CHAPTER X

THE CONQUEST OF THE SAHARA

The ring of colonies, regencies, protectorates, spheres of influence,

military districts, and mandated territories which comprise France’s

colonial empire on the continent of Africa have the Sahara for their

core. Their front windows overlook the Mediterranean and the Atlantic,

the Senegal, the Niger, and the Congo, but in every case their back doors

open upon the desert. The linking of these distant and disconnected

possessions, which have so long beckoned to each other across the

enormous gulf, is, then, the ultimate aim of the French empire-builders;

and every move which France has made on the checker-board of

Africa during the last half-century or more has had in view such a

consolidation. In other words, it has long since been realized by the

government at Paris that the Sahara must be made a means of communication

rather than of obstruction if the republic’s vast holdings in the Dark

Continent are to be an empire in anything save name.

No nation was ever confronted with a task of such titanic dimensions nor

one calling for such patience, energy, and courage; not England in India,

nor Russia in Siberia, nor the United States beyond the Mississippi.

But the reward is commensurate with the task, for if France succeeds in

subjugating the Sahara, and thereby bringing into easy communication

with each other those of her possessions which abut upon it, she will

have created a continuous and homogeneous overseas domain, approximately

equivalent in area to the continent of Europe, sweeping almost without a

break from the Mediterranean to the Gulf of Guinea and the Congo, from

the Atlantic to the valley of the Nile.

Though the French had established themselves at the mouth of the

Senegal about the same time that the Dutch founded their colony of New

Netherland at the mouth of the Hudson, it was not until the middle of the

nineteenth century that they awoke to a realization of the opportunities

which awaited them across the Middle Sea. The first step on the road

to empire was the conquest of Algeria, which may be said to have been

concluded by the submission of Abd-el-Kader in 1847. But even then France

did not become alive to her imperial destiny, the colonization of the

newly acquired territory across the Mediterranean at first appearing

as little more than a means toward the extinction of pauperism in the

mother-country. Not until the tribes of the Oued Rir rose in revolt was

France introduced to the desert. Laghouat was seized by a flying column

in 1852. The tricolor was raised over Ourgla the following year. In 1854

the victory of Meggarine brought about the submission of Touggourt.

As the frontier had now been pushed nearly four hundred miles south

of the Mediterranean, the work of sinking wells to revive certain of

the decaying oases was immediately undertaken and met with conspicuous

success. France was beginning to get acquainted with the desert, which

was found to be not quite the utter void that had been supposed. In some

parts oases dotted its surface, and its surface was crisscrossed by the

routes of caravans, which in the old days had carried on a thriving trade

between the Sudan and the cities of the Barbary Coast. Frenchmen of

enterprise and vision began to see that the Sahara offered possibilities

after all, and steps were taken toward a still wider occupation.

This movement was temporarily halted by the disastrous war with Prussia

and the collapse of the Second Empire, but the echoes of the Commune

had scarcely died away before the empire-builders were again at work,

building up in Africa a new and greater France. In 1873 General Gallifet

entered El Golea. And in 1881 the proclamation of a protectorate over

Tunisia, which Italy had earmarked for her own, gave the world its first

hint of the scope of France’s African ambitions.

Meantime a similar spirit of expansion was manifesting itself along the

southern borders of the future colonial empire. Guinea and the Ivory

Coast had been annexed in 1843. The expeditions of Savargnan de Brazza in

the late seventies and early eighties won for France the vast territory

which is now known as French Equatorial Africa. In 1887 the Binger

expedition gave a decided stimulus to French enterprise in West Africa

by linking together the hinterlands of Senegambia and the Ivory Coast.

French gunboats were a-prowl up the Niger and the Senegal seeking further

opportunities to plant the tricolor. Thenceforward the occupation of

the interior was swift and uninterrupted, a long series of expeditions

pushing the French frontiers northward and eastward until they occupied

the whole bend of the Niger and flowed around the British colony of

Nigeria to join, at Lake Tchad, with the French Congo advancing from

the south. From all sides the French colonies, north, west, and south,

were pushing forward in a simultaneous advance. The foundations of this

vast colonial structure having thus been completed, the corner-stone

was officially laid in 1890, when, by the signing of the Anglo-French

Convention, England formally recognized France’s claim to all that

portion of the Sahara lying between the Algerian-Tunisian frontiers on

the north and a line drawn from Say, a town on the Niger, to Lake Tchad

on the south. When, by this treaty, France secured her claim to the

Sahara, Lord Salisbury remarked dryly that “the French cock seems to

enjoy scratching in the sand.”

[Illustration: THE SANDY SEA

In parts, but not throughout, the Sahara resembles a frozen ocean, its

tremendous billows of gray-white sand seemingly arrested in the very act

of breaking. But by far the greater part is not sandy at all; rather,

a series of undulating steppes, strewn with broken stone, dotted with

oases, and broken by numerous mountain chains, some of which are upward

of a mile in height]

Though the territory lying within the great bend of the Niger, embraced

in what is now the French Sudan, was occupied in 1893, and though two

years later the tricolor was hoisted over the mud-walled citadel of

Timbuktu, the great caravan-center and trade-mart of the south, it was

not until the very close of the nineteenth century that the central

Sahara was crossed by Europeans. This remarkable journey was made by

Fernand Foureau, the greatest of all the long line of French African

explorers, who, setting out from Algeria with a small military escort,

succeeded in reaching Zinder, an important trade center on the Nigerian

frontier, in November, 1899.

Foureau’s achievement was of immense value to France, not merely because

it demonstrated that the desert could be crossed from one edge to the

other, but because it proved the truth of the explorer’s oft-repeated

assertion that the first step in the conquest and pacification of the

Sahara was to break the power of the great Touareg confederation. These

robber tribes occupying the oases which stretch from Ghadames in the

east to Tuat in the west, formed a cordon which stretched right across

the desert south of Algeria, completely masking the southern frontiers

of that colony. The Touareg were to the central Sahara what the Sioux

and the Apaches were to our Western plains. From their inaccessible

strongholds amid the hills and oases of the mid-desert, they kept watch

upon the trade-routes, levied blackmail upon or plundered caravans,

murdered explorers and pioneers, sacked frontier towns, and preyed

on the trans-Saharan trade as the Barbary corsairs had preyed on the

Mediterranean merchantmen. Consequently the Sahara was in a constant

state of turmoil and insecurity; theft, pillage, and massacre were so

common as scarcely to evoke comment. Armed to the teeth, mounted on

their swift _méhari_, bands of these masked riders would wipe out a

whole caravan or swoop down upon some defenseless oasis-town, regaining

their distant desert strongholds long before a force could be organized

to pursue them. Fearless, arrogant, treacherous, and inhumanly cruel,

the only law they recognized was that of superior force. Until the

great robber confederation was smashed France could not hope to solve

the Saharan question. “You will never traverse the Touareg country,”

Foureau said in one of his reports, “with any kind of security except by

depending on force and by establishing all along the route well-manned

positions, the garrisons of which will police the road throughout. This

you will have to do if you wish to open up communications between the

Sudan and Algeria.”

The government at Paris accepted his advice and proceeded to the task

with the utmost energy. A battalion of the Foreign Legion, transformed

into mounted infantry by mounting the men on mules, formed one of the

flying columns. Other punitive expeditions were composed of native

troops, who were provided with _méhari_ as speedy as the racing

dromedaries ridden by the Touareg themselves, and accompanied by

batteries of light mountain-guns. For, when the French once determine to

do a thing, they usually do it well. From the outposts in Algeria, in

Senegal, in the Sudan, the columns pressed forward relentlessly into

the sandy wastes. The attacking hordes of tribesmen were mowed down by

the withering fire of rifles and machine-guns; the strongholds which the

Touareg had deemed impregnable hastily capitulated when they heard the

terrifying whine and crash of the French shells. Soon the redoubtable

Touareg confederacy was completely subjugated, its principal centers were

occupied in force, a highly efficient police force was recruited from the

tribesmen themselves—just as Porfirio Díaz recruited his famous _rurales

nacionales_ from outlaws and bandits—and travel was made possible, if not

altogether safe, from one border of the Sahara to the other.

Shortly after France’s African empire had been completely reorganized

in 1902, the effective area of French control in the western Sahara was

increased to the extent of some 150,000 square miles by inducing the

Moorish emirs of the Adrar, a fertile but sparsely inhabited region lying

to the north of the Senegal, between the sand-wastes of El Juf and the

Atlantic, to place themselves under the direct supervision of French

officials. In the following year these regions were consolidated into a

single territory to which was given the historic name of Mauretania.

France set the capstone to her African empire on March 30, 1912, when

His Shereefian Majesty the Sultan Mulai Yusef, in his palace at Fez,

set his signature to the document which formally accepted a French

protectorate over Morocco. By that single stroke of the pen was added

to the overseas dominions under the tricolor a territory larger than

France itself. Be it clearly understood, that the control of Morocco

was as vital a fact in the French scheme for acquiring the hegemony of

Northwest Africa as the annexation of California was to the dominance of

the North American continent by the United States. France’s style was

cramped, to make use of a popular expression, as long as Morocco remained

independent. Had the Shereefian Empire been a strong, well-governed

country, the situation would have been different; but it was, on the

contrary, a hotbed of disorder, unrest, intrigue, and corruption. To

have attempted the pacification of the Sahara and the reëstablishment of

the old trade-routes, with the hinterland of Morocco offering a secure

refuge and recruiting-ground for all the lawless and unruly elements of

desert life, would have been to court endless difficulties if not to

invite complete disaster. For centuries Morocco had been a thorn in the

flesh of all those European nations having political interest in Africa;

this source of irritation and infection must be got rid of if France’s

elaborate and carefully worked out plans for the consolidation of her

African possessions were to succeed. That her action was justified has

been proved beyond cavil by the striking success which has marked her

administration of Morocco during the past dozen years.

The most recent additions to France’s African domain were acquired at

the close of the World War, when Germany unconditionally surrendered her

overseas possessions to the Allies. When the spoils of war came to be

apportioned, France obtained control of about two thirds of the former

German colony of Togo, and nearly the whole of Cameroon (both of which

adjoined her possessions on the Gulf of Guinea), under mandates granted

by the League of Nations.

Omitting the little enclave of French Somaliland on the East Coast and

the great island colony of Madagascar, France’s African empire to-day

consists of Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco, French West Africa (comprising the

colonies of Senegal, French Guinea, the Ivory Coast, Dahomey, the French

Sudan, and the Upper Volta, and the civil territories of Mauretania and

the Niger), French Equatorial Africa (in which are embraced the colonies

of Gabun, Middle Congo, Ubanghi-Shari, and Tchad), and the mandated

territories of Togo and Cameroon.

Every step in France’s African policy during the last half-century has

been as carefully considered as the moves in a championship chess-game.

The ultimate effect on the grand plan of every military movement,

every expedition, every rectification of a frontier, every treaty, has

been meticulously weighed and pondered in advance. They have all been

parts of a sagacious and brilliantly executed scheme; nothing has been

left to chance. There has been none of the “muddling through” which

characterized the British policy in South Africa; little of the stupidity

and blundering which marked our winning of the West. The French conquest

has been marred by no petty or selfish or contradictory aims; it has

been hampered by no irresolution, no moving forward and then turning

back; energy in one quarter has not been counteracted by indifference in

another; patriotism has not been subordinated to politics.

Since the conquest of Algeria, moreover, France’s course of empire in

Africa has been obstructed by no great colonial wars and few wars of

any kind; she has had no Indian Mutinies, no Adowas, no Omdurmans, no

Modder Rivers. Wherever possible she has employed a process of pacific

penetration—winning the confidence of the tribes instead of threatening

them, granting broad measures of autonomy to the great sheikhs and

the grand caïds, flattering their vanity with salutes, rewards, and

decorations. The social gulf which separates the British officials in

Egypt, the Sudan, and India from the native chieftains is unknown in

French Africa, for the French tolerate neither racial discrimination nor

the color-line.

Everywhere—north, south, and west—the advance has been gradual and

general. The black-coated cabinet ministers in Paris, the administrators

in the various colonial capitals, and the helmeted pioneers scattered

along the frontiers have worked toward a common end, the pioneers keeping

their superiors constantly informed of every fluctuation in local

conditions and native sentiment, just as the intelligence officers of an

army in the field relay the information they have gathered to the high

command. Let it be added that no nation has been more faithfully served

by its explorers and pioneers than France. Henri Duveyrier, the first

of the French explorers, whose great journey into the Sahara dates from

1859; Victor Largeau, who reached Ghadames in 1875; Savargnan de Brazza,

whose name will always be linked with the creation of the French Congo;

General Faidherbe, founder of the French Sudan; General Dodds, conqueror

of Dahomey; Montiel, who won for France the great country around Lake

Tchad; Fernand Foureau, the hero of the march to Zinder—these, and many

like them, were to French Africa what Lewis, Clarke, Boone, Crockett,

and Frémont were to our own frontier. But of the intrepid company of

French explorers who have carried the tricolor into the darkest corners

of the Dark Continent, Africa has taken a heavy toll. Joubert and

Dourneaux-Duperré were assassinated near Ghadames; Lieutenant Palet

was murdered at Gurara; Camille Douls laid down his life for France

at Tidikelt; the expedition led by Colonel Flatters was ambushed by

Touareg in the central Sahara and wiped out to the last man; Louis Say,

Lieutenant Lamy, Brière de l’Isle all died by Touareg spear; Coppolani

was killed by tribesmen in the conquest of Mauretania; Colonel Bonnier

was slain at the taking of Timbuktu. Such is the price of empire.

The most gallant and dramatic figure in all this company of courageous

men is, however, the least known to fame. I refer to Vicomte Charles de

Foucauld—“de Foucauld of the Sahara” as he was known—who left among the

wild tribes of the desert a name which has already passed into tradition.

A son of the nobility, he lost his parents when he was six and was

brought up by his uncle, an old colonel of engineers, from whom he got a

taste for the classics. When he left school, while still in his teens,

young de Foucauld was a confirmed atheist, a fact which is of special

significance in view of his end. Joining a hussar regiment, he saw active

service in Algeria, an experience which left him with a deep affection

for the common soldier, an affection which his troopers warmly returned.

Fighting against the Arabs had imbued him with a keen desire to make a

study of the race, and with this in view he obtained leave of absence

for the purpose of making a journey into the interior of Morocco, which

was then a forbidden country to Europeans. Disguise of some sort was

imperative, so, deciding to go as a Jew, he applied himself to the study

of Hebrew as well as Arabic. He went in rags and barefoot, apparently the

poorest of the poor, and was often insulted and stoned; but he always

carried in the palm of his left hand a tiny writing-tablet on which he

surreptitiously noted all the features of the country or took compass

bearings. When he returned to civilization after nearly a year spent

in the unknown he had more than doubled the length of routes known and

surveyed in the Shereefian Empire and brought back other topographical

data of immense military value.

Some years after his return from Morocco de Foucauld embraced

Christianity and became a devout Catholic, eventually resigning from

the army in order to become a Trappist monk, a member of that sternly

penitential missionary order which devotes itself to the salvation of the

heathen. As a monk he lived for a time in Asia Minor, two days’ march

from Alexandretta. After spending two years in the study of theology at

Rome, he resolved, while in Nazareth, to become a hermit priest. For the

field of his labors he chose the Moroccan Sahara, one of the most savage

regions in all Africa, as it was one of the least known. His first post

was at Beni Abbés, a desert town in the edge of the Grand Erg Occidental,

four hundred miles to the southeast of Fez. Here he purchased a few acres

of palm-sprinkled sand and built a mud-walled chapel in which he slept.

He lived on coarse barley bread, a few dried dates, and “desert tea,” a

beverage made from an herb. No European willingly ate twice at his board,

and even the negroes whom he redeemed from slavery, though eager to work

for him, found his fare too slim. He made no formal conversions, but both

French soldiers and natives swarmed about him, knowing that he always

stood ready to aid them with money or advice. On one occasion his little

church was attended by General (afterward Marshal) Lyautey, who wrote: “A

plank was the altar. The decorations were a calico sheet with the picture

of Christ on it; two candlesticks on the altar. Very well. I never heard

Mass as Father de Foucauld said it. I could have believed myself in the

Thebaid. It is one of the things in my life which have moved me most.”

In the spring of 1905 de Foucauld set out on a still more extended

journey among the Touareg, eventually establishing himself at

Tamanrasset, a village of twenty hearths in the very heart of the Sahara,

midway between In Salah and Timbuktu. Here he was alone among the veiled

Touareg, “the Forgotten of God,” hundreds of miles from the nearest white

man. The place he chose for himself was perhaps the loneliest and most

dangerous ever occupied for any length of time by a European. Though the

Touareg are suspicious and savagely intolerant of others, the lone priest

so completely won their confidence and friendship that in 1913 he took

with him to Paris the son of their sheikh.

Then came 1914—“_l’année terrible_.” The outbreak of the Great War found

de Foucauld back among the veiled tribesmen, and although he burned to

go to the front as a chaplain or stretcher-bearer, his ecclesiastical

superiors urged him to stay at his post, advice which was strongly

seconded by the French military authorities, who were well aware that

German emissaries were at work stirring up discontent among the tribes

of the hinterland. In December, 1916, a Touareg war-party, whooped on by

the enemy, decided that de Foucauld would be a valuable hostage and laid

plans to attack the mission station, which had been transformed into a

rude fort. A traitor gave them the password, the gate was opened, and

the Blue-Veiled Ones poured in. The hermit was overpowered, bound hand

and foot, and propped against a wall while the place was looted of such

poor things as it contained. While the plundering was in progress two

natives whom de Foucauld had befriended approached to offer him a word

of cheer. Whereupon a blood-drunk Touareg put the muzzle of his rifle to

the priest’s head and pulled the trigger. In the words of Mr. Stephen

Gwynn, his biographer: “There was no cry or word; gradually the corpse

sank down. He had had his will; for many passages in his journals and his

letters prove that he aspired to death by violence. That he should have

been betrayed would undoubtedly to his strange nature have been welcome;

it completed that imitation of Christ which was his life’s work. Soldier

and Frenchman, he died uncertain of the war’s issue; Christian priest

among the unbelievers, he died without converts made. Yet assuredly he

was in his heart convinced that by such means he might make ready the way

for others, and he asked no more, he refused to desire more.”

He was buried beneath the shadow of the little church which he had

built, in the heart of that Sahara which he knew and loved so well. To

paraphrase the lines of Matthew Arnold:

Far hence he lies,

Near some lone desert town,

And on his grave, with shining eyes,

The southern stars look down.

To those observers who may have thought that France’s policy in North

Africa is inspired solely by the hope of adding to the military power

of the republic, one of de Foucauld’s letters, as quoted by Mr. Gwynn,

cannot fail to be of extraordinary interest. It was written only six

months before his murder at Tamanrasset.

My thought is that if the Moslems of our Colonial Empire in

the North of Africa are not gradually, gently, little by

little, converted, there will be a national movement like that

in Turkey. An intellectual élite will form itself in the big

towns, trained in the French fashion, but French neither in

mind nor heart, lacking all Moslem faith, but keeping the name

of it to be able to influence the masses, who remain ignorant

of us, alienated from us by their priests and by our contact

with them, too often very unfit to create affection. In the

long run the élite will use Islam as a lever to raise the

masses against us. The population is now about thirty millions;

thanks to peace, it will double in fifty years. It will have

railways, all the plant of civilization, and will have been

trained by us to the use of our arms. If we have not made

Frenchmen of these people, they will drive us out. The only way

for them to become French is by becoming Christians.

It would be interesting to know to what extent this strange, wonderful

son of France represented the feelings of France as a whole.

* * * * *

After perusing the long list of those who have paid the price of empire

with their lives, the thoughtful man may ask whether the reward has

justified the sacrifice. The atlas gives the answer. Glance at a map

of, say, 1880, and you will find the extent of French occupation marked

by a few wedges driven into the coast-line of Northwest Africa, while

as for the Sahara, it is merely an expanse of speckled yellow labeled

“Unexplored.” But unfold a map of to-day and we find that, barring Libya,

Liberia, and a few British and Spanish enclaves along the West Coast,

the whole of that portion of Africa lying between the Mediterranean and

the Congo, between the Atlantic and the valley of the Nile, is tinted

the same color, is overshadowed by the same flag, is ruled by the same

nation—and that nation is France. It is one of the most astounding

achievements in the history of the world, this building of a colossal

empire from savagery and sand.

* * * * *

Were a map of Africa to be superimposed on a map of North America it

would be found that in area and dimensions the Sahara Desert very closely

corresponds to the United States. Yet it is a singular fact that more

misconceptions exist in regard to this vast region, the fringes of which

are visited annually by thousands of tourists, than about almost any area

on the face of the globe. Doubtless because the makers of maps were so

long accustomed to painting the Sahara a speckled yellow, ninety-nine

persons out of every hundred visualize it as an illimitable stretch of

sun-scorched sand, flat as a floor, quite incapable of supporting life,

and utterly destitute of vegetation. Nothing could be farther from the

truth.

The impression of flatness is an optical illusion. Were a region that is

as rugged as, say, New England to be completely stripped of its cities,

villages, and farmsteads, its forests, lakes, and streams, its trees

and grass, I imagine that, despite the pronounced irregularity of its

surface, it would appear to one traveling across it to be a dead flat

plain. So it is with the Sahara. In reality it is not flat at all. It has

its mountains, its valleys, and its plains. Topographically speaking,

it is a region of the most varied surface and irregular relief, broken

by lofty table-lands and deep depressions, massive buttes and fantastic

crags, vast steppes covered with water-worn pebbles and loose stones,

cañons winding between precipitous walls, seas of shifting yellow sand

and oases green with forests of date-palms and other fruit-trees. Its

surface is still further diversified by numerous and extensive mountain

ranges, at least one of which, the Ahaggar, has an area greater than the

Alps and several peaks higher than any in the United States east of the

Rockies. Yet the children in our public schools are still taught that the

Sahara is nothing but a waste of sand, flat as a school-room floor!

From this it will be seen that the Sahara has the makings of much

picturesque and interesting scenery if it were properly upholstered. Its

deadly monotony is due to a lack of diversity in color rather than to a

lack of diversity in surface. The mountains, the plateaus, the crags,

and the cañons are all there, but there is nothing to bring them out,

to emphasize their presence. Since there is in that vast spaciousness

nothing with which to compare them, they appear insignificant, hardly

noticeable. Another thing. We of more favored lands are accustomed to

what might be described as vertical scenery—trees, crops, church-spires,

houses, fences—whereas the scenery of the desert is wholly horizontal.

This still further makes for monotony, so, instead of examining the

physical features of the country, the eye becomes wearied and is always

looking off toward the horizon.

I trust that I have now made it amply clear that the popular conception

of the Sahara as an expanse of sand—a conception which motion-pictures

and novels of desert life, as well as the illustrations in the popular

magazines, have done much to foster—is quite erroneous. There are broad

stretches of sand, it is true, the most extensive being the Igidi of

Mauretania, the Grand Erg Occidental to the south of Algeria, and the

Grand Erg Oriental to the south of Tunisia; but the actual area of pure

sand is relatively small, covering only about _one tenth_ of the Sahara’s

surface.

The remaining nine tenths of the desert consist of stony, wind-swept

plateaus, known as _hammada_, vast tracts strewn with water-worn pebbles,

called _serir_, and scattered highland regions. Of the latter the most

extensive is the Ahaggar, or Hoggar Plateau, which lies in the center

of the Sahara, nine hundred miles due south from Algiers. Covering an

area considerably greater than that of the Swiss, French, Italian, and

Austrian Alps put together, this mass of mountains is dominated by two

great peaks, Hikena and Watellen, whose summits during five months of the

year are covered with snow. To the northeast of the Ahaggar is the Tasili

Plateau, and directly to the east, forming the southwestern boundary of

Italian Libya, stretch the Tummo or War Mountains. In the extreme east,

near the frontier of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, is the great table-land

of Tibesti, with an average height of nearly a mile and a half above

sea-level, the volcanic cone of Tussid rising eighty-eight hundred feet

into the African blue. On the east and south the highlands of Tibesti run

down to connect with the lower ranges of Ennedi and Borku, which merge,

in turn, into the rich plains of Darfur and Wadai. In addition to the

plateaus and ranges mentioned, there are several disconnected mountain

masses, such as the rugged region in Mauretania known as the Adrar of the

Iforas, and, to the north of the Nigerian frontier, the Hills of Air.

The country of the sand-dunes, which has provided so many fiction writers

and motion-picture directors with highly romantic settings, consists of

a broad belt which, starting on the Atlantic seaboard, in the vicinity

of Cape Blanco, sweeps in a great arc northward and eastward, completely

masking the southern frontiers of Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia, to

the shores of the Gulf of Gabés. That portion of this sand-belt which

stretches from the Senegal River to the Moroccan Atlas is generally

referred to as the Igidi (the Berber word for sand-dunes); then, to the

south of Algeria, comes the region known as the Grand Erg Occidental,

separated by a narrow valley at El Golea from the Grand Erg Oriental,

which sweeps right across the southern end of Tunisia. The Igidi and the

Ergs can best be described as sandy oceans—the simile has been used many

times before but I cannot think of a better—with waves of sand instead of

water. The dunes of the Eastern Erg, which range in height from sixty to

three hundred feet or more, lie in long parallel rows, with a gradual

slope to windward and an abrupt descent to leeward, so that, particularly

in the gray mists of early morning or at nightfall, they present a

striking resemblance to a stormy sea. Generally speaking, the dunes

maintain a state of comparative permanency, certain of the larger ones

having been given names of their own, though it is by no means unusual

for their contours to change almost beyond recognition in a single

night under the influence of the wind. The oft-told tales of caravans

and armies engulfed in the moving sands may be set down as imaginary,

however, save, perhaps, in some instances in the Libyan Desert, where

such tragic episodes are known to have occurred.

The investigations of French geologists have completely disproved the

theory that the Sahara represents the dried-up bed of what was once a

vast inland sea and that its dunes are composed of sand left there at

that period. It appears, on the contrary, that the sand, instead of

having been deposited by the sea, comes from the stony plateaus of the

_hammada_. The soft Cretaceous sandstone, heated by the sun until it

is as hot as the top of a stove, is suddenly chilled at night by rapid

radiation. The rock, fractured by the abrupt change from heat to cold,

disintegrates; and the sand thus produced, sifted and drifted by the

wind, takes the form of dunes. The slightest breeze is enough to make

the desert smoke with dust, while a strong wind produces a weird singing

of the sands, a peculiarly eery sound which indicates that the dunes

themselves are shifting.

The loose particles of sand which cover wide tracts of the Sahara are

a cause of acute discomfort not only to the countries lying along the

whole north coast of Africa but even to those on the opposite side of

the Mediterranean, for the sand-laden wind from the Sahara, known in

southern Europe as the sirocco and in Egypt as the _khamsin_ (because

during the spring it blows at intervals for about fifty days) frequently

affects regions a thousand miles away, covering them with fine red dust.

Though to all intents and purposes waterless so far as rivers are

concerned, the Sahara is thickly sprinkled with fertile spots, varying

in area from a few acres to hundreds of square miles, where the water

comes to the surface in the form of springs or is found in shallow wells.

Thanks to the enterprise of the French government and the ability of

French engineers, these oases have been greatly expanded during recent

years, for experiments have proved that an unlimited supply of aërated

water is obtainable from the great reservoirs which underlie the Sahara

by the sinking of artesian wells, water generally being found at a

maximum depth of two hundred feet. When one is in the midst of the

desert, surrounded by blinding white sand-dunes which support no living

thing, the very idea of water seems absurd and its existence impossibly

remote, yet it is often only a few yards beneath one’s feet. In this

fact of a secret water-supply lies the hope of the regeneration of parts

at least of the Sahara, for, once it has been introduced to water, this

seemingly hopeless region will blossom like the rose.

With the desert we are accustomed to associate the date-palm, of which

there are upward of four million in the Algerian oases alone, and

without which life in the Sahara would be virtually impossible; for they

provide the natives not only with food, but with shelter, fuel, timber,

building-materials, and even clothing. But do not get the idea that the

soil of the oases is capable of supporting palms alone, for apples,

peaches, oranges, lemons, figs, pomegranates, grapes, wheat, barley, and

rice are all commonly and successfully grown. So comparatively limited

are these areas of great richness and fertility, however, so precious is

the land, that it is cultivated with almost pathetic care, the natives

grudging even the narrow foot-paths which separate their holdings from

those of their neighbors. Yet dates are, and always have been, so much

the staple of food and commerce in the Sahara that, instead of computing

the size of a village by the number of its inhabitants, it is always

spoken of as having so many date-palms.

[Illustration: BASKING IN THE BLINDING SUNLIGHT OF THE TUNISIAN SAHARA

Is Tozeur, a picturesque and very ancient town, long the starting-point

of the caravans bound for Libya and Lake Tchad, and now the stepping-off

place of travelers across the Grand Erg; it is noted for its arcaded

houses, whose arches and highly decorative brick-work façades are

supported by columns looted from Roman ruins]

The eventual conquest of the desert depends not on the success of

military expeditions, the establishment of trade-routes, and the building

of railways, but rather on the expansion of the present oases and the

creation of new ones. Pacification depends on fertilization. The Touareg

and Arab nomads will be a source of trouble as long as they can find

refuge in the desert, but, like the Indians of our own West, whom they

so greatly resemble, they must eventually give way before the steadily

advancing line of cultivation, either betaking themselves to remoter

regions of the continent or becoming agriculturists themselves. What

it comes to, as Mr. L. March Phillips has so aptly put it,[2] is this:

the tribes can only be subdued by subduing the desert; the desert can

only be subdued by planting oases; and oases can only be planted by

sinking wells. When all is said and done, it is not the soldiers but the

well-drillers who are the real conquerors of the Sahara.

The French conquest of North Africa has shifted the southern frontier

of Europe from the shores of the Mediterranean to the fringes of the

Sahara. No longer is the sea a barrier between the continents; it has

become a link. It may lash itself into a rage, but its rage is jeered

at by the cable, the radio, the airplane, and the great steamers. The

desert is now the true divide. And deeper and deeper into the desert

the French outposts are being pushed, for the indomitable spirit of

adventure—the spirit which led King Louis and his Crusaders to the Holy

Land, Champlain to Canada and La Salle down the Mississippi, the armies

of Napoleon to the Pyramids, which took Foureau down to Zinder, and de

Brazza up the Congo, and Marchand to Fashoda—still runs hot and strong in

the blood of France. Everywhere the Touareg raiders are being halted by

the harsh “_Qui vive?_” of the French videttes. French well-drillers and

agricultural experts are at work all the way from Libya to the Atlantic.

The tribes of the far interior are becoming accustomed to the drone of

the airplane and the panting of the motor-car. Twin lines of steel and

festoons of copper wire have been flung far into the central wastes. The

radio operators of Algeria gossip with their fellows at Lake Tchad and

Timbuktu. France is striding southward in seven-league boots, carrying

the frontier of civilization with her as she goes. In a much nearer

future than most people dream of, her southern boundary will not be the

Mediterranean, nor yet the Sahara, but the Equator.

In Barbary · 第 10 / 22 章