] Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 25.

[636] Plutarch, _Cæsar_, 24.

[637] “Appius, he says, has visited Cæsar, in order to wrest from him

some nominations of tribunes.” (Cicero, _Epist. ad Quintum_, II. 15.)

[638] Appian, _Civil Wars_, II. 17.--The consuls and proconsuls had

twelve lictors, the prætors six, the dictators twenty-four, and the

master of the cavalry a number which varied. The curule ædiles, the

quæstors, and the tribunes of the people, not having the _imperium_, had

no lictors. As, at the time of the conference of Lucca, there was no

dictator or master of cavalry, the number of 120 fasces can only apply

to the collective escort of proconsuls and prætors. It is not probable

that the two consuls then in office at Rome should have gone to Lucca.

On the other hand, the proconsuls were prohibited from quitting their

provinces as long as they were in the exercise of their commands. (see

Titus Livius, XLI. 7; XLIII. 1.) But as the conferences of Lucca took

place just at the epoch when the proconsuls and proprætors were starting

for their provinces (we know from Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_, III. 9,

that this departure took place in the months of April and May), it is

probable that the newly-named proconsuls and proprætors repaired to

Lucca before they went to take possession of their commands. Thus the

number of 120 fasces would represent the collective number of the

lictors of proprætors or proconsuls who could pass through Lucca before

embarking either at Pisa, or Adria, or at Ravenna.

On this hypothesis, we should have the following numbers:--

Proprætor of Sicily 6 fasces.

“ of Sardinia 6 “

Proconsul of Citerior Spain 12 “

“ of Ulterior Spain 12 “

“ of Africa 12 “

“ of Asia 12 “

“ of Macedonia 12 “

“ of Bithynia 12 “

“ of Crete 12 “

“ of Syria 12 “

“ of Cilicia 12 “

---

120

Plutarch (_Pompey_, 53) says in so many words that there were seen every

day at his door 120 fasces of proconsuls and prætors.

[639] Appian, _Civil Wars_, II. 17.

[640] See Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 24.--The proof that this plan originated

with Cæsar is found in the fact that Pompey and Crassus had not

previously taken any steps to ensure their election.

[641] We have put into the mouth of Cæsar the following words of Cicero:

“In giving the Alps as a boundary to Italy, Nature had not done it

without a special intention of the gods. If the entrance had been open

to the ferocity and the multitude of the Gauls, this town would never

have been the seat and centre of a great empire. These lofty mountains

may now level themselves; there is now nothing, from the Alps to the

ocean, which Italy has to fear. One or two campaigns more, and fear or

hope, punishments or recompenses, arms or the laws, will reduce all Gaul

into subjection to us, and attach her to us by everlasting ties.”

(Cicero, _Orat. de Provinciis Consularibus_, 14.

[642] Cicero, _Orat. pro Muræna_, 18.

[643] _Orat. de Provinciis Consularibus_, 15.

[644] “Evidently all opposition to these great men, especially since the

brilliant successes of Cæsar, was contrary to the general feeling, and

unanimously rejected.” (Cicero, _Epist. Familiar._, I. 9.)

[645] “Cæsar, strengthened by his successes, and by the recompenses,

honours, and testimonials with which the Senate had loaded him, had just

lent to this illustrious order his glory and his influence.” (Cicero,

_Epist. Familiar._, I. 9.)

[646] “Why should I wait to be reconciled with Cæsar? Has this

reconcilement not been effected already by the Senate? the Senate, the

supreme council of the Republic, my rule and my guide in all my

opinions. I walk in your steps, senators, I obey your counsels, I yield

to your authority.... So long as the political measures of Cæsar have

not had your approbation, you did not see me allied with him. When his

exploits had changed your feelings and dispositions, you have seen me

not only agree in your decisions, but loudly applaud them.” (Cicero,

_Orat. de Provinciis Consularibus_, 10.)

[647] _Epist. Familiar._, I. 9.

[648] _Epist. ad Atticum_, IV. 5.

[649] Cicero, _Orat. de Prov. Consularibus_, 9. (August, A.U.C. 698.)

[650] Cicero, _Orat. de Prov. Consularibus_, 13. (August, A.U.C. 698.)

[651] Cicero, _Orat. pro Balbo_, 27.

[652] Cicero, _Epist. Familiar._, I. 7.

[653] Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 27.

[654] Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 29.

[655] Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 30.--Plutarch, _Pompey_, 53; _Crassus_, 18.

[656] _Précis des Guerres de César_, III. 5.

[657] Plutarch, _Cæsar_, 18.

[658] Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 57.

[659] “What does Cæsar think of my poem, I pray? He has written to me

that he had read the first book, and that he had seen nothing, even in

Greek, which ever pleased him more. The rest, up to a certain passage,

is less finished: that is his expression. Tell me what it is that

displeases him, the matter or the form, and fear not to speak candidly”.

(Cicero, _Ep. ad Quint._, II. 16.)

[660] Plutarch, _Crassus_, 16.--Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 31.

[661] Plutarch, _Cato_, 48; _Pompey_, 54.

[662] Cicero, _Epist. Familiar._, I. 9.

[663] Plutarch, _Pompey_, 55.

[664] Cicero, _Epist. ad Quintum_, II. 9.

[665] The country of the Vaccæi comprised part of old Castile, of the

kingdom of Leon, and of the Basque provinces. Clunia, a town of the

Celtiberii, was situated near Coruña del Conde.

[666] Plutarch, _Crassus_, 19.

[667] Plutarch, _Crassus_, 19.

[668] Plutarch, _Cæsar_, 24.

[669] Plutarch, _Cato_, 49.--Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 34.

[670] Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 35.

[671] Plutarch, _Cato_, 49.--Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 33, 35.--Dio Cassius

pretends erroneously that the _imperium_ in the province of Gaul was

only continued to Cæsar by a sort of favour, and but for three years,

when his partisans murmured at seeing that Crassus and Pompey thought

only for themselves. He does not mention the conference of Lucca, which

is attested by Suetonius, Plutarch, and Appian. He forgets that

Trebonius, Cæsar’s creature, was one of his most devoted lieutenants in

the Civil War. We think that the testimony of the other historians is to

be preferred.

[672] “In my opinion, that which it would have been best for his

adversaries to do, would have been to cease a struggle which they are

not strong enough to sustain.... At the present day the only ambition

one can have is to be quiet, and those who governed would be disposed to

allow it us, if they found certain people less rigid against their

domination.” (Cicero, _Epist. Familiar._, I. 8, letter to Lentulus.)

[673] Plutarch, _Crassus_, 19.

[674] Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 37.

[675] Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 38.

[676] Cicero, _Epist. Familiar._, VII. 1.

[677] According to the letter from Cicero to Atticus (IV. 13), Crassus

had left Rome a little before the 17th of the Calends of December, 699,

which answers, according to the concordance established by M. Le

Verrier, to the 28th of October, 699.

[678] Justin, XLI. 6.

[679] Justin, XLII. 4.

[680] _De Bello Gallico_, IV. 38.

[681] “Cæsar was very proud of his expedition into Britain, and

everybody at Rome cried it up with enthusiasm. People congratulated each

other on becoming acquainted with a country of the existence of which

they were previously ignorant, and of having penetrated into countries

of which they had never heard before; everybody took his hopes for

reality, and all that people flattered themselves with obtaining some

day caused as great an outburst of joy as if they had already possessed

it.” (Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 53.)--“After having landed in Britain, Cæsar

believed he had discovered a new world. He wrote (it is unknown to whom)

that Britain was not an island, but a country surrounding the ocean.”

(Eumenius, _Panegyrici_, IV. 2.)

[682] Lucan, _Pharsalia_, II., line 571.

[683] “Without paying any attention to the opinion of Cato, the people

during fifteen days performed sacrifices to celebrate this victory, and

exhibited the greatest marks of joy.” (Plutarch, _Nicias_ and _Crassus_,

4.)

[684] Plutarch, _Cato of Utica_, 58.

[685] See page 456.

[686] Cicero, _Epist. Familiar._, I. 7.

[687] Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 56, 57, 58.--_Schol. Bob. Pro Plancio_, 271.

[688] Plutarch, _Antony_, 2.

[689] Dio Cassius speaks of it as follows: “The influence of powerful

men and of riches was so great, even against the decrees of the people

and of the Senate, that Pompey wrote to Gabinius, governor of Syria, to

charge him with the restoring of Ptolemy in Egypt, and that he, who had

already taken the field, performed this task, in spite of the public

will, and in contempt of the oracles of the Sibyl. Pompey only sought to

do what would be agreeable to Ptolemy; but Gabinius had yielded to

corruption. Afterwards, when brought under accusation for this fact, he

was not condemned, thanks to Pompey and to his gold. There reigned then

in Rome such a degree of moral disorder, that the magistrates and

judges, who had received from Gabinius but a small part of the sums

which had served to corrupt him, set their duties at nought in order to

enrich themselves, and taught others to do evil, by showing them that

they could easily escape punishment with money. It was this which caused

Gabinius to be acquitted; in the sequel, brought to trial for having

carried off from his province more than 100,000,000 drachmas, he was

condemned.” (Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 55.)

[690] Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 43.

[691] Cicero, _Epist. ad Quint._, II. 8.

[692] See the _Index Legum_ of Baiter, 181.

[693] Josephus, XIV. 48.

[694] Josephus, XIV. 11.

[695] Cicero, _Ep. ad Atticum_, IV. 18.

[696] Cicero, _Ep. ad Quintum_, IV. 15.

[697] _Schol. Bob. Pro Sextio_, 297.--Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_, IV.

16; _Epist. Familiar._, XIII. 19.

[698] “Cæsar has written to me from Britain a letter dated on the

Calends of September (28th of August), which I received on the 4th of

the Calends of October (23rd of September). His mourning had prevented

my replying and congratulating him.” (Cicero, _Epist. ad Quintum_, III.

1.)

[699] “In Cæsar’s affliction, I dare not write to him, but I write to

Balbus.” (Cicero, _Epist. Familiar._, VII. 9.)--“How kind and affecting

is Cæsar’s letter! There is in what he writes a charm which increases my

sympathy for the misfortune which afflicts him.” (Cicero, _Epist. ad

Quintum_, III. 1.)

[700] Plutarch, _Pompey_, 4.

[701] Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 27.

[702] Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_, IV. 17.--Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 36.

[703] Pliny, _Hist. Nat._, XXXVI. 15.

[704] Appian, _De Bel. Civil._, II. 102.

[705] “Have you any other _protégé_ to send me? I take charge of him.”

(Letter of Cæsar cited by Cicero, _Epist. Familiar._, VII. 5.)--“I say

not a word, I take not a step in Cæsar’s interest, but he immediately

testifies in high terms that he attaches to it a value which assures me

of his affection.” (Cicero, _Epist. Familiar._, VII. 5.)

[706] “I dispose, as though they were my own, of his credit, which is

preponderant, and of his resources, which, you know, are immense.”

(_Epist. Familiar._, I. 9.)--A few years later, when Cicero foresaw the

civil war, he wrote to Atticus: “There is, however, an affair of which I

shall not cease speaking as long as I write to you at Rome: it is

Cæsar’s credit. Free me, before leaving, I implore you.” (Cicero,

_Epist. ad Atticum_, V. 6.)

[707] _Epist. ad Quintum_, II. 15; III. 1.

[708] _Epist. Familiar._, I. 9.

[709] “I have undertaken his defense (that of Crassus) in the Senate, as

high recommendations and my own engagement made it imperative for me.”

(_Epist. Familiar._, I. 9.)

[710] Cicero, _Pro Rabirio Postumo_, 15, 16.

[711] Cicero, _Pro Cn. Plancio_, 39. (A.U.C. 700.)

[712] Cicero, _Orat. in L. Calpurnium Pisonem_, 33. (A.U.C. 700.)

[713] Cicero, _Epist. ad Quintum_, III. 1.

[714] Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_, IV. 15; _Epist. Familiar._, VII. 5;

_Epist. ad Quintum_, II. 15.

[715] “Pompey is all for Gutta, and he is confident of obtaining from

Cæsar an active intervention.” (Cicero, _Epist. ad Quintum_, III. 8.)

[716] Dio Cassius, XL. 45.

[717] Cicero, _Epist. ad Quintum_, III. 4.

[718] Cicero, _Epist. ad Quintum_, III. 8.

[719] Plutarch, _Cæsar_, 31.

[720] Plutarch, _Pompey_, 57.

[721] Plutarch, _Cæsar_, 31.

[722] “Ut via illa nostra, quæ per Macedoniam est usque ad Hellespontum

militaris.” (Cicero, _Orat. de Provinciis Consularibus_, 2.--Strabo,

VII. vii. 268.)

[723] Plutarch, _Crassus_, 17.

[724] On the left bank of the Tigris, opposite Seleucia.

[725] Plutarch, _Crassus_, 24.

[726] The ancient authors name him Augar, Abgaros, or Ariamnes.

[727] Zeugma, according to Dio Cassius. This town is on the right bank

of the Euphrates, opposite Biradjik.

[728] According to Drumann, the course of the river could not always be

followed, as Plutarch says, because there existed a canal which joined

the Euphrates with the Tigris. (Pliny, VI. 30.--Ammianus Marcellinus,

XXIV. 2.)

[729] “There are among them few infantry. These are only chosen among

the weakest men. From the tenderest age the Parthians are accustomed to

handle the bow and the horse. Their country, which forms almost entirely

one plain, is very favourable for breeding horses, and for courses of

cavalry.” (Dio Cassius, XL. 15.)--“Equis omni tempore vectantur; illis

bella, illis convivia, illis publica ac privata officia obeunt.”

(Justin, XLI. 8.)

[730] “Munimentum ipsis equisque loricæ plumatæ sunt, quæ utrumque toto

corpore tegunt.” (Justin, XLI. 2.)

[731] “Signum in prælio non tuba, sed tympano datur.” (Justin, XLI. 2.)

[732] “Fidentemque fuga Parthum versisque sagittis.” (Virgil, _Georg._,

III., line 31.

[733] “The Osroenes, placed behind the Romans, who had their backs

turned to them, struck them where their unprotected limbs were exposed,

and rendered more easy their destruction by the Parthians.” (Dio

Cassius, XL. 22.)

[734] The army was composed of seven legions, but some troops had been

left at Carrhæ. The square was composed of forty-eight cohorts, or

nearly five legions; the rest was probably in reserve in the square. The

4,000 cavalry and 4,000 light infantry were probably divided half to the

right and half to the left of the great square, the sides of which must

have been about 1,000 mètres long.

[735] Plutarch, _Crassus_, 28.

[736] Q. Cæcilius Metellus Scipio was the son of P. Cornelius Scipio

Nasica, and of Licinia, daughter of Crassus. He had been adopted by Q.

Cæcilius Metellus Pius.

[737] Plutarch, _Cato_, 55.

[738] All that follows is taken almost entirely from Asconius, the most

ancient commentator on Cicero, and is derived, it is believed, from the

_Acta Diurna_. (See the _Argument of the Oration of Cicero for Milo_,

edit. Orelli, p. 31.)

[739] Nine years after the sacrilege committed on the day of the

festival of the Bona Dea, Clodius was slain by Milo before the gate of

the temple of the Bona Dea, near Bovillæ. (Cicero, _Orat. pro Milone_,

31.)

[740] _Romphæa_. (Asconius, _Argument of the Orat. of Cicero pro

Milone_, p. 32, edit. Orelli.)

[741] Cicero, _Orat. pro Milone_ 10.--Dio Cassius, XL. 48.--Appian,

_Civil Wars_, II. 21.--(Asconius, _Argument of the Oration of Cicero pro

Milone_, p. 31, _et seq._)

[742] _Lectus libitinæ._ (Asconius, p. 34.)--The sense of this word is

given by Acro, a scholiast on Horace (see _Scholia Horatiana_, edit.

Pauly, tom. I., p. 360). It corresponds with our word _corbillard_, a

hearse. We know the custom of the Romans of carrying at interments the

images of the ancestors of the dead with the ensigns of their dignities.

The fasces must have been numerous in the Clodian family.

[743] Dio Cassius, XL. 50.

[744] Dio Cassius, XL. 49.

[745] Dio Cassius, XL. 49.

[746] Appian, _Civil Wars_, II. 22.

[747] Dio Cassius, XL. 50.

[748] “The Senate and Bibulus, who was first to state his opinion,

forestalled the thoughtless resolutions of the multitude by conferring

the consulship on Pompey, in order that he might not be proclaimed

dictator; and in conferring it upon him alone, in order that he might

not have Cæsar for his colleague.” (Dio Cassius, XL. 2.)

[749] Plutarch, _Cato_, 47.

[750] Plutarch, _Pompey_, 57.

[751] Dio Cassius, XL. 50.

[752] Dio Cassius, XL. 52.--Cicero, _Brutus_, 94; _Epist. ad Atticum_,

XIII 49.--Tacitus, _Dialog. de Oratoribus_, 38.

[753] This was the historian. He had been the paramour of Milo’s wife.

Surprised by him in the very act, he had been cruelly beaten, and

compelled to pay, without pity.

[754] Velleius Paterculus, II. 47.

[755] All this account is taken from the argument by Asconius Servius,

serving as an introduction to his Commentary on the _Oration for Milo_.

(See the edit. of Orelli, pp. 41, 42.--Dio Cassius, XL. 53.)

[756] Dio Cassius, XL. 54.

[757] Velleius Paterculus, II. 68.

[758] Plutarch, _Pompey_, 58.

[759] Dio Cassius, XL. 53.

[760] Appian, _Civil Wars_, II. 24.

[761] Dio Cassius, XL. 52.

[762] Plutarch, _Pompey_, 59.

[763] Dio Cassius, XL. 56; comp. 30.

[764] Tacitus, _Annales_, III. 28.

[765] “Shall I pronounce against Cæsar? But what then becomes of that

faith sworn, when, for this same privilege which he demands, I myself,

at his prayer at Ravenna, went to solicit Cœlius, the tribune of the

people? What do I say, at this prayer! _at the prayer of Pompey

himself_, then invested with his third consulship, of eternal memory.”

(Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_, VII. 1.

[766] “It is he, Pompey, who has absolutely willed that the ten tribunes

should propose the decree which permitted Cæsar to ask for the

consulship without coming to Rome.” (Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_, VIII.

3.--Dio Cassius, XL. 56.--Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 28.)

[767] Appian, _Civil Wars_, II. 25.

[768] Plutarch, _Pompey_, 55.--Valerius Maximus, IX. 5.--Appian, _Civil

Wars_, II. 23, 24.

[769] Dio Cassius, XL. 57.

[770] “ ...He (Vercingetorix) reckoned on persuading all Gaul to take

arms while they were preparing at Rome a revolt against Cæsar. If the

chief of the Gauls had deferred his enterprise until Cæsar had the civil

war to contend with, he would have struck all Italy with no less terror

than was caused in former days by the Cimbri and the Teutones.”

(Plutarch, _Cæsar_, 28.)

[771] “In all Gaul there are only two classes of men who count and are

considered (the Druids and the knights), for the people have hardly any

other rank than that of slaves.” (_De Bello Gallico_, VI. 13.)

[772] Dio Cassius, XL. 50.

[773] _De Bello Gallico_, VI. 12.

[774] _De Bello Gallico_, VI. 15.

[775] _De Bello Gallico_, VI. 4.

[776] _De Bello Gallico_, VI. 12.

[777] _De Bello Gallico_, VI. 4.

[778] _De Bello Gallico_, VII. 76.

[779] _De Bello Gallico_, V. 27.

[780] _De Bello Gallico_, V. 25, 54.

[781] _De Bello Gallico_, IV. 21.

[782] _De Bello Gallico_, V. 4.

[783] _De Bello Gallico_, VII. 33.

[784] “In the beginning of spring he convoked, according to custom, the

assembly of Gaul.” (_De Bello Gallico_, VI. 3.)

[785] Cicero appears to fear for his wife and daughter in thinking that

Cæsar’s army was filled with barbarians. (Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_,

VII. 13, A.U.C. 705.) He wrote to Atticus that, according to Matius, the

Gauls offered Cæsar 10,000 infantry and 6,000 cavalry, which they would

entertain at their own expense for ten years. (Cicero, _Epist. ad

Atticum_, IX, xii. 2.)

[786] “All this,” Cœlius writes to Cicero, “is not said in public, but

in secret, in the little circle which you know well, _sed inter paucos

quos tu nosti palam secreto narrantur_.” (Cœlius to Cicero, _Epist.

Familiar._, VIII. 1.)

[787] Dio Cassius, XL. 59.

[788] Cicero, _Epist. Familiar._, VIII. 10.

[789] Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_, V. 18.

[790] Cicero to Cœlius, _Epist. Familiar._, II. 8.

[791] “I station myself for some days near Issus, on the very site of

the camp of Alexander, who was a rather better general than you and I.”

(Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_, V. 20.)--“How ill this mission agrees with

my habits, and how just is the saying, Every one to his trade!” (Cicero,

_Epist. ad Atticum_, V. x. 18.)

[792] Cicero had two legions, but very incomplete.

[793] Asconius, _In Pisonem_, 3.--Apian, _Civil Wars_, II. 26.

[794] Strabo, V. 177.

[795] Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 28.

[796] Appian, _Civil Wars_, II. 26.

[797] Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_, VI. 1.

[798] In speaking of Pompey’s party, Cicero exclaims: “Men who all, with

the exception of a very small number, breathed nothing but pillage, and

discourses such as made one tremble, the more as victory might convert

them into reality: not a person of rank who was not crippled with debts:

there was absolutely nothing beautiful except the cause which they

served.” (Cicero, _Epist. Familiar._, VII. 8.)--“They all agree, and

Crassipes with them, that yonder there are nothing but imprecations, but

threats of hatred to the rich, of war against the municipia (admire

their prudence!), but proscriptions in mass; they are nothing but

Syllas; and you must see the tone of Lucceius, and all that train of

Greeks, and that Theophanes! Yet this is the hope of the Republic! A

Scipio, a Faustus, a Libo, with their troops of creditors at their

heels, of what enormities are not such people capable? What excesses

against their fellow-citizens will such conquerors refuse?” (Cicero,

_Epist. ad Atticum_, IX. 11.)

[799] Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_, VI. 1.

[800] “The Salaminians sought to borrow money at Rome to pay their

taxes, but, as the law Gabinia prohibited it, the friends of Brutus, who

offered to lend it them at four per cent. a month, demanded a

senatus-consultus for their safety, which Brutus obtained for them.”

(Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_, V. 21.)

[801] Appian, _Civil Wars_, II. 25.

[802] Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 30.

[803] Cœlius to Cicero, _Epist. Familiar._, VIII. 14.

[804] Dio Cassius, XLI. 6.

[805] In our opinion, Professor A.W. Zumpt (_Studia Romana_, Berlin,

1859) is the only one who has cleared up this question; and we shall

borrow of him the greatest part of his arguments. As to M. Th. Mommsen,

in a special dissertation, entitled _The Question of Right between Cæsar

and the Senate_, he proves that we must distinguish in the proconsulship

between the _provincia_ and the _imperium_. According to him, the

_provincia_ being given at the same time with the consulship, it could

be taken possession of, according to the law Sempronia, only on the

Calends of the month of January of the following year; the _imperium_,

or military command, was added to it two months later, on the Calends of

March. The _provincia_ was given by a senatus-consultus, and counted

from January to January; the _imperium_ was given by a curiate law, and

went from March to March: the _imperium_ followed the rules of the

military service; a year commenced was reputed finished, as for the

campaigns of the soldiers, and thus the two first months of 705 might

count for a complete year. The learned professor concludes that, if the

Senate had the right to deprive Cæsar of his _imperium_, it could not

take from him the command of the province before the end of the year

705, and that then Cæsar would find himself in the same position as all

the proconsuls who, during the interval between the 1st of January, the

commencement of their proconsulship, and the 1st of March, the time when

they received the _imperium_, had the _potestas_, and not the military

command. This system, we see, rests upon hypotheses which it is

difficult to admit.

[806] “Erat autem obscuritas quædam.” (Cicero, _Pro Marcello_, 10.)

[807] The question became complicated through the difference of origin

of the powers given for each of the two Gauls. The Senate had the power

of taking away from Cæsar’s command Ulterior Gaul, which was given to

him by a senatus-consultus, but it could not deprive him of Citerior

Gaul, given by a plebiscitum, and yet it was the contrary opinion that

Cicero sustained in 698. In fact, he exclaimed then, in his _Oration on

the Consular Provinces_: “He separates the part of the province on which

there can be no opposition (because it has been given by a

senatus-consultus), and does not touch that which can be easily

attacked; and, at the same time that he dares not take away that which

has been given by the people, he is in haste to take away all, senator

as he is, that which has been given by the Senate.” (Cicero, _Orat. de

Provinc. Consular._, 15.--Velleius Paterculus, II. 44.--Suetonius,

_Cæsar_, 20.--Appian, _Civil Wars_, II. 13.--Dio Cassius, XXXVIII. 8.)

[808] The 1st of March was the commencement of the ancient Roman year,

the period at which the generals entered into campaign.

[809] P. Servilius, who was consul in 675, took possession of his

province a short time after he entered upon his duties as consul; he

returned in 679. Cicero (_Orat. III. in Verrem_, 90) says that he held

the command during five years. This number can only be explained by

admitting that the years 675 and 679 were reckoned as complete. L. Piso,

who was consul in 696, quitted Rome at the end of his consulship, and

returned thither in the summer of 699. Now, he was considered as having

exercised the command during three years. (Cicero, _In Pisonem_, 35,

40.) They must, therefore, have counted as one year of the proconsulship

the few months of 695. (See Mommsen, _The Question of Right between

Cæsar and the Senate_, p. 28.)

[810] At all times the assemblies have been seen striving to shorten the

duration of the powers given by the people to a man whose sympathies

were not with them. Here is an example. The Constitution of 1848 decided

that the President of the French Republic should be named for four

years. The Prince Louis Napoleon was elected on the 10th of December,

1848, and proclaimed on the 20th of the same month. His powers ought to

have ended on the 20th of December, 1852. Now, the Constituent Assembly,

which foresaw the election of Prince Louis Napoleon, fixed the

termination of the presidency to the second Sunday of the Month of May,

1852, thus robbing him of seven months.

[811] _De Bello Gallico_, VIII. 39.

[812] Dio Cassius, XL. 59.

[813] Appian, _Civil Wars_, II. 4.

[814] “Quid ergo? exercitum retinentis, quum legis dies transierit,

rationem haberi placet? Mihi vero ne absentis quidem.” (_Epist. ad

Atticum_, VII. 7.)

[815] Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_, VII. 9.

[816] “Absenti sibi, _quandocumque imperii tempus expleri cœpisset_.”

(Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 26.--Cicero, _Epist. Famil._, XIII. 11.)

[817] Cæsar, _De Bello Civili_, I. 5.

[818] “I have contended that regard should be had to Cæsar for his

absence. It was not to favour him; it is for the honour of a decision of

the people, promoted by the consul himself.” (Cicero, _Epist.

Familiar._, VI. 6.)

[819] Titus Livius, _Epitome_, CVIII.

[820] “Sed quum id datum est, illud una datum est.” (_Epist. ad

Atticum_, VII. 7.)

[821] “Doluisse se, quod populi Romani beneficium sibi per contumeliam

ab inimicus extorqueretur, erepto semestri imperio in urbem

retraheretur.” (Cæsar, _De Bello Civili_, I. 9.)

[822] See, on the period of the comitia, Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_,

III. 13; _Epist. Familiar._, VIII. 4.

[823] Although all the facts prove that the term of the power was to

cease in 707, Plutarch (_Pompey_, 55) reckons four years of

prolongation, and Dio Cassius (XL. 44, 46) five, which shows the

difference in the estimation of dates. (Zumpt, _Studia Romana_, 85.)

[824] “I believe certainly in Pompey’s intention of starting for Spain,

and it is what I by no means approve. I have easily demonstrated to

Theophanes that the best policy was not to go away. I am more uneasy for

the Republic since I see by your letters that our friend Pompey is going

to Spain.” (Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_, V. 11.)

[825] Cicero, _Epist. Familiar._, VIII. 4.

[826] “But at last, after several successive adjournments, and the

certainty well acquired that Pompey consented to consider the recall of

Cæsar on the Calends of March, the senatus-consultus was passed, which I

send you.” (Cœlius to Cicero, _Epist. Familiar._, VIII. 8.)

[827] Cœlius to Cicero, _Epist. Familiar._, VIII. 8.

[828] Cœlius to Cicero, _Epist. Familiar._, VIII. 8.

[829] Cœlius to Cicero, _Epist. Familiar._, VIII. 8, §§ 3, 4.

[830] “But the consuls, who fear being obliged, by a decree of the

Senate, to leave for the war, and who feel at the same time how

disgraceful it will be to them if this commission fall on any other but

them, will absolutely not allow the Senate to assemble; they carry it so

far as to make people suspect them of want of zeal for the Republic:

there is no knowing if it be negligence, or cowardice, or the fear of

which I have just spoken; but what is concealed under this appearance of

reserve is, that they will not have that province.” (Cœlius to Cicero,

_Epist. Familiar._, VIII. 10.)

[831] “With the succour of Dejotarus, the enemies may be held at bay

till the arrival of Pompey, who sends me word that they intend him for

this war.” (Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_, VI. 1.)--“At this news of the

passage of the Euphrates, every one offers to give his advice: this man

would have them send Pompey; the other Cæsar and his army.” (Cœlius to

Cicero, _Epist. Familiar._, VIII. 10.)

[832] Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_, V. 20

[833] He kept this title until the moment the civil war broke out.

[834] Cicero, _Epist. Familiar._, VIII. 4.

[835] Cœlius to Cicero, _Epist. Familiar._, VIII. 10.

[836] “Ingeniosissime nequam.”

[837] Cicero to Curio, _Epist. Familiar._, II. 7.

[838] Cicero, _Brutus_, lx. 218.

[839] Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 49.

[840] Plutarch, Antony, 2.--Cicero, _Philippica_, II. xix. 48.

[841] See his biography in _Appendix D_.

[842] Cicero, _Philippica_, II. xx. 49.

[843] Appian, _Civil Wars_, II. 26.--Yet Cicero, who never spared his

adversaries, makes no mention of this act of corruption; and Velleius

Paterculus (II. 48) expresses himself as follows: “Did Curio, as has

been said, sell himself? It is a question we cannot venture to decide.”

[844] “Æmilius Paulus built, they say, with this money the famous

basilica which bears his name.” (Appian, _Civil Wars_, II. 26.)

[845] “It was said of him that there was no man so low but he thought

him worth the trouble of gaining.” (Cicero, _Ad Div._, VIII. 22.)

[846] A villa near Aricia. (Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_, VI. 1.)

[847] “Curio, in his ill humour at not having obtained the

intercalation, has thrown himself, with unequalled levity, into the

party of the people, and began to speak on Cæsar’s side.” (Cœlius to

Cicero, _Epist. Familiar._, VIII. 6.)

[848] See _Appendix A_.

[849] Dio Cassius, XL. 62.

[850] Cœlius to Cicero, _Epist. Familiar._, VIII. 6.

[851] Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_, VI. 1; _Ad Div._, VIII. vi.

5.--Appian, _Civil Wars_, II. 27.

[852] The following letter explains the nature of this tax: “This man of

importance (P. Vedius) met me with two chariots, a chaise, a litter, and

so great a number of valets, that, _if Curio’s law passes_, Vedius will

surely be taxed at 100,000 sestertii. He had, moreover, a cynocephalus

in one of his chariots, and wild asses in his equipage. I never saw a

man so ridiculous.” (Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_, VI. i. 22.)

[853] Dio Cassius, XL. 63.

[854] Cicero, _Epist. Familiar._, VIII. 14.

[855] _De Bello Gallico_, VIII. 50, 51, 52.

[856] _De Bello Gallico_, VIII. 52.

[857] “Pompey appears to agree with the Senate in requiring absolutely

the return of Cæsar on the Ides of Novembre. Curio is decided to do

everything rather than suffer this: the rest he cares little about. Our

party--you know them well--do not dare to undertake a deadly combat.

This is how things stand now. Pompey, who, without attacking Cæsar, will

accord nothing to him but what is just, accuses Curio of being an agent

of discord. At the bottom, he will not allow that Cæsar be designated

consul before he has given up his army and his province, and his great

fear is that that may happen. He is by no means spared by Curio, who

throws continually his second consulate in his teeth. I will tell you

what will come to pass: if they do not use discretion with Curio, Cæsar

will gain a defender in him. With the fear which they show of the

opposition of a tribune, they will do so much that Cæsar will remain

indefinitely master in Gaul.” Cicero, _Epist. ad Familiar._ VIII. 11.)

[858] Dio Cassius, XL. 41.--Appian, _Civil Wars_, II. 27.

[859] Appian, _Civil Wars_, II. 27.

[860] Cœlius to Cicero, _Epist. Familiar._, VIII. 13.

[861] “It is his custom to speak in one way and to think in another; but

he has not head enough to prevent people from seeing through him.”

(Cœlius to Cicero, _Epist. ad Familiar._, VIII. 1.)

[862] Appian, _Civil Wars_, II. 28.

[863] Plutarch, _Cæsar_, 34.

[864] Plutarch, _Pompey_, 61.

[865] Appian, _Civil Wars_, II. 29.--Plutarch, _Cæsar_, 32.

[866] Appian, _Civil Wars_, II. 29.--This officer (Appius) affected to

undervalue the exploits which had been accomplished in that country

(Gaul), and to spread rumours injurious to Cæsar. “Pompey,” said he,

“must have known very little his strength and reputation, otherwise

would he, in order to measure himself with Cæsar, seek other troops than

those which were at his disposal? He would conquer him with the very

legions of his enemy, as soon as he appeared, so much did the soldiers

hate Cæsar, and desire to see Pompey again.” (Plutarch, _Pompey_, 61.)

[867] “I should like to come nearer to you; but, I regret to say, I dare

not trust myself to the two legions.... The two legions must not be

exposed in the presence of Cæsar without the cohorts from Picenum.”

(_Letter from Pompey to Domitius, Proconsul._--Cicero, _Epist. ad

Atticum_, VIII. 12.)--“All my resources are reduced to two legions,

which Pompey has retained in an odious manner, and of which he is no

more sure than of foreigners.” (Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_, VII. 13.)

[868] Plutarch, _Pompey_, 61.

[869] Plutarch, _Cæsar_, 33.

[870] “Do you approve that Labienus and Mamurra should have amassed

immense riches?” (Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_, VII. 7.)

[871] Dio Cassius, XL. 63, 64.

[872] Appian, _Civil Wars_, II. 30.--Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_, VIII.

4.

[873] Appian, _Civil Wars_, II. 31.--Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_, VI. 9;

VII. 1.

[874] Dio Cassius, XL. 64.

[875] Appian, _Civil Wars_, II. 31.

[876] Cœlius to Cicero, _Epist. Familiar._, VIII. 14.

[877] Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_, VII. 3.

[878] Cicero landed at Brundusium on the 7th of the Calends of December,

704. (Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_, VII. 2.)

[879] “I receive flattering letters from Cæsar; Balbus writes me as many

in his name. I am firmly determined not to flinch a finger’s length from

the road of honour; but you know how much I am under obligation to

Cæsar. Do you think that I have not to fear that they will reproach me

my debt, if I vote even quietly in his favour, and, if I speak strongly,

that they will ask it loudly from me? What am I to do? Pay it, you will

say. Well! I will borrow from Cœlius. But think of it, I beg of you, for

I expect, if I happen to speak firmly in the Senate, your good friend

from Tartessus will at once tell me: You, pay what you owe!” (Year 704,

9th December. Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_, VII. 3.)

[880] “What will become of us? I have a good mind to shut myself up in

the citadel of Athens, whence I write you this note.” (Year 704. _Epist.

ad Atticum_, VI. 9.)--“Consequently, leaving to the fools the initiative

of speech, I think that I shall do well to endeavour to obtain this

triumph, were it only to have a reason not to be in Rome; but they are

sure to find a means to come to wrest my opinion from me. You will laugh

at me. How I wish I had remained in my province!” (Cicero, _Epist. ad

Atticum_, VII. 1.)

[881] “He has borne witness, which I did not ask him, to my integrity,

my equity, and my kindness, and he has refused me what I expected from

him. You should see how Cæsar, in the letter in which he congratulates

me and promises me everything, knows how to make the most of this

abominable ingratitude of Cato! But this same Cato has caused twenty

days to be granted to Bibulus. You must excuse me being spiteful; but

this is a thing which I cannot bear, and which I will never forgive

him.” (Year 704, November. Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_, VII. 2.)

[882] Year 704, December. Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_, VII. 7.--The

words _entire order of the knights_ are not in the text, but they result

from what Cæsar says in the same letter.

[883] Year 704, December. Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_, VII. 3.

[884] Year 704, December. Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_, VII. 7.

[885] Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_, VII. 4.

[886] “The situation of the Republic inspires me every day with more

uneasiness. Honest people do not agree so well as is thought. How many

Roman knights, how many senators, have I not heard inveighing against

Pompey, particularly on account of this unfortunate journey! What we

want is peace. All victory will be fatal, and cause a tyrant to rise up.

Yes, I am one of those who think that it is better to grant all he

(Cæsar) asks than to appeal to arms. It is now too late to resist him,

when for the last ten years we have done nothing else but to give him

strength against us.” (Year 704, December. Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_,

VII. 5.)

[887] Year 704, December. Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_, VII. 8.

[888] “Senatus frequens in alia transiit.” (_De Bello Gallico_, VIII.

43.)

[889] “Neque senatu interveniente.” (_De Bello Gallico_, VIII. 4.)

[890] Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 30.

[891] Appian, _Civil Wars_, II. 22.--Plutarch, _Cæsar_, 41; _Pompey_,

85.

[892] _De Bello Gallico_, VIII. 54.

[893] It ended before the consular year.

[894] Drumann is of opinion that the “Commentaries” are in error in

mentioning Fabius.

[895] Plutarch, _Pompey_, 59.--Appian, _Civil Wars_, II. 32.

[896] Velleius Paterculus, II. 49.

[897] Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_, VII. 9.

[898] Plutarch, _Pompey_, 63.

[899] Plutarch (_Pompey_, 59) pretends even that they read it before the

people.

[900] Appian, _Civil Wars_, II. 32.

[901] Cæsar, _De Bello Civili_, I. 1.

[902] Cicero, _Epist. Familiar._, VIII. 8.

[903] Cæsar, _De Bello Civili_, I. 3.

[904] The Sibylline books had predicted the empire of Rome to three

Cornelii: L. Cornelius Cinna had been consul; Sylla, dictator; Cornelius

Lentulus was in hopes of being the third.

[905] Cicero, _Epist. Familiar._, XVI. 12.

[906] Appian, _Civil Wars_, II. 34.

[907] Cicero, _Epist. Familiar._, XVI. 2.--_Philippica_, II. 21, 22.

[908] Plutarch, _Antony_, 7.--Dio Cassius, XLI. 2, 3.

[909] Plutarch, _Antony_, 7.--Appian, _Civil Wars_, II. 33.

[910] Cicero, _Epist. Familiar._, XVI. 12.

[911] Appian, _Civil Wars_, II. 34.

[912] Cicero, _Epist. Familiar._, XVI. 11.

[913] Florus, IV. 11.

[914] Cæsar, _De Bello Civili_, I. 15.--Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_,

VII. 23.

[915] Cæsar, _De Bello Civili_, I. 7.--Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_, VII.

13.

[916] Cæsar, _De Bello Civili_, I. 12.--Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_,

VII. 3.--Lucan, _Pharsalia_, II., line 463.

[917] Cæsar, _De Bello Civili_, I. 6, 30.--Cicero, _Epist. Familiar._,

V. 20; XVI. 12; _Epist. ad Atticum_, X. 16.--Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 34.

[918] Cicero, _Epist. Familiar._, XV. 11.--Appian, _Civil Wars_, II.

34.--Cæsar, _De Bello Civili_, I. 7.

[919] Appian, _Civil Wars_, II. 36.

[920] The “Commentaries,” it is true, say that the tribunes of the

people rejoined Cæsar at Rimini: but it was more probably at Ravenna, as

reported by Appian (II. 33), or in his camp between Ravenna and Rimini.

[921] The words of the proclamation of the Emperor Napoleon on landing

in the gulf of Juan in 1815.

[922] Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 68.

[923] Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_, VII. 12.

[924] “Cæsar has received a terrible blow: T. Labienus, who had so much

influence in his army, has refused to become his accomplice: he has left

him and has joined us. This example will have numerous imitators.”

(Cicero, _Epist. Familiar._, XVI. 12.)--“Labienus considers Cæsar as

utterly unable to maintain the struggle.” (Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_,

VII. 16.)

[925] “Is that honourable ... (in Cæsar) to think of nothing but

abolition of debts, calling back exiles, and so many other outrages?”

(Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_, VII. 11.)

[926] “A power after the manner of Sylla, that is what Pompey desires,

and what all those wish who surround him.” (Cicero, _Epist. ad Atticum_,

VIII. 11.)

[927] Appian, _Civil Wars_, II. 35.--Plutarch, _Cæsar_, 35.

[928] Lucan, _Pharsalia_, I., line 526.

[929] Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 7.--Plutarch, _Cæsar_, 37.

[930] Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 32.

[931] De la Nauze refers this opposition to the 17th of April following

(_Académie des Inscriptions_, tom. XXVI. 244). His calculation is

incorrect.

[932] De la Nauze, influenced by his wrong calculation of the opposition

of Jupiter, insists that these events took place at the approach of

spring. He overlooks the particle _jam_. Ideler suppresses it from the

German text.

[933] According to the system of Ideler, the Helvetii only started on

the Julian 16th of April. On that reckoning, we cannot find room for the

numerous events which occurred before the wheat was ripe. (Cæsar, _De

Bello Gallico_, I. 16.)

[934] The system of Ideler (see Korb, in Orelli, _Onomasticum

Tullianum_, tom. I., p. 170), according to whom the 6th of the Calends

of October fell on the Julian 30th of August, is manifestly in the

wrong. Cæsar, who, in the preceding year, saw no objection to pass into

Britain at the end of August, would not have troubled himself about the

equinox when it was still 27 days’ distant.

[935] General de Gœler has sought to raise a new system founded on the

assumption that the Roman year had only 354 days. According to him, this

reduction would have been necessary to find the 560 days of which Cicero

speaks. The author commits more than one error; among others, he

ascribes, by inattention, 29 days instead of the 27, to the month of

February in the year 703. (De Gœler, p. 91.)

[936] Suetonius had written: “Cæsar placed, for this time, two more

months between November and December, so that the year had fifteen

months, including the one to be intercalated, which, following the

usage, had fallen in this same year.” Censorinus, adopting this view,

finds that Cæsar intercalated 90 days in the year 708. But Suetonius has

bequeathed us other errors. Dio Cassius, consul for the second time in

the year 229 after Christ, had drawn from authentic sources; it is

better to hold to his system, which restores the astronomical

concordance for the equinox in the year 700, whereas, with the system of

Censorinus, it has been sought in vain what Cæsar’s intention could have

been.

* * * * *

Typographical errors corrected by the etext transcriber:

inflict=> to inflict {pg 68}

consequene=> consequence {pg 84}

Helveti=> Helvetii {pg 278}

Cevennes=> Cévennes {pg 278 fn. 466}

Dumnacas=> Dumnacus {pg 382}

Dio Cassius, XXXXIX. 22.=> Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 22. {pg 429 fn. 619}

preraired=> repaired {pg 435 fn. 638}

All interview=> An interview {pg 439}

Choisy-a-Bac=> Choisy-au-Bac {pg 529}

we suppose that ther number=> we suppose that their number {pg 556}

with the will=> will the will {pg 584}