Indians who submitted to Massachusetts--The Gortonists--Pomham, Sachem of
Shaomet, and Saconoco complain of them--Submit to the Government--Their
examination and entertainment--Policy of Massachusetts in the case of
Pomham--He and Saconoco much harassed by their neighbors--Subsequent
history--Pomham takes part in Philip's war and is killed--Canonchet, son
of Miantonomo--His agreement of October, 1675--Weetamore, Squaw-Sachem of
Pocasset--Canonchet's career during Philip's war--Particulars of his
surprisal and death--His character--Anecdotes--His reputation with the
English--Defence of his conduct.
Among a considerable number of chieftains who submitted to the
Massachusetts Government, were several whose territory was without _their_
jurisdiction, and in some cases within that of other Governments. The most
notorious case of this kind is connected with that much-discussed
transaction in which the notorious Gorton and his associates were engaged;
and by which they brought themselves into a disagreeable collision with
civil and martial authorities in all directions.
To explain that affair very briefly,--Gorton, having become obnoxious as
the founder of a new religious sect, left the Massachusetts jurisdiction
for Plymouth. Here he met with much the same treatment. He was whipped for
disturbing the Church, and required to find sureties for his good
behavior; which not being able to do, he either removed or was driven to
Rhode Island. There he treated the Court with contempt, and by order of
Governor Coddington was imprisoned and again whipped. He then took refuge
in Providence, where Roger Williams, though he disliked his principles,
yet gave him shelter. But he had hardly located himself, and begun to
gather a company of disciples around him, when the neighboring English
settlers complained of him to _Massachusetts,_ under the apprehension that
he was about to supplant their own possessions by purchasing the Patuxet
territory from the Narraghansett original owners. Massachusetts issued a
warrant to the Providence people to submit to _their_ jurisdiction. Gorton
denied their authority to interfere with him or his company, where they
now were, and signified this opinion in a contemptuous letter.
But, perhaps for the sake of being still farther out of the reach of
Massachusetts, or from discord among themselves, the Gortonists soon
removed to a tract of land called by the Indians Shaomet or Showamet,
(since Warwick in Rhode Island,) having previously purchased it of
Miantonomo, for the consideration of one hundred and forty-four fathoms of
wampum; "with the free and joint consent, [as the deed itself is
expressed] of the present inhabitants, being natives." The instrument was
dated January 12, 1642-3, and was subscribed with a bow and arrow as the
mark of the grantor, and of a hatchet, a gun, &c., as the marks of "the
Sachem of Shaomet, Pomham," and other Indians. Possession was given upon
the premises, at the same time.
From this moment, Pomham,--who, though he signed the deed of conveyance,
and was offered a share of the consideration, (which he would not accept,)
affected to consider himself aggrieved,--neither gave rest to his
neighbors, nor found any for himself. Whether, according to the relation
which existed between himself and Miantonomo, and the customary degree of
subjection attached to it, he had reason to complain of that chieftain in
the present case, cannot well be decided. But it may be safely said, that
the part soon afterwards taken by Massachusetts, was at least an unusual
stretch of authority, however it might correspond with the general policy
of that government wherever the formidable Narraghansett Sachem was
concerned.
Whether at his own suggestion or that of others, Pomham, and Saconoco, a
Sachem equally interested in the land, but otherwise of no note in
history, went to Boston a few months after the sale, and by an
interpreter, made complaint of the manoeuvres of the Gortonists whereby,
as they alleged, Miantonomo had been induced to compel them to an
arbitrary disposal of their territory. They further desired to be received
under the protection of Massachusetts, and withal brought a small present
of wampum. The matter being referred to the next Court, and Gorton and
Miantonomo notified to attend, the latter made his appearance. He was
required to prove the interest he had claimed in the Shaomet Sachems and
territory, but it is said he could prove none; and upon the testimony of
Cutchamequin and other Indians who were present, it appeared that the
Shaomet chiefs were not tributary to the Narraghansett, though they
sometimes made him presents,--a mark of deference and not of subjection.
Upon this an order was passed, authorizing the Governor and certain
magistrates to treat with the applicants at their discretion. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Winthrop's Journal, Vol. II.
These Commissioners soon after conferred with the Sachems; and, giving
them to understand upon what terms they should be received, "they found
them very pliable to all." So, indeed, it might be inferred from the
answers made by the Sachems to the requisitions touching the ten
commandments. The servility which some of them indicate--as represented in
the Commissioners' report, at least,--is hardly redeemed by the shrewd
simplicity of others.
Being asked if they would worship the true God, and not blaspheme him,
they waived the first clause, and replied thus to the latter. "We desire
to speak reverently of the Englishman's God, and not to speak evil,
because we see Englishman's God doth better for them than other Gods do
for others."
As to "swearing falsely," they replied, that they never knew what swearing
was, or what an oath was. As to working unnecessarily on the Christian
Sabbath,--"It is a small thing," answered they, "for us to rest on that
day, _for we have not much to do any day, and therefore we will forbear on
that day._"
In regard to honoring parents and seniors, they said, "It is our custom to
do so, for when if we complain to the Governor of the Massachusetts that
we have wrong, if they tell us we lie, we shall patiently bear it." The
following articles are also part of the report:
5. Not to kill any man but upon just cause and good authority, &c.
_Answer._ It is good, and we desire to do so.
6. Not to commit fornication, stealing &c. _Answer._ Though they be
committed among us, we allow it not, but judge it evil.
8. For lying, they say it is an evil, and shall not allow it. And finally,
as to being Christianized, they said, "as opportunity serveth by the
English coming among us, we desire to learn their manners."
Whatever may be thought of the right of Massachusetts to interfere in this
case, and especially of the policy of interfering as regarded the
Narraghansetts and the other colonies, it must be admitted, that the
submission itself, so far as concerned the applicants, was conducted with
the honesty, as well as civility, generally characteristic of the
intercourse of that Government with the natives.
The Governor having sent for the Sachems to appear at Boston on the 22d of
April, (1643) they attended, with their interpreter. The submission was
then explained to their entire satisfaction. They were also expressly
informed, that they were not to be considered confederates, but subjects,
to which they manifested their assent. So, adds the historian, they dined
in the same room with the Governor, at a table by themselves, and having
much countenance shown them by all present, and being told that they and
their men should always be welcome to the English, provided they brought a
note from Benedict Arnold (their interpreter,) and having some small
things bestowed upon them by the Governor, they departed joyful and well
satisfied. The submission was as follows:
"This writing is to testify, that we, Pomham, Sachem of Showamet, and
Sachonocho, Sachem of Patuxet, have and by these presents do voluntarily
and without any constraint or persuasion, but of our own free motion, put
ourselves, our subjects, lands and estates under the government and
jurisdiction of Massachusetts, to be governed and protected by them
according to their just laws and orders, so far as we shall be made
capable of understanding them; and we do promise, for ourselves, our
subjects, and all our posterity, to be true and faithful to the Government
and aiding to the maintenance thereof to our best ability; and from time
to give speedy notice of any conspiracy, attempt, or evil intentions of
any we shall know or hear of against the same, and do promise to be
willing from time to time to be instructed in the knowledge of the worship
of God. In witness whereof, we have hereunto put our hands the 22d of the
4th month, 1643.
"The Y mark The 9 mark
of Saconoco. of Pomham."
Thus was consummated the title of Massachusetts to the jurisdiction of the
Shaomet land. It was at this very time, as well as afterwards, claimed
also by Plymouth, and by Rhode Island. [FN] Gorton always alleged, that it
belonged to Miantonomo, and that Pomham was secretly influenced by
Massachusetts to withdraw from him and seek protection under their
authority. No doubt that Government was sufficiently aware of the interest
they had, not only in humbling the Gortonists, but in extending their
jurisdiction as far as possible towards or into the territory of the
Narraghansett chieftain, then, as Hutchinson calls him, the greatest and
most powerful sachem of New England. Speaking of the petition of certain
settlers, in 1645, for permission to begin a plantation, where Gorton and
his company had erected three or four small houses "on the land of Pomham,
who had submitted himself," &c. Mr. Winthrop himself states, that the
Court readily granted their petition, promising all encouragement,
&c.--"for it was of great concernment to all the English in these parts,
_that a strong plantation should be there, as a bulwark &c. against the
Narraghansetts._" It may be that this consideration assumed, in the view
of the Massachusetts Government, the imperious interest of what is
commonly called State-necessity.
* * * * *
[FN] Winthrop, Vol. II. pp. 251. and 317.
Hence the measures occasionally adopted subsequent to the submission, for
affording Pomham the promised relief; a policy which certainly accorded
better with their stipulations to him, than with their relations to some
other parties. The Gortonists harassed him beyond measure, but they were
at length subdued. The Narraghansetts, (after Miantonomo's death,)
threatened and frightened him still more. In April 1645, "that it might
really appear that the Massachusetts did own and would protect him," which
would seem to have been heretofore doubted, an order was taken for sending
men and an officer to Shaomet, to stay there a few days, and act on the
defensive against the Narraghansetts. [FN] These men being _volunteers,_
however, refused to go, unless they were each paid ten shillings a week,
furnished with arms and ammunition, and allowed such booty as they might
be able to collect in case of fighting. Whereupon the Court, not choosing
to establish such a precedent, sent word to Pomham, that the required
force would be at his disposal, whenever he should forward sufficient
funds to enable then to perform. On the earnest importunity of the Sachem,
early in May, his request was finally granted; and, with the aid of the
English, he erected a fort upon his lands.
* * * * *
[FN] Winthrop.
This was in 1646. But Pomham and Saconoco were not destined quietly to
enjoy their possessions, as the following detail from Mr. Winthrop's
records for 1647, will abundantly illustrate. The Gortonists had at that
period returned to Shaomet, which they now named Warwick; and, as the
Sachems alleged before the Commissioners of the United Colonies,
manifested a decided disposition "for eating up all their corn, with their
cattle," &c. These functionaries hereupon wrote to certain persons in the
vicinity of the premises, to view the damages, and require satisfaction;
which process, however, had scarcely been commenced; when Justice
Coggleshall and others from Rhode Island came to Shaomet, claimed
jurisdiction for that colony over the land in question, and forbade the
appraisers to proceed. Upon this, the latter returned home. Another
warrant was issued, with the same result. Pomham was reduced to
extremities; but still undiscouraged, he renewed his complaints once more.
Massachusetts now sent three special messengers, to demand satisfaction of
the trespassers, and to warn them to leave the territory. The application
did no good; and therefore, "as we could do no more at present," writes
Mr. Winthrop, "we procured the Indians some corn in the mean time." The
measures subsequently taken for redress, it would be alike tedious and
needless to enumerate.
As to Pomham, with whom we have chiefly to do, it must be confessed, that
his character assumes, but little dignity throughout this proceeding. In
after times, his career was occasionally more independent, while at the
same time it gave evidence that his early attachment to the English was by
no means, one of indissoluble affection, or of principle sacred in his
own eyes. It is not a little remarkable, that after all the trouble and
expense taken and incurred by and between the colonies, and especially by
Massachusetts, for his protection; and notwithstanding the authorities of
the latter government fondly an we trust sincerely represented his
submission as the fruit of their prayers, and the first fruit of their
hopes, in the great process of civilizing and Christianizing the natives;
[FN] this incorrigible savage not only loosened his connexion with the
English, but engaged against them, with his whole force and influence, in
the great war of King Philip.
* * * * *
[FN] Winthrop.
That course, fatal as it was to himself and his, interests, was upon the
whole the most creditable passage of his life. And once adopted, he
pursued it with an energy that altogether sets aside any doubts which his
former course might suggest, in regard to his real temperament and genius.
Even Philip was scarcely more feared than Pomham. Historians universally,
while they _now_ call him a Narraghansett, as evidently he had determined
to consider himself, place him in the highest rank among the Sachems of
that warlike and powerful tribe. He did not even pretend to neutrality in
the early part of the war, as they did. He did not sign either the treaty
of July, (1675) negotiated at the point of the English bayonet in his own
territory, or the submission executed in October following at Boston,
although upon the latter occasion one of his fellow-chieftains affected to
sign for him. This, at best, like every other part and circumstance of the
compromise, was a mere artifice, meant to divert the Government by a show
of satisfaction and amity.
During Philip's war the territory of Pomham was ravaged far and wide, and
one hundred and fifty wigwams destroyed by fire at one time, in December,
1675. Whether this chief was in the decisive and bloody battle of the
19th, or in what other engagements he was during the war, history does not
determine. He was finally slain in July, 1676, a few weeks previous to the
death of Philip, and the consequent close of that contest, the most
critical and the most furious ever waged between the red man and the
white. Great was the exultation of the conquerors over this first success,
so encouraging to themselves, and so disastrous to their savage and
terrible foes. The event took place in the neighborhood of Dedham, (in
Massachusetts) where Pomham, with a small band of faithful warriors,
half-starved and desperate, were still roaming the woods in the close
vicinity of the English settlements. About fifty Indians were captured;
and the Sachem seems to have been the only man of the company who would
not be taken alive. "That which increased the victory," says Mr. Hubbard,
"was the slaughter of Pomham, which was one of the Stoutest Sachems _that
belonged to the Narraghansetts._" [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Narrative of Indian Wars. It will be observed in what terms the
true allegiance of the Sachem is mentioned.
His spirit and strength were such, that after being mortally wounded in
the fight, so that he could not stand, he caught hold of an English
soldier who came near him, and had nearly destroyed him by his violence,
when the poor fellow was rescued by his comrades, and the dying chieftain
relieved at once from his agony and his foes. He had little to live for,
had there been a disposition to spare him. His territory was long since
subjected to a foreign plower by his own act, and afterwards desolated.
His subjects were dispersed and destroyed. His grandson had been slain in
the field within a few months; and among the captives at the time of his
own fall, historians particularly notice one of his sons, "a very likely
youth, and one whose countenance would have bespoke favor for him, had he
not belonged to so bloody and barbarous an Indian as his father was."
This unfortunate lad was probably executed, by order of the Plymouth
government, together with the other principal captives of the last months
of the war. At best, he was spared, like the son of Philip, only to be
enslaved in a foreign land.
Among other distinguished chieftains of the Narraghansett tribe, who
perished much in the same manner, and about the same time with the last
named, was Nanutenoo or Quananshett, commonly called by the English
Canonchet. He was the son of Miantonomo, and probably, after the death of
Mexham and Pessacus, succeeded to his father's high rank,--being
generally entitled by historians the Chief-Sachem of his tribe. His
reputation, both with his countrymen and his foes was worthy of the noble
blood in his veins. Mr. Trumbull observes, that he inherited all his
father's pride, and all his insolence and hatred towards the English.
What is still more conclusive in his favor, Mr. Hubbard calls him a
"damned wretch," enlarges upon his cruelty and blasphemy, and exults over
his final destruction. This--not the facts alleged, (which are wholly
without proof,) but the assertion--furnishes, as a modern writer has
aptly remarked, irresistible evidence of his heroic character.
There is abundant other evidence, however, to the same effect. The only
ostensible deference of any description which he even paid to an English
authority--detesting, as unquestionably he did, their very name--was the
act of subscribing the celebrated treaty of October 1675, negotiated at
Boston. The object of it was to quiet the jealousy of the English, who
suspected him of having contracted engagements with Philip. One provision
went to ratify a treaty executed at Hartford during the month of July
previous, (by four of the Narraghansett Sachems, nominally in behalf of
all.) Another, and the principal one, was expressed thus: [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Records of the Colonies.
"And wheras a considerable Number of people both men weomen and Children
appertaining to those Indians who haue bin in actuall hostillitie aginst
the English are now fled to the Narraghansetts Countrey; and are vnder
the Custody of the said Sachems there; after a full and long Conference
had concerning that matter, wee doe in the Name and by the Power to vs
giuen and betrusted in the behalfe of the Sachems of the aboue said
Countrey fully and absolutely couenant and promise to and with the
abouenamed Comissioners att or before the 28th Day of this Instant month
of October to deliuer or cause to be deliuered all and euery one of the
Said Indians, whether belonging vnto Phillip, the Pocasset Sqva [FN-1] or
the Saconett [FN-2] Indians Quabaug hadley or any other Sachems; or
people that haue bin or are in hostilitie with the English or any of
theire Allies or abettors; and these wee promise and Couenant to deliuer
att Boston to the Gouenor and Councell there by them to be disposed in
the behalfe of and for the best securitie and peace of the Vnited
Collonies.
"Sealed and deliuered in
the presence of vs. Quananchetts marke.
Richard Smith Sachem in the behalfe of himselfe and
Iames Browne _Conanacus_ and the old Gueen and Pomham
Samuel Gorton Iunnr. and Quanapeen. (Seal)
_Interpreters_ Manatannoo _Counsellor_ his marke.
John Nowhenetts _marke_
_Indian Interpretor:_ and Canaonnacus in his behalfe (Seal)
Ahanmampowetts marke
Councellor and his (Seal)
Cornman cheife Councellor to
Ninnigrett in his behalfe and a (Seal.)"
* * * * *
[FN-1] Weetamore, Weetamoe, or Weetanno, a kinswoman of Philip, and the
active ruler of the tribe, though married to an insignificant fellow
named Peter Nunnuit. All her subjects joined Philip with herself,
excepting Alderman, who had the honor of shooting that Sachem with his
own hand. Weetamore was drowned in August, 1675, attempting to escape
from the English over a stream in Swanzey; and her head, in the
barbarous style of the times, was set upon a pole at Taunton, much to
the chagrin of such of her tribe as were compelled to witness the
spectacle. Pocasset, now Tiverton, was on the coast, opposite the north
of Rhode Island.
[FN-2] Or Sogkonate; a tribe on the same coast with the Pocassets,
governed also by a Squaw-Sachem named Awashonks, or Awasunck, somewhat
celebrated for her masculine qualities, and for the part she took in
Philip's war, first against the English and then with them. Captain
Church, who effected this change in her politics, has given a minute
account of his interviews with her. Ten of her tribe were living in
Compton, as late as 1803.
It is well known, how speedily the execution of this instrument was
followed up by sending a strong English force to invade the Narraghansett
territory, and subdue that spirited people at the point of the bayonet.
Canonchet is supposed to have been engaged in the great swamp-fight, the
most fatal to the Indians, and they most desperately fought upon their
part, of the whole war. It continued to rage with the utmost violence for
three hours from the moment of assault, until the enemy's wigwams, to the
number of five or six hundred, were fired, and the field of contest
became almost instantaneously an immense mass of terrific conflagration.
The Savages, inspirited by their leaders, defended every wall and post
with the fury of maniacs; and when they at length slowly retreated, they
left the ground behind them encumbered with heaps of the slain. Quarter
was neither asked nor given. Three hundred of the Narraghansetts, at the
least estimate, are supposed to have been killed, besides more than
double that number wounded, and an unknown multitude of women, children
and old men burnt in the wigwams.
But the victory was dearly bought. Of the one thousand English soldiers
of which the civilized portion of the invading army consisted, according
to their own statement, eighty were killed and one hundred and fifty
wounded. Abandoning the captured fort, they retreated sixteen miles the
same night--and that in the depth of winter--leaving the enemy to return
the next day to their former position.
It is not our intention to discuss at length the propriety of the summary
course adopted by the colonies in this case. The principal offence of the
Narraghansetts, as set forth in the Manifesto, was their evasion and
delay in surrendering the hostile Indians who took refuge in their
country. This refusal was certainly inconsistent with the stipulations of
July and October preceding; but these stipulations were enforced in the
first instance by the presence of an English army, which had already
invaded the Narraghansett territory.
Those of the tribe who made proposals of peace, immediately after the
swamp-fight, imputed the blame of hostilities wholly to Canonchet. He had
made them believe, that by the former treaty they were not obliged to
surrender Philip's followers, until _his_ brother, (who, with three other
Indians of rank, was detained as a hostage at Hartford,) had been
released. Probably, Canonchet did not himself misunderstand the plain
provisions of that instrument, although, as he does not appear to have
been present at the execution of it, it might be misrepresented to him.
It is more likely, that he considered it an absolute nullity, as having
been obtained by force, unjustly and insultingly imposed. The
construction referred to by his subjects, he countenanced with the view
of overcoming scruples on their part in the protection of Philip's
Indians. Whether that protection--independently of the forced promise to
surrender the refugees--was or was not a sufficient cause for the war
which ensued, it must be allowed at least to do no dishonor to the
humanity and honor of Canonchet, and the other Sachems, who persisted in
that policy at every hazard and almost in the very face of their enemy.
With him and them it was unquestionably a measure of sacred principle. No
noble-minded chieftain upon the Continent, educated as an Indian
chieftain always is, would have given up men who appealed to their
hospitality--their own brethren, in distress and nakedness, driven before
the bayonet of a mortal enemy of a distinct race and of vastly superior
power--and least of all, when, if surrendered, they were surrendered to a
certain alternative of slavery or death. Some of his tribe would have
compromitted their dignity through fear, but not the son of Miantonomo.
"Deliver the Indians of Philip!" said the haughty Sachem at one
time--"Never! Not a Wampanoag will I ever give up. No!--Not the paring of
a Wampanoag's nail!"
Those who are familiar with the history of the war will recollect, that
the most critical period of it was immediately subsequent to the
swamp-fight. This was owing to the desperate exertions of the
Narraghansetts, and especially Canonchet and their other Sachems. They
were indeed driven about the country far and wide, and reduced to such
extremities for food, that corn sold for two shillings a pint; but their
sufferings only made them the more ferocious, and the more bold. "That
young insolent Sachem, Canonchet, (writes Mr. Hubbard, in his usual
complimentary style,) said they would fight it out to the last man,
rather than they would become servants to the English."
The destruction of Lancaster took place early in February. Medfield was
desolated ten days afterwards; and in March happened that memorable
engagement, not far from Providence and upon ancient Narraghansett
ground, in which Captain Pierce with his detachment, to the number of
fifty English soldiers, were cut off to a man. Canonchet commanded in
this affair. The spirit of his warriors, as well as the superiority of
the English skill in the use of their arms, appears from the fact that
the Indians lost between one and two hundred killed. Warwick, Seekonk,
and Providence were next successively ravaged by the victorious foe.
Plymouth was assaulted, and eleven of the inhabitants slaughtered; and
another party had the courage to commit horrible ravages within eleven
miles of Boston itself. The prospects of Philip were never so flattering
to himself and so disastrous to the English, as at this memorable
juncture, when the exasperated and fearless son of Miantonomo was
supporting him with the whole force of his dominions.
The manner in which the Narraghansett Sachems treated Roger Williams, at
this period, amid all the excitement of suffering on the one side and
success on the other, is worthy of everlasting remembrance. That
gentleman was one of the few English who remained at Providence, exposed
to the full torrent of war, and with no other security than such as he
attributed to long acquaintance, friendship, and good faith, with those
who were now become the inveterate enemies, and were openly calculating
upon the utter extermination of his race. He had even the hardihood to
reproach some of the Sachems who frequently came to converse with him,
for their cruelties; and to threaten them with the sure, though it might
be lingering vengeance of the English. "Massachusetts," said he, "can
raise thousands of men at this moment; and if you kill them, the King
of England will supply their place as fast as they fall." "Well!"
answered one of the chieftains, "let them come. We are ready for
them.--But as for you,--Brother Williams,--you are a good man,--you have
been kind to us many years.--Not a hair of your head shall be touched."
This noble pledge, bearing upon the face of it the mark of the chivalrous
spirit of Canonchet, was regarded throughout the war with the most sacred
fidelity. It was not in vain that the young Sachem remembered the warm
affection which his father had entertained for his English neighbor and
confidant.
But to resume the narrative;--"It was now full sea with Philip's
affairs," says Mr. Hubbard, "for soon after the tide of his successes
began to turn about the coast, which made way for the falling of the
water up higher in the country." The disasters of the Pokanoket Sachem
commenced with no less a misfortune than the death of Canonchet. And a
matter of rejoicing indeed it was to the Colonies of the English--if we
may credit the historian last cited--"that the ring-leader of almost all
this mischief; and the great incendiary betwixt the Narraghansetts and
us, died himself by that sword of war which he had drawn against others."
The last assertion might perhaps have been spared to advantage, but the
epithets furnish the best evidence in favor of the subject of them which
the case could be supposed to present.
Early in April, it seems, Canonchet, weary of desolating the towns of the
English had betaken himself to the Indian haunts on the Connecticut
river. Here he continued to take a most active part in the war; the whole
body of the savages to the Westward trusting, (as our eulogist expresses
himself) under the shadow of that aspiring bramble. Nor was it in battle
only that they placed reliance on his courage and genius. It was
necessary, as it was difficult, to provide the means of sustenance, from
day to day, for something like one thousand five hundred warriors, with
their women and children. Canonchet suggested the plan of planting the
lands on the West bank of the river, recently taken from the English. But
how should even the means of planting be obtained? A council was summoned
to solve this question; but not a man could be found who would hazard his
life, at this season, in that section of the country where corn must be
procured. The Sachem himself went forward, and proposed, with the
assistance of thirty volunteers, who soon found courage to second him, to
undertake a journey to Seekonk, in the immediate vicinity of Montaup,
the old residence of Philip.
The adventure proved fatal to him. On the 27th of March Captain Dennison
of Connecticut, had commenced a volunteer expedition against the enemy,
with about fifty English soldiers, and eighty Niantick, Pequot and Mohegan
Indians, severally commanded by Catapazet, Casasinamon and Oneco. [FN]
By the time Canonchet, reached Seekonk, where he encamped on Blackstone
river near the Pawtucket falls, Dennison's party, following the sea-coast,
had arrived in the same neighborhood. The former was so little
apprehensive of danger, that he dismissed all his thirty attendants but
seven. The English, on the other hand, received the first intimation of
his being near them, from two old straggling squaws, who confessed, on
being captured, that Canonchet was not far off. The intelligence put new
life into the weary soldiers, and they pressed forward till they came upon
fresh tracks, and these brought them in view of a cluster of wigwams on
the bank of the river.
* * * * *
[FN] The son of Uncas. The Pequot Sachem was a man of no particular
note. Catapazet was subordinate to Ninigret.
In one of those wigwams Canonchet was at this moment reposing from the
fatigues of his journey. His seven remaining followers sat around him; and
he entertained them with the recital of the bloody victory over Pierce's
detachment, which had taken place but a week or two before. [FN] Suddenly
the speaker suspended his narrative. His silent audience started to their
feet, and stood aghast. The trained ear of the savage had already
detected the approach of an enemy. Two of the company were immediately
despatched to the summit of the hill, at the foot of which the wigwam was
situated. These men, frightened by the near approach of the English, who
were now (says Hubbard,) mounting with great speed over a fair champagna
on the other side of the hill, ran by, as if they wanted time to tell
what they saw. A third was sent, who executed his errand no better. But of
two others who were sent up, one had the courage to return and inform the
Sachem, in great haste and trepidation, that the whole English army was
upon him.
* * * * *
[FN] So writes Mr. Hubbard, and Trumbull and others follow his authority.
Baylies (Memoir of Plymouth Colony,) doubts the correctness of the
statement, alleging that Canonchet did not leave the Connecticut river
until April, whereas Pierce's defeat happened on the 26th of March. We
do not however conceive that the distance was so great, but it might
have been traversed more than once after the battle and before the
surprisal.
Canonchet had no means of defence, and no time for deliberation. He could
only attempt an escape by running round the hill opposite his pursuers;
and he had not gone far in that direction, when Catapazet, with twenty of
his followers, and a few of the English who were lightest of foot, nearly
intercepted him as they descended the hill, and immediately commenced a
vigorous and close pursuit. Canonchet was a fleet runner, but the
swiftest of Catapazet's men began to gain upon him. He threw off his
blanket, and then a silver-laced coat which had been given him on the
renewal of his league at Boston. His wampum belt was finally abandoned;
and this betraying his rank to his pursuers, they redoubled their efforts,
until they forced him to betake himself to the river, in which he plunged
forward with great haste. Unluckily, his foot slipped upon a stone, and
this not only delayed him, but brought him down so far at to wet the gun
which he still carried in one hand; upon which accident, he confessed
soon after we are told, that his heart and his bowels turned within him,
so as he became like a rotten stick, void of strength. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] _Hubbard's Narrative, p._ 129.
Thenceforth he submitted to his destiny without a struggle. He was a
large, muscular man; and as Hubbard himself allows, of "great courage of
mind," as well as strength of body; but the foremost of the hostile party,
one Monopoide, a Pequot, laid hold of him without his making the slightest
resistance. The first Englishman who came up was Robert Stanton, a young
man of some twenty years old; yet adventuring to ask him a question or
two, (continues the historian, with a touch of feeling which does him
credit,) the manly Sachem looked somewhat disdainfully upon his youthful
face, and replied in broken English, "you much child--no understand
war--let your chief come--him I will talk with." The English offered him
his life if he would submit to their government, but he would make no
submission of any kind. They suggested his sending one of his men to
propose terms to his Narraghansett warriors in the west; but he refused
with scorn. He was then told of the enmity he had manifested towards the
English. "And many others," he replied haughtily, "will be found of the
same mind with myself. Let me hear no more of that." When informed of what
his fate must inevitably be, he only answered, "It is well. I shall die
before my heart is soft.--I shall speak nothing which Canonchet should be
ashamed to speak.--It is well." Even those who have censured the Sachem
most, touched with the the dignity of his last hours, would fain search in
the theory of a Pythagorean Metempsychosis for the secret of his
greatness. Some old Roman ghost, say they, must have possessed the body of
this Western Pagan. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Hubbard.
He was soon afterwards taken to Stonington, in Connecticut, where
Dennison's expedition had been fitted out; and there was executed upon
him the sentence of death. That all concerned in the capture of so proud
a victim might be gratified with a share in the honors of his slaughter,
the English contented themselves with being spectators of the scene, while
the Pequots were permitted to shoot him, the Mohegans to behead and
quarter him, [FN] and Ninigret's men to kindle the pile upon which he was
burned. As a token of love and fidelity to their civilized allies, his
head only was reserved, to be presented to the English council at
Hartford. It is remarkable, that Oneco, on this occasion, took the same
part in the execution of Canonchet, and under very similar circumstances,
which, near forty years before, his father Uncas had taken in that of
Miantonomo, the father of Canonchet.
* * * * *
[FN] Baylies' Memoir of Plymouth Colony.
Thus fell, in the prime of his manhood, the last Chief-Sachem of the
Narraghansetts, the grand-nephew of Canonicus, and the son of Miantonomo.
The English historians of his own period may be excused for the prejudice
with which they regarded him (as they did all who fought for the same
cause with the same courage,) and which nevertheless affords to the reader
of these days the most satisfactory proof of his high reputation and
formidable talents. "This," says one writer, "was the confusion of a
damned wretch, that had often opened his mouth to blaspheme." Again:--"as
a just reward of his wickedness he was adjudged by those who took him to
die."
It were useless to dispute these positions, for every reader of history
possesses the means of forming a just opinion whether or not they are
sound. But at all events, (as an author of a more liberal period has
observed,) [FN] we may surely at _this_ day be permitted to lament the
unhappy fate of this noble Indian, without incurring any imputation for
want of patriotism. In the entire compass of Indian, and we might perhaps
add, civilized history, there is no finer instance of that generous and
chivalrous character, which--whatever it might be termed under other
circumstances--in the situation of Canonchet, and with his sincere and
strict principles, can only be approved and admired, as humanity to the
suffering who sought his protection; as fidelity to his own and his
father's friends; as a proud and lofty sacrifice of royalty, liberty and
life itself to honor; as patriotism to his country, and as religion to
his gods.
* * * * *
[FN] Baylies' Memoir of Plymouth Colony.