ORGANIZING THE INVASION--THE WYOMING STOCK GROWERS’ ASSOCIATION AS A
PROMOTER--CHEYENNE THE RENDEZVOUS OF THE PLOTTERS--ACTING GOVERNOR
AMOS W. BARBER PREPARING THE WAY FOR THE INVADERS--THE PRESS OF THE
LAND HOODWINKED INTO FALSE STATEMENTS TO PREPARE THE PUBLIC MIND TO
SYMPATHIZE WITH COMING EVENTS
The invasion of the state of Wyoming by a band of cutthroats and hired
assassins in April, 1892, was the crowning infamy of the ages. Nothing
so cold-blooded, so brutal, so bold and yet so cowardly was ever before
recorded in the annals of the world’s history. The results proved
disastrous to the outlaws themselves and cast a shadow upon the name
of the state that will require a decade of years to dissipate by the
sunlight of a continuous prosperity. The crime was so great that the
lapse of years will only tend to magnify it in the minds of all readers
of Wyoming history. In this case the sins of men will live after
them. The audacity, the foolhardiness, of the gang of desperadoes was
such that a study of how it was planned and upon what they relied for
success, seems a necessity in order to convey to the mind of the reader
the impression that the whole story is not a fiction, the work of an
overwrought imagination. Hence, this stopping by the way to illustrate
the various steps taken.
It is believed that early in the year 1891 it was determined by the
stockmen to terrorize the ranchmen and rustlers of the northern part
of the state and drive them from the ranges. How, it mattered not. H.
B. Ijams, secretary of the Board of Live Stock Commissioners, takes
to himself credit for suggesting to the board the idea of seizing the
cattle shipped to market by such persons as the stockmen saw proper to
class as “rustlers,” have the money sent to him as secretary of the
board, in Cheyenne, and force the shippers to make a pilgrimage to the
capital to prove their property. It was believed that this would so
embarrass and cripple the little fellows that they would go out of the
business. Thousands of cattle were so seized, and considerable money
thus obtained yet remains tied up in the hands of the commission.
In January, 1891, the Legislature passed an act creating the “Board
of Live Stock Commissioners of Wyoming.” The board consists of three
members, and employs a secretary.
Following are the sections that, in the opinion of Mr. Ijams, justifies
the action taken as above indicated:
“Sec. 13. The Board of Live Stock Commissioners shall exercise a
general supervision over, and so far as may be, protect the live stock
interests of the state from theft and disease, and shall recommend from
time to time such legislation as in their judgment will foster said
industry.
“Sec. 17. Said Board of Live Stock Commissioners is hereby authorized
and it is made its duty to appoint such stock inspectors as it may deem
necessary for the better protection of the live stock interests of
the state, and to distribute them at such points or places within or
without the state as will in their judgment most effectually prevent
the violation of any and all laws of the state for the protection of
stock.
“Sec. 26. It shall be the duty of all persons shipping estrays at
once upon the sale thereof to remit to the secretary of the live
stock commission the proceeds received for each and every estray, the
ownership of which shall be unknown to the inspector to whom a receipt
for the same was given. If any inspector shall at any time sell an
estray shipped from this state, he shall immediately remit the proceeds
thereof to the secretary of the live stock commission.
“Sec. 29. The secretary of the live stock commission, upon satisfactory
proof of the ownership of any estray sold, as above provided, and
for which he has received the money, shall pay such owner the amount
received from the sale of such estray or estrays; Provided, That such
ownership shall be proven within one year after the publication of the
notice of sale of said estray or estrays, as above provided. Proof
of the ownership shall be by affidavit of the owner with at least one
credible corroborating witness.”
Just where the extra judicial power conferred upon the board is given
is difficult to see in the above. Yet, it has been freely exercised.
This plan, while it worked a great hardship upon many innocent people,
did not deter the settlers from attempting to raise and ship cattle
to market. Failing in this, more heroic methods were adopted, as
delineated in Chapter II. Still unsuccessful in gaining control of the
rich valleys of the north, a large number of prominent stockmen met in
Cheyenne in the early winter of 1891-2 and presumably agreed upon the
invasion as later planned in detail.
Money was a prime necessity and a subscription paper was circulated
among all the stockmen of the state, who were believed to be in
sympathy with the movement, and it is said by some who saw the
list, that nearly a hundred thousand dollars was subscribed to this
“Extermination Fund,” if we may coin an expression to fit. The cash
being provided for, the next thing in order was to gather in the
leaders and see upon what ground they stood. True, a good many ranchmen
refused to contribute and be a party to the proposed outrage, but
enough, in the opinion of the inner circle of plotters, had been
committed to force the others into line.
The three members of the Wyoming Board of Live Stock Commissioners, J.
W. Hammond, W. C. Irvine and Charles Hecht, state officers, were in
the city most of the winter. Frank Walcott of Glenrock, came in about
or soon after the holidays, and several other leading stock raisers
from various parts of the state and from the East were frequently seen
in the city. These, in connection with several cattlemen domiciled in
Cheyenne, made a large list of interested parties to work for a common
end.
Ex-Governor Baxter’s office, in the Commercial Block, seemed to be
the invasion incubator, for there Walcott and Irvine, the first and
second in command of the cutthroat army, generally were to be found in
consultation “over private business,” as the man in the outer office
was wont to explain to callers.
Knowing that their contemplated action was in direct and flagrant
opposition to all law and an over-riding of the constitution of the
state, it was necessary to ascertain how those in authority would
look upon the matter. Acting Governor Barber, as executive of the
civil government and commander-in-chief of the state militia, was the
first man to look after. During the months of February and March the
Governor and the stockmen were almost inseparable. Irvine, Walcott,
Baxter, Ijams, Hammond and Hay seemed each to be a twin brother of the
executive, and at his office, adjoining the Cheyenne Club House, the
passer-by in the night could almost always see one or more of these
people closeted with or going into the governor’s place. That they
captured him, body and soul, his later official acts and his refusal
to act abundantly testify. The path from Baxter’s office to the acting
governor’s dormitory might appropriately be termed the trail of blood.
Having made “medicine” with the governor, friendly relations were
to be created with the military at Fort D. A. Russell. That these
efforts were, in a measure, successful is evidenced by the capture of
government tents with the invading hosts, supposed to have been loaned
to them by some of the post officers.
Presumably, the United States Senators, Warren and Carey, needed no
coaching. Both were leading stock growers and general rumor credits
Carey with being a contributor to the working fund of $1,000 in cash
and other valuable considerations.
Other Senators and men high in the nation’s councils are believed
to have been led into approval of the diabolical scheme by
misrepresentation and fraud.
Dropping back to the state officials, their action after the collapse
of the murderous raid led the people, generally, to believe that
many of them not only knew of the plans laid, but actually gave
encouragement to their carrying out.
Being reasonably assured of the official support of the state
authorities and important outside aid, as early as January, 1892, a
systematic effort was made to create public sentiment favorable to
their hellish work, through the press outside of the state. During
the holiday season a long article appeared in the Washington Star
abusing the people of Johnson county, classing them as rustlers and
bad men generally. It made a great story out of the wrongs suffered
by the cattlemen, and was evidently inspired by some person informed
as to what the spring months would usher in on the plains of Northern
Wyoming. Omaha, Chicago, New York and Philadelphia papers also
contained frequent articles calculated to make their readers believe
that a reign of terror existed in half a dozen counties in the state
that could only be overcome by a resort to arms, especially as all the
court and peace officers of these counties were said to be open and
avowed rustlers or acknowledged sympathizers therewith. This class of
reading matter was uncommon for the papers publishing it, and could not
have appeared so uniform in character and even in dates without some
inspiring hand behind it. The only rational conclusion, therefore, is
that the invader managers had a literary bureau charged with the duty
of creating a public sentiment in the land to which they could point
as a moral backing of their future developments. This work was carried
down to the day of entering the field, and even after the capture
of the outfit. For weeks before the start the Denver papers fairly
bristled with blood-curdling stories of the outrage, committed by the
desperate homeseekers north of the Platte River against the poor cattle
kings.
These preliminary arrangements had all been so easily and successfully
worked that the stockmen seemingly actually believed they could capture
the state, run its country people over the border and return to the
conditions present when there was no man in all the north country save
the festive cowboy and he a law unto himself. As evidence that they had
arrived at this frame of mind, the following interviews with H. B.
Ijams and George W. Baxter of Cheyenne, given in Denver, Colorado,
while the expedition was in the north, are cited. The first is copied
from the Cheyenne Daily Tribune, one of the invader’s most trusted
organs, of date April 12, 1892, and we give it as it appeared in that
delectable sheet, headlines and all. It shows very clearly how the
ex-governor felt at that time, and what his hopes were founded upon. It
is good reading at this late date:
“WIPE THEM OUT
“All Honest Citizens Are in Hopes That the Cattlemen Will
Exterminate the Rustlers--Governor Baxter Is Interviewed--What
Northern Cattlemen Have
to Say About the Warfare--Other
Questions Discussed.
“DENVER, April 12.--Ex-Governor Baxter of Wyoming and Judd Brush of
Greeley, President of the Cattle Growers’ Association, are in the city,
in company with a number of prominent cattlemen of this state and
Wyoming. A member of the party, in speaking of troubles in Wyoming,
said: ‘The sympathies of nine-tenths of the people of Wyoming are
with the cattle owners. I do not know to what extent the people of
Colorado are informed as to the points at issue in the fight which is
now fairly under way, but from what I have learned I am willing to give
all the assistance possible to any body of men which will attempt to
exterminate the rustlers.
“‘The latter have terrorized whole communities for years and
practically control the actions of officials in several counties of the
state. The cattlemen who have gone into the state at the head of the
fighters whom they can trust are men who were driven off the ranges by
the rustlers. Many of these men saved their lives only by escaping on
fast ponies under cover of darkness. The time has come when they must
quit the state altogether or make a fight to the death. The party was
organized quietly in this city, as it was felt that the preliminary
arrangements could not be safely made in Wyoming, so widespread is the
influence of the rustlers.’”
“‘Is there no other way by which the interests of the cattlemen could
be protected?’”
“‘Absolutely none. The courts have been appealed to time after time, in
vain. Grand juries refused to indict the cattle thieves, although in
many cases the rustlers appeared before the jury and acknowledged their
guilt. It is simply a battle for existence on the part of the cattle
owners in half a dozen counties. They must maintain their positions
with rifles or let the robbers have full sway. I have been told of
instances where the rustlers served notice on merchants, saying that
they must keep quiet or suffer condign punishment.’”
The day before the above quoted interview, H. B. Ijams, secretary of
the Wyoming Board of Live Stock Commissioners, was in Denver, and a
Republican reporter interviewed him at length. From his statements we
produce the following extract:
“‘I do not believe any of these reports,’ he said, ‘of conflicts having
taken place. I think that all these dispatches are inspired by the
rustlers and their sympathizers. There are newspapers of Wyoming which
have always advocated the cause of the thieves and they are still at
work fixing up these reports. The rustlers have charge of the wires
and I am waiting now for the time when our men can get hold of them.
So, while I am pretty much in the dark, I am certain that the true
situation of things has not been told.
A SURGEON WITH THE INVADERS
“‘One thing I know cannot be true. The dispatches say that a wounded
man was brought into Buffalo who was supposed to be one of our
invaders. That is absurd. A good surgeon, with everything which he
might need, is with the invaders, and if anybody is hurt, he is taken
care of in the camp. They are well provided with everything that may be
needed. And I want to emphasize strongly the character of the invading
party. There are about sixty good men, and of that number, twenty
especially are among the best citizens of the whole state. They are men
who have been driven out of Johnson county by the gang of rustlers, and
they are going back for--well, “retribution” is a good word.
FIGHTING FOR HOME AND PROPERTY
“‘They are fighting for life, home and property, and I want to predict
that the rustlers will be wiped out. With the aid of Sheriff Angus,
the rustlers cannot muster as many men by far as our party will have
in the field very soon. As for the militia, I fancy that most of them
are now with one party or the other. The company at Buffalo will pretty
certainly stick to the rustlers. The “TA” ranch, where the fight is
said to have occurred, is owned by Dr. Harris of Laramie City and his
foreman is one of the leaders of the invading party.
EXPLAINING DISPATCHES
“‘Now I think I can explain some of the vague dispatches. Men come in
to Casper and Cheyenne and other towns with stories of what they have
seen and heard, when they have no foundation for such tales. Before
I left Cheyenne a man came in from the west and began to tell how he
had met “our” party well out on our journey. I questioned him pretty
closely and knowing just exactly the make-up of our party, it soon
proved that his story was an entire fabrication. So it is with the
most of the messengers from the seat of war. There may have been a
fight, or several of them, but I doubt it. Our party is not going at
things hastily, and when we do hear reliable news, it will be of a very
decided nature.
“‘It is useless for me to go into a history of this trouble and the
conditions leading up to it. The Republican has given the account very
accurately and completely. All we need now is news, news.’”
Vague rumors of disaster to the cattlemen had reached the press and
these two valiant long-range fighters, taken by surprise, unbosomed
themselves, thus giving a clear insight to the public of the faith of
the constitution wreckers then on the gory field of battle, and the
camp followers engaged in feeling and trying to regulate the public
pulse.
Another thing that gave hope was the belief that they had fully
enlisted the sympathy of the President of the United States in their
behalf. On the 17th of April, the following telegram was sent from
Paris, Texas, to the San Francisco Chronicle and published generally
throughout the country:
“About two weeks ago eleven men, who had for years been acting as
either United States deputy marshals or deputy sheriffs, left here
rather mysteriously, and it was given out that they had gone West to
enter the cattle business. They belong to the party that was rounded up
by the troops and rustlers and taken to Fort McKinney. It turned out
that they were sent to Wyoming by the United States Government to help
the big ranchmen protect themselves from the raids of the rustlers.
The large cattlemen, it is said, appealed to President Harrison for
protection, and offered to pay for men who would come and aid them in
maintaining what they considered their rights. The President requested
the marshals of the Eastern, Western and Northern districts of Texas to
go to Wyoming at once, and a party of forty-three was organized. It is
said that they took oaths as Pinkerton detectives.”
While it is probably not true that the President had any conception
of the depth of villainy to which the treason plotters were stooping,
it has been generally understood that his consent to a transfer of a
deputy marshal from the South to Wyoming had been secured. That an
effort was made to gather up a large number of these Southern deputies
by the agents of the invaders is known, and the braggadocia with which
Ijams speaks in the above quotation when he says, “Angus and the
rustlers cannot muster as many men by far as our party will have in
the field very soon,” indicates that recruits were expected from this
direction. The circumstances and conditions strongly point to some
kind of an understanding with the United States Marshal’s office at
Washington, if not with a higher power.
It is evident, also, from the tone of the Baxter-Ijams interviews
given above that they expected many recruits from Denver, and were in
that city to aid in forwarding a second battalion to the front. Squads
were promised from Casper, Douglas and Newcastle, and it is known that
a case of guns was shipped to Douglas, addressed to Acting Governor
Barber about that time, and later shipped to Cheyenne, without being
opened, presumably because the volunteers were all on the other side.
Buffalo was booked for a hundred men, and stragglers were to come in
from the Big Horn and other places. But none of these auxiliaries
materialized. Baxter’s “nine-tenths of the people of Wyoming” were
found to be in sympathy with the people and against “the cattle owners.”
All of these promises to aid, and the splendid detail of plans laid,
however, led Baxter to boastingly say to the Denver interviewer, “I am
willing to give all the assistance possible to any body of men which
will attempt to exterminate the rustlers.” This promised assistance
did not seem to arouse the common herd of Denver to the enlisting
point, notwithstanding the liberal terms of $5 a day and $50 for each
and every scalp taken by any of the force. (See Downing’s confession in
the appendix.)
As evidence of complicity between Wyoming’s acting governor and the
invaders, it is in order to present the following transcript from the
books of the Adjutant General’s office:
Cheyenne, Wyo., March 23, 1892.
General Order No. 4.
Colonel De Forest Richards, Commanding First Regiment,
Wyoming National Guards:
Sir:
Colonel De Forest Richards, commanding First Regiment Infantry,
Wyoming National Guards, is hereby directed to instruct his company
commanders that they shall obey only such orders to assemble their
commands as may be received from these headquarters, to assist the
civil authorities in the preservation or enforcement of the laws of
the state of Wyoming.
By order of the Governor and Commander-in-Chief.
(Signed) FRANK STITZER,
Adjutant General.
In order to show that the above order is in direct violation of the
laws of Wyoming, the following copy of Section 33, Chapter 85, Session
Laws, 1890, is given:
“Sec. 33. Whenever in any county there is tumult, riot, mob or any body
of men acting together with intent to commit a felony, or to do or
offer violence to person or property, or by force or violence to break
or resist the laws of the territory, or in case of an Indian outbreak,
and the civil authorities are unable to suppress the same, or there is
reasonable apprehension thereof, the governor or sheriff of the county,
or the mayor or judge, during the absence of the governor, may issue
his call to the commanding officer of any regiment, battalion, company,
troop or battery, to order his command, or any part thereof, describing
the same, to be and appear at a time and place therein specified to act
in aid of the civil authority.”
Why should Amos W. Barber, acting governor, violate this plainly
written statute? Why should he, by an official act, over-ride the
law and transfer the power to call out the militia from the civil to
the military branch of the state government? It was a very strange
proceeding. There is but one explanation possible--it was a necessary
safeguard to the invaders. With that law in force the moment a band
of invaders crossed the line of Converse or Johnson counties the
respective sheriffs would call out the company and contest their
advance. This would be a menace to the cattle men. There was a strong
company at Douglas and one at Buffalo. Malcomb Campbell of Converse
County, and W. G. Angus of Johnson, were known to be men who would act
promptly in an emergency, and shape their action to the interest of the
people. The military must be withdrawn from their call. This order was
made on the 23rd day of March, and on April 5th the cattlemen’s forces
moved on Johnson County--a “mob, or body of men acting together with
intent to offer violence to person or property,” in the county; but the
hands of the sheriff were tied, so far as the authority to call out the
military was concerned. Do you see how nicely the order fit the case?
Can any fair-minded reader fail to realize that General Order No. 4
was issued for the protection of the cattlemen while engaged in their
bloody work--to render the settlers of Johnson County helpless in the
hands of a gang of men supposed to be large enough in numbers to burn
and loot the premises of the lone settlers on the public domain?
The constitution of the state of Wyoming contains the following
distinct and easily understood utterance:
“Article No. XIX.--Police Powers.--Section 1. No armed police force,
or detective agency, or armed body, or unarmed body of men, shall ever
be brought into this state for the suppression of domestic violence,
except upon the application of the Legislature or executive, when the
Legislature cannot be convened.”
Under the above section of the constitution the duty of the governor is
clearly manifest in the emergency of an invasion of the state. Amos W.
Barber was acting governor of Wyoming on the 5th day of April, 1892,
when an armed body of men came on a special train from Denver, and
after stopping for a time in Cheyenne, rolled away on another special
train made up at the city depot and stockyards for the northern part
of the state, on murder and arson bent. His closest personal friends,
with whom he had been in intercourse most of the day, joined the gang
at the depot, and it was simply impossible, under the circumstances,
for him not to have known of the violation of the constitution being
perpetrated. The governor is Commander-in-Chief of the state troops,
yet he folded his arms and allowed the hired army to move on the
unsuspecting settlers while they were plowing for their spring crops
and endeavoring to provide for the wants of wives and children.
But were it possible not to understand the conditions present at
that time, the following day everybody knew what had happened and an
intercepting order could have been sent and the troops ordered out.
This was not done. When asked why, he replied that he had no official
knowledge of the violation of the constitution and could not act on
simple hearsay. Waiting for the barn to burn before the water was
turned on.
In order that the acting governor may not be misrepresented, the
following clipping is taken from the Cheyenne Leader of April 8th, 1892:
“Governor Barber was seen yesterday and asked if he had taken any
action with reference to the armed body of men which entered and passed
through the state on Tuesday evening.
“‘I have not,’ he replied. ‘The matter has not been brought to my
attention officially. I only know of the matter through newspaper
reports, which, as you know,’ he added, with a smile, ‘are somewhat
conflicting on the subject.’
“‘Do you intend to take any official notice of the matter?’
“‘As soon as I have learned the facts I will take such steps as I may
deem necessary. I was more interested in the statement from Douglas,
published in the Leader yesterday, than anything else. It was to the
effect that the militia could hereafter be only ordered out by the
Commander-in-Chief. This matter has been under consideration ever
since the last Legislature adjourned. Previous to that, under certain
circumstances, judges, sheriffs or mayors could call out the militia.
This was changed by the last Legislature so that this power rests
exclusively with the governor. During my absence from the state I was
much worried that something of this sort would be done. The idea of the
order was to make it plain that the militia could only be ordered out
by the governor, as no one else now has that authority. The order was
issued over a month ago.’”
The reader can compare the law quoted above, which was then and is
now in force, with Barber’s statement, and draw his own conclusions
as to exclusive power resting with the governor. Besides, if the law
conferred no authority upon “judges, sheriffs and mayors,” why issue
an order to prevent the exercise of power not possessed? The peculiar
exigencies of the case seemed to demand it--namely, the preservation of
the proposed invaders.
Another circumstance that confirms the belief in the mind of the
general public that the governor had a guilty knowledge of the proposed
invasion is the fact that Charles B. Penrose was employed as surgeon
to the invaders and accompanied them for a time on their raid. When
captured he had in his possession a case of surgical instruments
belonging to Governor Barber, and no one will accuse him of stealing
them--they must have been loaned to him for use, and loaned by their
owner. Dr. Penrose was a close personal friend of the governor, and was
in Cheyenne as his guest at the time of the start. Is it reasonable to
suppose that this stranger would accept so responsible a position as
surgeon general of an invading army without consulting his old college
chum with whom he was in daily contact?
Having smoothed the way of the transgressors to the satisfaction of
themselves, the steering committee began to look around for fighting
material. To meet on anything like equal footing the hardy pioneers
who had braved all the dangers of frontier life required men of nerve,
practical experience and good horsemanship. Texas and the Southwest was
the most inviting field, so a number of special agents were sent there
to open recruiting stations. The wages offered were flattering, and to
a certain class of reckless men sufficient inducement to undertake the
hazardous job. Fortunately, for the information of the public, George
Dunning, one of the hired men, made a confession, under oath, and told
the terms upon which all of the men were recruited. These were $5 a
day and all expenses paid, including a mount of horses, pistols and
rifle. In addition, each man of the command was to receive $50 for each
and every man killed by the mob. George W. Baxter, R. M. Allen, Frank
M. Canton, Tom Smith and a few others are reported as the recruiting
agents sent to the Southwest, while it is known that H. B. Ijams went
on the same mission to Idaho. The work of enlisting was a little slow,
for brave, honorable men hesitated when given to understand exactly
what was expected of them. Going to war in the regular way, when
patriotism and duty calls, is one thing--going to fight for a set of
corporation cormorants against settlers on the public domain, simply
for the money there is in it, is quite another. However, with the long
list of ex-deputy marshals and thoughtless cowboys between the piney
woods of Texas and the Rio Grande, the agents of the cattlemen believed
they had secured sufficient force to be effective in connection with
the large number of volunteers promised from Wyoming and adjoining
sections.
So the men were ordered to report at Denver, Colorado, the 1st of
April, 1892, where they were to be met by a committee, after the annual
meeting of the Wyoming Stock Growers’ Association, on the 4th. The
association meeting was attended by many leading cattle raisers from
all over the state, and while nothing is known by the public as to what
its secret actions were, it is believed that the work of the several
special committees was approved and the general plan of the campaign
adopted. Results immediately following force the above conclusion.
Before adjournment on the 4th, the following resolution was introduced
by W. E. Guthrie and passed by a unanimous vote:
“Whereas, The cattle interests of this state have been seriously
jeopardized by thieves and outlaws; and
“Whereas, Many herds are leaving this state to seek protection
elsewhere; be it
“Resolved, That the Wyoming Stock Growers’ Association appreciates
and endorses the able and fearless manner in which the Board of Live
Stock Commissioners have attempted to guard the interests of honest
cattle owners in the state, acting as they have without compensation or
reward, and solely for the general good and prosperity of the state; be
it further
“Resolved, That we believe all money now withheld by such board to
be the proceeds of stolen cattle, and that we commend their cause in
retaining the same until proof of ownership shall be made.”
This is a direct reversal of all law and practice--branding men as
thieves and then requiring them to prove themselves honest, instead of
counting them honest until proven to be dishonest. It was an approval
of the idea of the invasion--taking the law into their own hands, or
rising superior to the law and declaring that they “were a law unto
themselves.”
The Idaho contingent was ordered to report at Cheyenne, and a squad
was expected to be at Casper. About twenty-five men were gathered
at Cheyenne, and all day during the 5th the work of preparation was
going on. Guns and pistols were purchased by the score and ammunition
was carted out by wagon loads. Rolls of blankets were shipped, and
altogether it was a busy day in the Capital City.
The plan of the campaign, it is believed, was to go direct to Buffalo,
kill Sheriff Angus and his deputies, and there be re-enforced with a
large number of co-workers, when they would capture the town, kill
twenty or thirty citizens and then raid the settlements in the county,
killing or driving out several hundred more, thus getting rid of all
their enemies. After satiating themselves with the blood of Johnson
County’s citizens, they undoubtedly expected to make detours into
Natrona, Converse and Weston counties, where they had dead lists in
the hands of the mob, covering many settlers and some business men in
each county. Spotters were already in each county locating the men to
be killed, and apparently they anticipated a regular picnic in their
work of death. One leading idea seemed to be that a reign of terror
would at once be brought about and that hundreds of settlers would
gather up their families and fly for safety before the approach of
the crimson-handed slayers. To prevent the sending of news by wire in
advance of the cutthroat band, men had been posted along the telegraph
line leading north, with instructions to cut the wires and leave the
communities in ignorance of their approaching danger.