[499] See Grundtatsachen des Seelenlebens, pp. 594-5; and compare the

conclusion of our own chapter on Attention, Vol. I. pp. 448-454.

[500] Thus at least I interpret Prof. Lipps's words: "Wir wissen uns

naturgemäss in jedem Streben umsomehr aktiv, je mehr unser _ganzes_ Ich

bei dem Streben beheiligt ist," u. s. w. (p. 601).

[501] Such ejaculations as Mr. Spencer's: "Psychical changes either

conform to law or they do not. If they do not, this work, in common

with all works on the subject, is sheer nonsense: no science of

Psychology is possible" (Principles of Psychology, i. 503),--are

beneath criticism. Mr. Spencer's work, like all the other 'works on

the subject,' treats of those general conditions of _possible_ conduct

within which all our real decisions must fall no matter whether their

effort be small or great. However closely psychical changes may conform

to law, it is safe to say that individual histories and biographies

will never be written in advance no matter how 'evolved' psychology may

become.

[502] _Caricatures_ of the kind of supposition which free will demands

abound in deterministic literature. The following passage from John

Fiske's Cosmic Philosophy (pt. ii. chap. xvii) is an example: "If

volitions arise without cause, it necessarily follows that we cannot

infer from them the character of the antecedent states of feeling.

If, therefore, a murder has been committed, we have _a priori_ no

better reason for suspecting the worst enemy than the best friend of

the murdered man. If we see a man jump from a fourth-story window, we

must beware of too hastily inferring his insanity, since he may be

merely exercising his free-will; the intense love of life implanted

in the human breast being, as it seems, unconnected with attempts at

suicide or at self-preservation. We can thus frame no theory of human

actions whatever. The countless empirical maxims of every-day life, the

embodiment as they are of the inherited and organized sagacity of many

generations, become wholly incompetent to guide us; and nothing which

any one may do ought ever to occasion surprise. The mother may strangle

her first-born child, the miser may cast his long-treasured gold into

the sea, the sculptor may break in pieces his lately-finished statue,

in the presence of no other feelings than those which before led them

to cherish, to hoard, and to create.

"To state these conclusions is to refute their premise. Probably no

defender of the doctrine of free-will could be induced to accept them,

even to save the theorem with which they are inseparably wrapped up.

Yet the dilemma cannot be avoided. Volitions are either caused or they

are not. If they are not caused, an inexorable logic brings us to the

absurdities just mentioned. If they are caused, the free-will doctrine

is annihilated.... In truth, the immediate corollaries of the free-will

doctrine are so shocking, not only to philosophy but to common-sense,

that were not accurate thinking a somewhat rare phenomenon, it would

be inexplicable how any credit should ever have been given to such a

dogma. This is but one of the many instances in which by the force

of words alone men have been held subject to chronic delusion....

Attempting, as the free-will philosophers do, to destroy the science of

history, they are compelled by an inexorable logic to pull down with

it the cardinal principles of ethics, politics, and jurisprudence.

Political economy, if rigidly dealt with on their theory, would fare

little better; and psychology would become chaotic jargon.... The

denial of causation is the affirmation of chance, and 'between the

theory of Chance and the theory of Law there can be no compromise, no

reciprocity, no borrowing and lending.' To write history on any method

furnished by the free-will doctrine would be utterly impossible."--All

this comes from Mr. Fiske's not distinguishing between the possibles

which really tempts man and those which tempt him not at all.

Free-will, like psychology, deals with the former possibles exclusively.

[503] On the education of the Will from a pedagogic point of view, see

an article by G. Stanley Hall in the Princeton Review for November

1882, and some bibliographic references there contained.

[504] See his Emotions and Will, 'The Will,' chap. i. I take the name

of random movements from Sully, Outlines of Psychology, p. 593.

[505] This figure and the following ones are purely schematic, and

must not be supposed to involve any theory about protoplasmatic and

axis-cylinder processes. The latter, according to Golgi and others,

emerge from the base of the cell, and each cell has but one. They alone

form a nervous network. The reader will of course also understand that

none of the hypothetical constructions which I make from now to the end

of the chapter are proposed as definite accounts of what happens. All I

aim at is to make it clear in some more or less symbolic fashion that

the formation of new paths, the learning of habits, etc., is in _some_

mechanical way conceivable. Compare what was said in Vol. I. p. 81,

note.

[506] The Nervous System and the Mind (1888), pp. 75-6.

[507] Compare Vol. I. pp. 137, 142.

[508] That is, the direction towards the motor cells.

[509] This brain-scheme seems oddly enough to give a certain basis of

reality to those hideously fabulous performances of the Herbartian

_Vorstellungen_. Herbart says that when one idea is inhibited by

another it fuses with that other and thereafter helps it to ascend into

consciousness. Inhibition is thus the basis of association in both

schemes, for the 'draining' of which the text speaks is tantamount to

an inhibition of the activity of the cells which are drained, which

inhibition makes the inhibited revive the inhibiter on later occasions.

[510] See the luminous passage in Münsterberg: Die Willenshandlung, pp.

144-5.

[511] L. Lange's and Münsterberg's experiments with 'shortened' or

'muscular' reaction-time (see Vol. I. p. 432) show how potent a fact

dynamically this anticipatory preparation of a whole set of possible

drainage-channels is.

[512] Even as the proofs of these pages are passing through my hands,

I receive Heft 2 of the Zeitschrift für Psychologie u. Physiologie der

Sinnesorgane, in which the irrepressible young Münsterberg publishes

experiments to show that there is no association between successive

ideas, apart from intervening movements. As my explanations have

assumed that an earlier excited _sensory_ cell drains a later one, his

experiments and inferences would, if sound, upset all my hypotheses. I

therefore can (at this late moment) only refer the reader to Herr M.'s

article, hoping to review the subject again myself in another place.

CHAPTER XXVII.

HYPNOTISM.

MODES OF OPERATING, AND SUSCEPTIBILITY.

The 'hypnotic,' 'mesmeric,' or 'magnetic' trance _can be induced in

various ways_, each operator having his pet method. The simplest one

is to leave the subject seated by himself, telling him that if he

close his eyes and relax his muscles and, as far as possible, think

of vacancy, in a few minutes he will 'go off.' On returning in ten

minutes you may find him effectually hypnotized. Braid used to make

his subjects look at a bright button held near their forehead until

their eyes spontaneously closed. The older mesmerists made 'passes'

in a downward direction over the face and body, but without contact.

Stroking the skin of the head, face, arms and hands, especially that

of the region round the brows and eyes, will have the same effect.

Staring into the eyes of the subject until the latter droop, making him

listen to a watch's ticking; or simply making him close his eyes for a

minute whilst you describe to him the feeling of falling into sleep,

'talk sleep' to him, are equally efficacious methods in the hands of

some operators; whilst with trained subjects any method whatever from

which they have been led by previous suggestion to expect results

will be successful.[513] The touching of an object which they are

told has been 'magnetized,' the drinking of 'magnetized' water, the

reception of a letter ordering them to sleep, etc., are means which

have been frequently employed. Recently M. Liégeois has hypnotized some

of his subjects at a distance of 1 1/2 kilometres by giving them an

intimation to that effect through a telephone. With some subjects, if

you tell them in advance that at a certain hour of a certain day they

will become entranced, the prophecy is fulfilled. Certain hysterical

patients are immediately thrown into hypnotic catalepsy by any violent

sensation, such as a blow on a gong or the flashing of an intense

light in their eyes. Pressure on certain parts of the body (called

_zones hypnogènes_ by M. Pitres) rapidly produces hypnotic sleep in

some hysterics. These regions, which differ in different subjects,

are oftenest found on the forehead and about the root of the thumbs.

Finally, persons in ordinary sleep may be transferred into the hypnotic

condition by verbal intimation or contact, performed so gently as not

to wake them up.

* * * * *

Some operators appear to be more successful than others in getting

control of their subjects. I am informed that Mr. Gurney (who made

valuable contributions to the theory of hypnotism) was never able

himself to hypnotize, and had to use for his observations the subjects

of others. On the other hand, Dr. Liébeault claims that he hypnotizes

92% of all comers, and Wetterstrand in Stockholm says that amongst 718

persons there proved to be only 18 whom he failed to influence. Some

of this disparity is unquestionably due to differences in the personal

'authority' of the operator, for the prime condition of success is

that the subject should confidently _expect_ to be entranced. Much

also depends on the operator's tact in interpreting the physiognomy

of his subjects, so as to give the right commands, and 'crowd it on'

to the subject, at just the propitious moments. These conditions

account for the fact that operators grow more successful the more

they operate. Bernheim says that whoever does not hypnotize 80 per

cent of the persons whom he tries has not yet learned to operate

as he should. Whether certain operators have over and above this a

peculiar 'magnetic power' is a question which I leave at present

undecided.[514] Children under three or four, and insane persons,

especially idiots, are unusually hard to hypnotize. This seems due to

the impossibility of getting them to fix their attention continuously

on the idea of the coming trance. All ages above infancy are probably

equally hypnotizable, as are all races and both sexes. A certain

amount of mental training, sufficient to aid concentration of the

attention, seems a favorable condition, and so does a certain momentary

indifference or passivity as to the result. Native strength or weakness

of 'will' have absolutely nothing to do with the matter. Frequent

trances enormously increase the susceptibility of a subject, and many

who resist at first succumb after several trials. Dr. Moll says he has

more than once succeeded after forty fruitless attempts. Some experts

are of the opinion that every one is hypnotizable essentially, the only

difficulty being the more habitual presence in some individuals of

hindering mental preoccupations, which, however, may suddenly at some

moment be removed.

* * * * *

The trance may be dispelled instantaneously by saying in a rousing

voice, 'All right, wake up!' or words of similar purport. At the

Salpétrière they awaken subjects by blowing on their eyelids. Upward

passes have an awakening effect; sprinkling cold water ditto. Anything

will awaken a patient who expects to be awakened by that thing. Tell

him that he will wake after counting five, and he will do so. Tell him

to waken in five minutes, and he is very likely to do so punctually,

even though he interrupt thereby some exciting histrionic performance

which you may have suggested.--As Dr. Moll says, any theory which

pretends to explain the physiology of the hypnotic state must keep

account of the fact that so simple a thing as hearing the word 'wake!'

will end it.

THEORIES ABOUT THE HYPNOTIC STATE.

_The intimate nature of the hypnotic condition,_ when once induced,

can hardly be said to be understood. Without entering into details

of controversy, one may say that three main opinions have been held

concerning it, which we may call respectively the theories of

1. Animal magnetism;

2. of Neurosis; and finally of

3. Suggestion.

According to the _animal-magnetism theory_ there is a direct passage of

force from the operator to the subject, whereby the latter becomes the

former's puppet. This theory is nowadays given up as regards all the

ordinary hypnotic phenomena, and is only held to by some persons as an

explanation of a few effects exceptionally met with.

* * * * *

According to the _neurosis-theory_, the hypnotic state is a peculiar

pathological condition into which certain predisposed patients fall,

and in which special physical agents have the power of provoking

special symptoms, quite apart from the subjects mentally expecting

the effect. Professor Charcot and his colleagues at the Salpétrière

hospital admit that this condition is rarely found in typical form.

They call it then _le grand hypnotisme_, and say that it accompanies

the disease hystero-epilepsy. If a patient subject to this sort

of hypnotism hear a sudden loud noise, or look at a bright light

unexpectedly, she falls into the _cataleptic_ trance. Her limbs and

body offer no resistance to movements communicated to them, but

retain permanently the attitudes impressed. The eyes are staring,

there is insensibility to pain, etc., etc. If the eyelids be forcibly

closed, the cataleptic gives place to the _lethargic_ condition,

characterized by apparent abolition of consciousness, and absolute

muscular relaxation except where the muscles are kneaded or the

tendons struck by the operator's hand, or certain nerve-trunks

are pressed upon. Then the muscles in question, or those supplied

by the same nerve-trunk enter into a more or less steadfast tonic

contraction. Charcot calls this symptom by the name of neuro-muscular

hyperexcitability. The lethargic state may be _primarily_ brought on

by fixedly looking at anything, or by pressure on the closed eyeballs.

Friction on the top of the head will make the patient pass from either

of the two preceding conditions into the _somnambulic_ state, in which

she is alert, talkative, and susceptible to all the suggestions of

the operator. The somnambulic state may also be induced primarily, by

fixedly looking at a small object. In this state the accurately limited

muscular contractions characteristic of lethargy do not follow upon the

above-described manipulations, but instead of them there is a tendency

to rigidity of entire regions of the body, which may upon occasion

develop into general tetanus, and which is brought about by gently

touching the skin or blowing upon it. M. Charcot calls this by the name

of cutaneo-muscular hyperexcitability.

Many other symptoms, supposed by their observers to be independent of

mental expectation, are described, of which I only will mention the

more interesting. Opening the eyes of a patient in lethargy causes her

to pass into catalepsy. If one eye only be opened, the corresponding

half of the body becomes cataleptic, whilst the other half remains

in lethargy. Similarly, rubbing one side of the head may result in a

patient becoming hemilethargic or hemicataleptic and hemisomnambulic.

The approach of a magnet (or certain metals) to the skin causes these

half-states (and many others) to be transferred to the opposite sides.

Automatic repetition of every sound heard ('_echolalia_') is said

to be produced by pressure on the lower cervical vertebræ or on the

epigastrium. _Aphasia_ is brought about by rubbing the head over the

region of the speech-centre. Pressure behind the occiput determines

_movements of imitation_. Heidenhain describes a number of curious

automatic tendencies to movement, which are brought about by stroking

various portions of the vertebral column. Certain other symptoms

have been frequently noticed, such as a flushed face and cold hands,

brilliant and congested eyes, dilated pupils. Dilated retinal vessels

and spasm of the accommodation are also reported.

* * * * *

_The theory of Suggestion_ denies that there is any special hypnotic

_state_ worthy of the name of trance or neurosis. All the symptoms

above described, as well as those to be described hereafter, are

results of that mental susceptibility which we all to some degree

possess, of yielding assent to outward suggestion, of affirming what

we strongly conceive, and of acting in accordance with what we are

made to expect. The bodily symptoms of the Salpétrière patients are

all of them results of expectation and training. The first patients

accidentally did certain things which their doctors thought typical and

caused to be repeated. The subsequent subjects 'caught on' and followed

the established tradition. In proof of this the fact is urged that the

classical three stages and their grouped symptoms have _only_ been

reported as spontaneously occurring, so far, at the Salpétrière, though

they may be superinduced by deliberate suggestion, in patients anywhere

found. The ocular symptoms, the flushed face, accelerated breathing,

etc., are said not to be symptoms of the passage into the hypnotic

state as such, but merely consequences of the strain on the eyes when

the method of looking at a bright object is used. They are absent in

the subjects at Nancy, where simple verbal suggestion is employed. The

various reflex effects (aphasia, echolalia, imitation, etc.) are but

habits induced by the influence of the operator, who unconsciously

urges the subject into the direction in which he would prefer to have

him go. The influence of the magnet, the opposite effects of upward and

downward passes, etc., are similarly explained. Even that sleepy and

inert condition, the advent of which seems to be the prime condition

of farther symptoms being developed, is said to be merely due to the

fact that the mind expects it to come; whilst its influence on the

other symptoms is not physiological, so to speak, but psychical, its

own easy realization by suggestion simply encouraging the subject to

expect that ulterior suggestions will be realized with equal ease.

The radical defenders of the suggestion-theory are thus led to deny

the very existence of the hypnotic state, in the sense of a peculiar

trance-like condition which deprives the patient of spontaneity and

makes him passive to suggestion from without. The trance itself is

only one of the suggestions, and many subjects in fact can be made to

exhibit the other hypnotic phenomena without the preliminary induction

of this one.

* * * * *

The theory of suggestion may be said to be quite triumphant at the

present day over the neurosis-theory as held at the Salpétrière, with

its three states, and its definite symptoms supposed to be produced by

physical agents apart from co-operation of the subject's mind. But it

is one thing to say this, and it is quite another thing to say that

there is no peculiar physiological condition whatever worthy of the

name of hypnotic trance, no peculiar state of nervous equilibrium,

'hypotaxy,' 'dissociation,' or whatever you please to call it, during

which the subject's susceptibility to outward suggestion is greater

than at ordinary times. All the facts seem to prove that, until this

trance-like state is assumed by the patient, suggestion produces very

insignificant results, but that, when it is once assumed, there are no

limits to suggestion's power. The state in question has many affinities

with ordinary sleep. It is probable, in fact, that we all pass through

it transiently whenever we fall asleep; and one might most naturally

describe the usual relation of operator and subject by saying that

the former keeps the latter suspended between waking and sleeping by

talking to him enough to keep his slumber from growing profound, and

yet not in such a way as to wake him up. A hynotized patient, _left

to himself,_ will either fall sound asleep or wake up entirely. The

difficulty in hypnotizing refractory persons is that of catching them

at the right moment of transition and making it permanent. Fixing

the eyes and relaxing the muscles of the body produce the hypnotic

state just as they facilitate the advent of sleep. The first stages

of ordinary sleep are characterized by a peculiar dispersed attitude

of the attention. Images come before consciousness which are entirely

incongruous with our ordinary beliefs and habits of thought. The

latter either vanish altogether or withdraw, as it were, inertly

into the background of the mind, and let the incongruous images reign

alone. These images acquire, moreover, an exceptional vivacity; they

become first 'hypnagogic hallucinations,' and then, as the sleep grows

deeper, dreams. Now the 'mono-ideism,' or else the impotency and

failure to 'rally' on the part of the background-ideas, which thus

characterize somnolescence, are unquestionably the result of a special

physiological change occurring in the brain at that time. Just so

that similar mono-ideism, or dissociation of the reigning fancy from

those other thoughts which might possibly act as its 'reductives,'

which characterize the hypnotic consciousness, must equally be due

to a special cerebral change. The term 'hypnotic trance,' which I

employ, tells us nothing of what the change is, but it marks the fact

that it exists, and is consequently a useful expression. The great

vivacity of the hypnotic images (as gauged by their motor effects), the

oblivion of them when normal life is resumed, the abrupt awakening,

the recollection of them again in subsequent trances, the anæsthesia

and hyperæsthesia which are so frequent, all point away from our

simple waking credulity and 'suggestibility' as the type by which the

phenomena are to be interpreted, and make us look rather towards sleep

and dreaming, or towards those deeper alterations of the personality

known as automatism, double consciousness, or 'second' personality for

the true analogues of the hypnotic trance.[515] Even the best hypnotic

subjects pass through life without any one suspecting them to possess

such a remarkable susceptibility, until by deliberate experiment it is

made manifest. The operator fixes their eyes or their attention a short

time to develop the propitious phase, holds them in it by his talk, and

_the state being there_, makes them the puppets of all his suggestions.

But no ordinary suggestions of waking life ever took such control of

their mind.

_The suggestion-theory may therefore be approved as correct, provided

we grant the trance-state as its prerequisite._ The three states

of Charcot, the strange reflexes of Heidenhain, and all the other

bodily phenomena which have been called direct consequences of the

trance-state itself, are not such. They are products of suggestion,

the trance-state having no particular outward symptoms of its own; but

without the trance-state there, those particular suggestions could

never have been successfully made.[516]

THE SYMPTOMS OF THE TRANCE.

This accounts for the altogether indefinite array of symptoms which

have been gathered together as characteristic of the hypnotic state.

The law of habit dominates hypnotic subjects even more than it does

waking ones. Any sort of personal peculiarity, any trick accidentally

fallen into in the first instance by some one subject, may, by

attracting attention, become stereotyped, serve as a pattern for

imitation, and figure as the type of a school. The first subject trains

the operator, the operator trains the succeeding subjects, all of

them in perfect good faith conspiring together to evolve a perfectly

arbitrary result. With the extraordinary perspicacity and subtlety

of perception which subjects often display for all that concerns the

operator with whom they are _en rapport_, it is hard to keep them

ignorant of anything which he expects. Thus it happens that one easily

verifies on new subjects what one has already seen on old ones, or any

desired symptom of which one may have heard or read.

The symptoms earliest observed by writers were all thought to be

typical. But with the multiplication of observed phenomena, the

importance of most particular symptoms as marks of the state has

diminished. This lightens very much our own immediate task. Proceeding

to enumerate the symptoms of the hypnotic trance, I may confine

myself to those which are intrinsically interesting, or which differ

considerably from the normal functions of man.

* * * * *

First of all comes _amnesia_. In the earlier stages of hypnotism the

patient remembers what has happened, but with successive sittings

he sinks into a deeper condition, which is commonly followed by

complete loss of memory. He may have been led through the liveliest

hallucinations and dramatic performances, and have exhibited the

intensest apparent emotion, but on waking he can recall nothing at all.

The same thing happens on waking from sleep in the midst of a dream--it

quickly eludes recall. But just as we may be _reminded_ of it, or of

parts of it, by meeting persons or objects which figured therein, so

on being adroitly prompted, the hypnotic patient will often remember

what happened in his trance. One cause of the forgetfulness seems to be

the disconnection of the trance performances with the system of waking

ideas. Memory requires a continuous train of association. M. Delbœuf,

reasoning in this way, woke his subjects in the midst of an action

begun during trance (washing the hands, e.g.), and found that they then

remembered the trance. The act in question bridged over the two states.

But one can often make them remember by merely telling them during the

trance that they _shall_ remember. Acts of one trance, moreover, are

usually recalled, either spontaneously or at command, during another

trance, provided that the contents of the two trances be not mutually

incompatible.

_Suggestibility._ The patient believes everything which his hypnotizer

tells him, and does everything which the latter commands. Even results

over which the will has normally no control, such as sneezing,

secretion, reddening and growing pale, alterations of temperature and

heart-beat, menstruation, action of the bowels, etc., may take place

in consequence of the operator's firm assertions during the hypnotic

trance, and the resulting conviction on the part of the subject,

that the effects will occur. Since almost all the phenomena yet to be

described are effects of this heightened suggestibility, I will say no

more under the general head, but proceed to illustrate the peculiarity

in detail.

_Effects on the voluntary muscles_ seem to be those most easily got;

and the ordinary routine of hypnotizing consists in provoking them

first. Tell the patient that he cannot open his eyes or his mouth,

cannot unclasp his hands or lower his raised arm, cannot rise from

his seat, or pick up a certain object from the floor, and he will be

immediately smitten with absolute impotence in these regards. The

effect here is generally due to the _involuntary contraction_ of

antagonizing muscles. But one can equally well suggest _paralysis_, of

an arm for example, in which case it will hang perfectly placid by the

subject's side. Cataleptic and tetanic rigidity are easily produced

by suggestion, aided by handling the parts. One of the favorite shows

at public exhibitions is that of a subject stretched stiff as a board

with his head on one chair and his heels on another. The cataleptic

retention of impressed attitudes differs from voluntary assumption of

the same attitude. An arm voluntarily held out straight will drop from

fatigue after a quarter of an hour at the utmost, and before it falls

the agent's distress will be made manifest by oscillations in the arm,

disturbances in the breathing, etc. But Charcot has shown that an arm

held out in hypnotic catalepsy, though it may as soon descend, yet does

so slowly and with no accompanying vibration, whilst the breathing

remains entirely calm. He rightly points out that this shows a profound

physiological change, and is proof positive against simulation, as far

as this symptom is concerned. A cataleptic attitude, moreover, may be

held for many hours.--Sometimes an expressive attitude, clinching of

the fist, contraction of the brows, will gradually set up a sympathetic

action of the other muscles of the body, so that at last a _tableau

vivant_ of fear, anger, disdain, prayer, or other emotional condition,

is produced with rare perfection. This effect would seem to be due

to the suggestion of the mental state by the first contraction.

Stammering, aphasia, or inability to utter certain words, pronounce

certain letters, are readily producible by suggestion.

_Hallucinations_ of all the senses and _delusions_ of every conceivable

kind can be easily suggested to good subjects. The emotional

effects are then often so lively, and the pantomimic display so

expressive, that it is hard not to believe in a certain 'psychic

hyper-excitability,' as one of the concomitants of the hypnotic

condition. You can make the subject think that he is freezing or

burning, itching or covered with dirt, or wet; you can make him

eat a potato for a peach, or drink a cup of vinegar for a glass of

champagne;[517] ammonia will smell to him like cologne water; a chair

will be a lion, a broom-stick a beautiful woman, a noise in the

street will be an orchestral music, etc., etc., with no limit except

your powers of invention and the patience of the lookers on.[518]

Illusions and hallucinations form the _pièces de résistance_ at public

exhibitions. The comic effect is at its climax when it is successfully

suggested to the subject that his personality is changed into that of

a baby, of a street boy, of a young lady dressing for a party, of a

stump orator, or of Napoleon the Great. He may even be transformed into

a beast, or an inanimate thing like a chair or a carpet, and in every

case will act out all the details of the part with a sincerity and

intensity seldom seen at the theatre. The excellence of the performance

is in these cases the best reply to the suspicion that the subject

may be shamming--so skilful a shammer must long since have found his

true function in life upon the stage. Hallucinations and histrionic

delusions generally go with a certain depth of the trance, and are

followed by complete forgetfulness. The subject awakens from them at

the command of the operator with a sudden start of surprise, and may

seem for a while a little dazed.

Subjects in this condition will receive and execute suggestions of

crime, and act out a theft, forgery, arson, or murder. A girl will

believe that she is married to her hypnotizer, etc. It is unfair,

however, to say that in these cases the subject is a pure puppet with

no spontaneity. His spontaneity is certainly not in abeyance so far

as things go which are harmoniously associated with the suggestion

given him. He takes the text from his operator; but he may amplify

and develop it enormously as he acts it out. His spontaneity is lost

only for those systems of ideas which _conflict_ with the suggested

delusion. The latter is thus 'systematized'; the rest of consciousness

is shut off, excluded, dissociated from it. In extreme cases the rest

of the mind would seem to be actually abolished and the hypnotic

subject to be literally a changed personality, a being in one of those

'second' states which we studied in Chapter X. But the reign of the

delusion is often not as absolute as this. If the thing suggested

be too intimately repugnant, the subject may strenuously resist and

get nervously excited in consequence, even to the point of having an

hysterical attack. The conflicting ideas slumber in the background

and merely permit those in the foreground to have their way until a

_real_ emergency arises; then they assert their rights. As M. Delbœuf

says, the subject surrenders himself good-naturedly to the performance,

stabs with the pasteboard dagger you give him because he knows what it

is, and fires off the pistol because he knows it has no ball; but for

a real murder he would not be your man. It is undoubtedly true that

subjects are often well aware that they are acting a part. They know

that what they do is absurd. They know that the hallucination which

they see, describe, and act upon, is not really there. They may laugh

at themselves; and they always recognize the abnormality of their state

when asked about it, and call it 'sleep.' One often notices a sort of

mocking smile upon them, as if they were playing a comedy, and they

may even say on 'coming to' that they were shamming all the while.

These facts have misled ultra-skeptical people so far as to make them

doubt the genuineness of any hypnotic phenomena at all. But, save the

consciousness of 'sleep,' they do not occur in the deeper conditions;

and when they do occur they are only a natural consequence of the fact

that the 'monoideism' is incomplete. The background-thoughts still

exist, and have the power of _comment_ on the suggestions, but no power

to inhibit their motor and associative effects. A similar condition is

frequent enough in the waking state, when an impulse carries us away

and our 'will' looks on wonderingly like an impotent spectator. These

'shammers' continue to sham in just the same way, every new time you

hypnotize them, until at last they are forced to admit that if shamming

there be, it is something very different from the free voluntary

shamming of waking hours.

_Real sensations may be abolished_ as well as false ones suggested.

Legs and breasts may be amputated, children born, teeth extracted, in

short the most painful experiences undergone, with no other anæsthetic

than the hypnotizer's assurance that no pain shall be felt. Similarly

morbid pains may be annihilated, neuralgias, toothaches, rheumatisms

cured. The sensation of hunger has thus been abolished, so that a

patient took no nourishment for fourteen days. The most interesting of

these suggested anæsthesias are those limited to certain objects of

perception. Thus a subject may be made blind to a certain person and to

him alone, or deaf to certain words but to no others.[519] In this case

the anæsthesia (or _negative hallucination_, as it has been called) is

apt to become _systematized_. Other things related to the person to

whom one has been made blind may also be shut out of consciousness.

What he says is not heard, his contact is not felt, objects which he

takes from his pocket are not seen, etc. Objects which he screens are

seen as if he were transparent. Facts about him are forgotten, his name

is not recognized when pronounced. Of course there is great variety

in the completeness of this systematic extension of the suggested

anæsthesia, but one may say that some tendency to it always exists.

When one of the subjects' own limbs is made anæsthetic, for example,

memories as well as sensations of its movements often seem to depart.

An interesting degree of the phenomenon is found in the case related

by M. Binet of a subject to whom it was suggested that a certain M. C.

was invisible. She still saw M. C., but saw him as a stranger, having

lost the memory of his name and his existence.--Nothing is easier than

to make subjects forget their own name and condition in life. It is one

of the suggestions which most promptly succeed, even with quite fresh

ones. A systematized amnesia of certain periods of one's life may also

be suggested, the subject placed, for instance, where he was a decade

ago with the intervening years obliterated from his mind.

The mental condition which accompanies these systematized anæsthesias

and amnesias is a very curious one. The anæsthesia is not a genuine

sensorial one, for if you make a real red cross (say) on a sheet of

white paper invisible to an hypnotic subject, and yet cause him to

look fixedly at a dot on the paper on or near the cross, he will, on

transferring his eye to a blank sheet, see a bluish-green after-image

of the cross. This proves that it has impressed his sensibility. He

has _felt_ it, but not _perceived_ it. He had actively ignored it,

refused to recognize it, as it were. Another experiment proves that he

must _distinguish_ it first in order thus to ignore it. Make a stroke

on paper or blackboard, and tell the subject it is not there, and he

will see nothing but the clean paper or board. Next, he not looking,

surround the original stroke with other strokes exactly like it, and

ask him what he sees. He will point out one by one all the new strokes

and omit the original one every time, no matter how numerous the new

strokes may be, or in what order they are arranged. Similarly, if the

original single stroke to which he is blind be _doubled_ by a prism of

sixteen degrees placed before one of his eyes (both being kept open),

he will say that he now sees _one_ stroke, and point in the direction

in which the image seen through the prism lies.

Obviously, then, he is not blind to the _kind_ of stroke in the least.

He is blind only to one individual stroke of that kind in a particular

position on the board or paper,--that is, to a particular complex

object; and, paradoxical as it may seem to say so, he must distinguish

it with great accuracy from others like it, in order to remain blind

to it when the others are brought near. He 'apperceives' it, as a

preliminary to not seeing it at all! How to conceive of this state of

mind is not easy. It would be much simpler to understand the process,

if adding new strokes made the first one visible. There would then be

two different objects apperceived as totals,--paper with one stroke,

paper with two strokes; and, blind to the former, he would see all

that was _in_ the latter, because he would have apperceived it as a

different total in the first instance.

A process of this sort occurs sometimes (not always) when the new

strokes, instead of being mere repetitions of the original one, are

lines which combine with it into a total object, say a human face. The

subject of the trance then may regain his sight of the line to which he

had previously been blind, by seeing it as part of the face.

When by a prism before one eye a previously invisible line has been

made visible to that eye, and the other eye is closed or screened,

_its_ closure makes no difference; the line still remains visible. But

if _then_ the prism is removed, the line will disappear even to the eye

which a moment ago saw it, and both eyes will revert to their original

blind state.

We have, then, to deal in these cases neither with a sensorial

anæsthesia, nor with a mere failure to notice, but with something much

more complex; namely, an active counting out and positive exclusion of

certain objects. It is as when one 'cuts' an acquaintance, 'ignores'

a claim, or 'refuses to be influenced' by a consideration of whose

existence one remains aware. Thus a lover of Nature in America

finds himself able to overlook and ignore entirely the board- and

rail-fences and general roadside raggedness, and revel in the beauty

and picturesqueness of the other elements of the landscape, whilst to

a newly-arrived European the fences are so aggressively present as to

spoil enjoyment.

Messrs. Gurney, Janet, and Binet have shown that the ignored elements

are preserved in a split-off portion of the subjects' consciousness

which can be tapped in certain ways, and made to give an account of

itself (see Vol. I. p. 209).

_Hyperæsthesia of the senses_ is as common a symptom as anæsthesia.

On the skin two points can be discriminated at less than the normal

distance. The sense of touch is so delicate that (as M. Delbœuf

informs me) a subject after simply poising on her finger-tips a

blank card drawn from a pack of similar ones can pick it out from

the pack again by its 'weight.' We approach here the line where, to

many persons, it seems as if something more than the ordinary senses,

however sharpened, were required in explanation. I have seen a coin

from the operator's pocket repeatedly picked out by the subject from a

heap of twenty others,[520] by its greater 'weight' in the subject's

language.--Auditory hyperæsthesia may enable a subject to hear a watch

tick, or his operator speak, in a distant room.--One of the most

extraordinary examples of visual hyperæsthesia is that reported by

Bergson, in which a subject who seemed to be reading through the back

of a book held and looked at by the operator, was really proved to be

reading the image of the page reflected on the latter's cornea. The

same subject was able to discriminate with the naked eye details in a

microscopic preparation. Such cases of 'hyperæsthesia of vision' as

that reported by Taguet and Sauvaire, where subjects could see things

mirrored by non-reflecting bodies, or through opaque pasteboard, would

seem rather to belong to 'psychical research', than to the present

category.--The ordinary test of visual hyperacuteness in hypnotism

is the favorite trick of giving a subject the hallucination of a

picture on a blank sheet of card-board, and then mixing the latter

with a lot of other similar sheets. The subject will always find the

picture on the original sheet again, and recognize infallibly if

it has been turned over, or upside down, although the bystanders

have to resort to artifice to identify it again. The Subject notes

peculiarities on the card, too small for waking observation to

detect.[521] If it be said that the spectators guide him by their

manner, their breathing, etc., that is only another proof of his

hyperæsthesia; for he undoubtedly _is_ conscious of subtler personal

indications (of his operator's mental states especially) than he

could notice in his waking state. Examples of this are found in the

so-called 'magnetic _rapport_.' This is a name for the fact that in

deep trance, or in lighter trance whenever the suggestion is made,

the subject is deaf and blind to everyone but the operator or those

spectators to whom the latter expressly awakens his senses. The most

violent appeals from anyone else are for him as if non-existent,

whilst he obeys the faintest signals on the part of his hypnotizer.

If in catalepsy, his limbs will retain their attitude only when the

operator moves them; when others move them they fall down, etc. A more

remarkable fact still is that the patient will often answer anyone

whom his operator touches, or at whom he even points his finger, in

however concealed a manner. All which is rationally explicable by

expectation and suggestion, if only it be farther admitted that his

senses are acutely sharpened for all the operator's movements.[522]

He often shows great anxiety and restlessness if the latter is out

of the room. A favorite experiment of Mr. E. Gurney's was to put the

subject's hands through an opaque screen, and cause the operator

to point at one finger. _That_ finger presently grew insensible or

rigid. A bystander pointing simultaneously at another finger, never

made that insensible or rigid. Of course the elective _rapport_ with

their operator had been developed in these trained subjects during

the hypnotic state, but the phenomenon then occurred in some of them

during the waking state, even when their consciousness was absorbed in

animated conversation with a fourth party.[523] I confess that when I

saw these experiments I was impressed with the necessity for admitting

between the _emanations_ from different people differences for which

we have no name, and a discriminative sensibility for them of the

nature of which we can form no clear conception, but which seems to be

developed in certain subjects by the hypnotic trance.--The enigmatic

reports of the effect of magnets and metals, even if they be due, as

many contend, to unintentional suggestion on the operator's part,

certainly involve hyperæsthetic perception, for the operator seeks as

well as possible to conceal the moment when the magnet is brought into

play, and yet the subject not only finds it out that moment in a way

difficult to understand, but may develop effects which (in the first

instance certainly) the operator did not expect to find. Unilateral

contractures, movements, paralyses, hallucinations, etc., are made to

pass to the other side of the body, hallucinations to disappear, or

to change to the complementary color, suggested emotions to pass into

their opposites, etc. Many Italian observations agree with the French

ones, and the upshot is that if unconscious suggestion lie at the

bottom of this matter, the patients show an enormously exalted power

of divining what it is they are expected to do. This hyperæsthetic

perception is what concerns us now.[524] Its _modus_ cannot yet be said

to be defined.

_Changes in the nutrition of the tissues_ may be produced by

suggestion. These effects lead into therapeutics--a subject which

I do not propose to treat of here. But I may say that there seems

no reasonable ground for doubting that in certain chosen subjects

the suggestion of a congestion, a burn, a blister, a raised papule,

or a bleeding from the nose or skin, may produce the effect.

Messrs. Beaunis, Berjon, Bernheim, Bourru, Burot, Charcot, Delbœuf,

Dumontpallier, Focachon, Forel, Jendrássik, Krafft-Ebing, Liébeault,

Liégeois, Lipp, Mabille, and others have recently vouched for one or

other of these effects. Messrs. Delbœuf and Liégeois have annulled by

suggestion, one the effects of a burn, the other of a blister. Delbœuf

was led to his experiments after seeing a burn on the skin produced

by suggestion, at the Salpétrière, by reasoning that if the idea of

a pain could produce inflammation it must be because pain was itself

an inflammatory irritant, and that the abolition of it from a real

burn ought therefore to entail the absence of inflammation. He applied

the actual cautery (as well as vesicants) to symmetrical places on

the skin, affirming that no pain should be felt on one of the sides.

The result was a dry scorch on that side, with (as he assures me) no

after-mark, but on the other side a regular blister with suppuration

and a subsequent scar. This explains the innocuity of certain assaults

made on subjects during trance. To test simulation, recourse is often

had to sticking pins under their finger-nails or through their tongue,

to inhalations of strong ammonia, and the like. These irritations, when

not felt by the subject, seem to leave no after-consequences. One is

reminded of the reported non-inflammatory character of the wounds made

on themselves by dervishes in their pious orgies. On the other hand,

the reddenings and bleedings of the skin along certain lines, suggested

by tracing lines or pressing objects thereupon, put the accounts handed

down to us of the stigmata of the cross appearing on the hands, feet,

sides, and forehead of certain Catholic mystics in a new light. As so

often happens, a fact is denied until a welcome interpretation comes

with it. Then it is admitted readily enough; and evidence judged quite

insufficient to back a claim, so long as the church had an interest

in making it, proves to be quite sufficient for modern scientific

enlightenment, the moment it appears that a reputed saint can thereby

be classed as 'a case of hystero-epilepsy.'

* * * * *

There remain two other topics, viz., post-hypnotic effects of

suggestion, and effects of suggestion in the waking state.

_Post-hypnotic, or deferred, suggestions_ are such as are given to

the patients during trance, to take effect after waking. They succeed

with a certain number of patients even when the execution is named

for a remote period--months or even a year, in one case reported by

M. Liégeois. In this way one can make the patient feel a pain, or

be paralyzed, or be hungry or thirsty, or have an hallucination,

positive or negative, or perform some fantastic action after emerging

from his trance. The effect in question may be ordered to take place

not immediately, but after an interval of time has elapsed, and the

interval may be left to the subject to measure, or may be marked by

a certain signal. The moment the signal occurs, or the time is run

out, the subject, who until then seems in a perfectly normal waking

condition, will experience the suggested effect. In many instances,

whilst thus obedient to the suggestion, he seems to fall into the

hypnotic condition again. This is proved by the fact that the moment

the hallucination or suggested performance is over he forgets it,

denies all knowledge of it, and so forth; and by the further fact

that he is 'suggestible' during its performance, that is, will

receive new hallucinations, etc., at command. A moment later and this

suggestibility has disappeared. It cannot be said, however, that

relapse into the trance is an absolutely necessary condition for the

post-hypnotic carrying out of commands, for the subject may be neither

suggestible nor amnesic, and may struggle with all the strength of his

will against the absurdity of this impulse which he feels rising in

him, he knows not why. In these cases, as in most cases, he forgets the

circumstance of the impulse having been suggested to him in a previous

trance; regards it as arising within himself; and often improvises, as

he yields to it, some more or less plausible or ingenious motive by

which to justify it to the lookers-on. He acts, in short, with his

usual sense of personal spontaneity and freedom; and the disbelievers

in the freedom of the will have naturally made much of these cases in

their attempts to show it to be an illusion.

The only really mysterious feature of these deferred suggestions is

the patient's absolute ignorance during the interval preceding their

execution that they have been deposited in his mind. They will often

surge up at the preappointed time, even though you have vainly tried a

while before to make him recall the circumstances of their production.

The most important class of post-hypnotic suggestions are, of course,

those relative to the patient's health--bowels, sleep, and other bodily

functions. Among the most _interesting_ (apart from the hallucinations)

are those relative to future trances. One can determine the hour and

minute, or the signal, at which the patient will of his own accord

lapse into trance again. One can make him susceptible in future to

another operator who may have been unsuccessful with him in the past.

Or more important still in certain cases, one can, by suggesting that

certain persons shall never be able hereafter to put him to sleep,

remove him for all future time from hypnotic influences which might

be dangerous. This, indeed, is the simple and natural safeguard

against those 'dangers of hypnotism' of which uninstructed persons

talk so vaguely. A subject who knows himself to be ultra-susceptible

should never allow himself to be entranced by an operator in whose

moral delicacy he lacks complete confidence; and he can use a trusted

operator's suggestions to protect himself against liberties which

others, knowing his weakness, might be tempted to take with him.

The mechanism by which the command is retained until the moment for

its execution arrives is a mystery which has given rise to much

discussion. The experiments of Gurney and the observations of M.

Pierre Janet and others on certain hysterical somnabulists seem to

prove that it is stored up in consciousness; not simply organically

registered, but that _the consciousness which thus retains it is split

off, dissociated from the rest of the subject's mind._ We have here,

in short, an experimental production of one of those 'second' states

of the personality of which we have spoken so often. Only here the

second state coexists as well as alternates with the first. Gurney had

the brilliant idea of _tapping_ this second consciousness by means of

the planchette. He found that certain persons, who were both hypnotic

subjects and automatic writers, would if their hands were placed on

a planchette (after being wakened from a trance in which they had

received the suggestion of something to be done at a later time) write

out unconsciously the order, or something connected with it. This shows

that something inside of them, which could express itself through

the hand alone, was continuing to think of the order, and possibly

of it alone. These researches have opened a new vista of possible

experimental investigations into the so-called 'second' states of the

personality.

Some subjects seem almost as obedient to suggestion in the waking state

as in sleep, or even more so, according to certain observers. Not only

muscular phenomena, but changes of personality and hallucinations are

recorded as the result of simple affirmation on the operator's part,

without the previous ceremony of 'magnetizing' or putting into the

'mesmeric sleep.' These are all trained subjects, however, so far as I

know, and the affirmation must apparently be accompanied by the patient

concentrating his attention and gazing, however briefly, into the eyes

of the operator. It is probable therefore that an extremely rapidly

induced condition of trance is a prerequisite for success in these

experiments.

* * * * *

I have now made mention of all the more important phenomena of the

hypnotic trance. Of their therapeutic or forensic bearings this is

not the proper place to speak. The recent literature of the subject

is quite voluminous, but much of it consists in repetition. The best

compendious work on the subject is 'Der Hypnotismus,' by Dr. A. Moll

(Berlin, 1889; and just translated into English, N. Y., 1890), which

is extraordinarily complete and judicious. The other writings most

recommendable are subjoined in the note.[525] Most of them contain a

historical sketch and much bibliography. A complete bibliography has

been published by M. Dessoir (Berlin, 1888).

* * * * *

[513] It should be said that the methods of leaving the patient to

himself, and that of the simple verbal suggestion of sleep (the

so-called Nancy method introduced by Liébeault of that place), seem,

wherever applicable, to be the best, as they entail none of the

after-inconveniences which occasionally follow upon straining his eyes.

A new patient should not be put through a great variety of different

suggestions in immediate succession. He should be waked up from time to

time, and then rehypnotized to avoid mental confusion and excitement.

Before finally waking a subject you should _undo_ whatever delusive

suggestions you may have implanted in him, by telling him that they

are all gone, etc., and that you are now going to restore him to his

natural state. Headache, languor, etc., which sometimes follow the

first trance or two, must be banished at the outset, by the operator

strongly assuring the subject that such things _never_ come from

hypnotism, that the subject _must not_ have them, etc.

[514] Certain facts would seem to point that way. Cf., e.g., the

case of the man described by P. Despine, Étude Scientifique sur le

Somnambulisme, p. 286 ff.

[515] The state is not _identical_ with sleep, however analogous in

certain respects. The lighter stages of it, particularly, differ

from sleep and dreaming, inasmuch as they are characterized almost

exclusively by _muscular_ inabilities and compulsions, which are not

noted in ordinary somnolescence, and the _mind_, which is confused in

somnolescence, may be quite clearly conscious, in the lighter state of

trance, of all that is going on.

[516] The word 'suggestion' has been bandied about too much as if it

explained all mysteries: When the subject obeys it is by reason of the

'operator's suggestion'; when he proves refractory it is in consequence

of an 'auto-suggestion' which he has made to himself, etc., etc. What

explains everything explains nothing; and it must be remembered that

what _needs_ explanation here is the fact that in a certain condition

of the subject suggestions operate as they do _at no other time_; that

through them functions are affected which ordinarily elude the action

of the waking will; and that usually all this happens in a condition of

which no after-memory remains.

[517] A complete fit of drunkenness may be the consequence of the

suggested champagne. It is even said that real drunkenness has been

cured by suggestion.

[518] The suggested hallucination may be followed by a negative

after-image, just as if it were a real object. This can be very easily

verified with the suggested hallucination of a colored cross on a sheet

of white paper. The subject, on turning to another sheet of paper, will

see a cross of the complementary color. Hallucinations have been shown

by MM. Binet and Féré to be doubled by a prism or mirror, magnified by

a lens, and in many other ways to behave optically like real objects.

These points have been discussed already on p. 138 ff.

[519] M. Liégeois explains the common exhibition-trick of making the

subject unable to get his arms into his coat-sleeves again after he has

taken his coat off, by an anæsthesia to the necessary parts of the coat.

[520] Precautions being taken against differences of temperature and

other grounds of suggestion.

[521] It should be said, however, that the bystander's ability to

discriminate unmarked cards and sheets of paper from each other is much

greater than one would naturally suppose.

[522] I must repeat, however, that we are here on the verge of possibly

unknown forces and modes of communication. Hypnotization at a distance,

with no grounds for expectation on the subject's part that it was to be

tried, seems pretty well established in certain very rare cases. See in

general, for information on these matters, the Proceedings of the Soc.

for Psych. Research, _passim_.

[523] Here again the perception in question must take place below the

threshold of ordinary consciousness, possibly in one of those split-off

selves or 'second' states whose existence we have so often to recognize.

[524] I myself verified many of the above effects of the magnet on a

blindfolded subject on whom I was trying them for the first time, and

whom I believe to have never heard of them before. The moment, however,

an opaque screen was added to the blindfolding, the effects ceased to

coincide with the approximation of the magnet, so that it looks as if

visual perception had been instrumental in producing them. The subject

passed from my observation, so that I never could clear up the mystery.

Of course I gave him consciously no hint of what I was looking for.

[525] Binet and Féré, 'Animal Magnetism,' in the International

Scientific Series; A. Bernheim. 'Suggestive Therapeutics' (N. Y.,

1889); J. Liégeois, 'De la Suggestion' (1889); E. Gurney, two articles

in Mind, vol. ix.--In the recent revival of interest in the history

of this subject, it seems a pity that the admirably critical and

scientific work of Dr. John Kearsley Mitchell of Philadelphia should

remain relatively so unknown. It is quite worthy to rank with Braid's

investigations. See "Five Essays" by the above author, edited by S.

Weir Mitchell, Philadelphia, 1859, pp. 141-274.

CHAPTER XXVIII.

NECESSARY TRUTHS AND THE EFFECTS OF EXPERIENCE.

In this final chapter I shall treat of what has sometimes been called

_psychogenesis_, and try to ascertain just how far the connections

of things in the outward environment can account for our tendency to

think of, and to react upon, certain things in certain ways and in no

others, even though personally we have had of the things in question

no experience, or almost no experience, at all. It is a familiar truth

that some propositions are _necessary_. We _must_ attach the predicate

'equal' to the subject 'opposite sides of a parallelogram' if we think

those terms together at all, whereas we need not in any such way attach

the predicate 'rainy,' for example, to the subject 'to-morrow.' The

dubious sort of coupling of terms is universally admitted to be due to

'experience'; the certain sort is ascribed to the 'organic structure'

of the mind. This structure is in turn supposed by the so-called

_apriorists_ to be of transcendental origin, or at any rate not to

be explicable by experience; whilst by evolutionary empiricists it

is supposed to be also due to experience, only not to the experience

of the individual, but to that of his ancestors as far back as one

may please to go. Our emotional and instinctive tendencies, our

irresistible impulses to couple certain movements with the perception

or thought of certain things, are also features of our connate mental

structure, and like the necessary judgments, are interpreted by the

apriorists and the empiricists in the same warring ways.

I shall try in the course of the chapter to make plain three things:

1) That, taking the word experience as it is universally understood,

the experience of the race can no more account for our necessary or _a

priori_ judgments than the experience of the individual can;

2) That there is no good evidence for the belief that our instinctive

reactions are fruits of our ancestors' education in the midst of the

same environment, transmitted to us at birth.

3) That the features of our organic mental structure cannot be

explained at all by our conscious intercourse with the outer

environment, but must rather be understood as congenital variations,

'accidental'[526] in the first instance, but then transmitted as fixed

features of the race.

On the whole, then, the account which the apriorists give of the

_facts_ is that which I defend; although I should contend (as will

hereafter appear) for a naturalistic view of their _cause_.

* * * * *

The first thing I have to say is that all schools (however they

otherwise differ) must allow that the _elementary qualities_ of cold,

heat, pleasure, pain, red, blue, sound, silence, etc., are original,

innate, or _a priori_ properties of our subjective nature, even though

they should require the touch of experience to waken them into actual

consciousness, and should slumber, to all eternity, without it.

This is so on either of the two hypotheses we may make concerning the

relation of the feelings to the realities at whose touch they become

alive. For in the first place, if a feeling do _not_ mirror the reality

which wakens it and to which we say it corresponds, if it mirror no

reality whatever outside of the mind, it of course is a purely mental

product. By its very definition it can be nothing else. But in the

second place, even if it _do_ mirror the reality exactly, still it _is_

not that reality itself, it is a duplication of it, the result of a

mental reaction. And that the mind should have the power of reacting in

just that duplicate way can only be stated as a _harmony_ between its

nature and the nature of the truth outside of it, a harmony whereby it

follows that the qualities of both parties match.

The originality of these _elements_ is not, then, a question for

dispute. _The warfare of philosophers is exclusively relative to

their_ FORMS OF COMBINATION. The empiricist maintains that these forms

can only follow the order of combination in which the elements were

originally awakened by the impressions of the external world; the

apriorists insist, on the contrary, that _some_ modes of combination,

at any rate, follow from the natures of the elements themselves, and

that no amount of experience can modify this result.

WHAT IS MEANT BY EXPERIENCE?

The phrase 'organic mental structure' names the matter in dispute. Has

the mind such a structure or not? Are its contents _arranged_ from

the start, or is the arrangement they may possess simply due to the

shuffling of them by experience in an absolutely plastic bed? Now the

first thing to make sure of is that when we talk of 'experience,' we

attach a definite meaning to the word. _Experience means experience

of something foreign supposed to impress us,_ whether spontaneously

or in consequence of our own exertions and acts. Impressions, as we

well know, affect certain orders of sequence and coexistence, and the

mind's habits copy the habits of the impressions, so that our images

of things assume a time- and space-arrangement which resembles the

time- and space-arrangements outside. To uniform outer coexistences

and sequences correspond constant conjunctions of ideas, to fortuitous

coexistences and sequences casual conjunctions of ideas. We are sure

that fire will burn and water wet us, less sure that thunder will come

after lightning, not at all sure whether a strange dog will bark at

us or let us go by. In these ways experience moulds us every hour,

and makes of our minds a mirror of the time- and space-connections

between the things in the world. The principle of habit within us so

_fixes_ the copy at last that we find it difficult even to imagine how

the outward order could possibly be different from what it is, and we

continually divine from the present what the future is to be. These

habits of transition, from one thought to another, are features of

mental structure which were lacking in us at birth; we can see their

growth under experience's moulding finger, and we can see how often

experience undoes her own work, and for an earlier order substitutes

a new one. '_The order of experience_,' in this matter of the time-

and space-conjunctions of things, is thus an indisputably _vera causa_

of our forms of thought. It is our educator, our sovereign helper and

friend; and its name, standing for something with so real and definite

a use, ought to be kept sacred and encumbered with no vaguer meaning.

If _all_ the connections among ideas in the mind could be interpreted

as so many combinations of sense-data wrought into fixity in this way

from without, then experience in the common and legitimate sense of the

word would be the sole fashioner of the mind.

The empirical school in psychology has in the main contended that they

can be so interpreted. Before our generation, it was the experience

of the individual only which was meant. But when one nowadays says

that the human mind owes its present shape to experience, he means the

experience of ancestors as well. Mr. Spencer's statement of this is the

earliest emphatic one, and deserves quotation in full:[527]

"The supposition that the inner cohesions are adjusted to the outer

persistences by _accumulated_ experience of those outer persistences

is in harmony with all our actual knowledge of mental phenomena.

Though in so far as reflex actions and instincts are concerned,

the experience-hypothesis seems insufficient; yet its seeming

insufficiency occurs only where the evidence is beyond our reach.

Nay, even here such few facts as we can get point to the conclusion

that automatic psychical connections result from the registration of

_experiences continued for numberless generations_.

"In brief, the case stands thus: It is agreed that all psychical

relations, save the absolutely indissoluble, are determined by

experiences. Their various strengths are admitted, other things equal,

to be proportionate to the _multiplication of experiences_. It is an

unavoidable corollary that an _infinity of experiences_ will produce

a psychical relation that is indissoluble. Though such infinity of

experiences cannot be received by a single individual, yet it may be

received by the succession of individuals forming a race. And if there

is a transmission of induced tendencies in the nervous system, it is

inferrible that _all psychical relations whatever_, from the necessary

to the fortuitous, result from the experiences of the corresponding

external relations; and are so brought into harmony with them.

"Thus, the experience-hypothesis furnishes an adequate solution. The

genesis of instinct, the development of memory and reason out of

it, and the consolidation of rational actions and inferences into

instinctive ones, are alike explicable on the _single principle_

that the cohesion between psychical states is proportionate to the

_frequency_ with which the relation between the answering external

phenomena has been _repeated in experience_.

"The _universal law_ that, other things equal, the cohesion of

psychical states is proportionate to the _frequency_ with which they

have followed one another in experience, supplies an explanation of

the so-called 'forms of thought,' as soon as it is supplemented by

the law that _habitual_ psychical successions entail some hereditary

tendency to such successions, which, under persistent conditions,

will become cumulative in generation after generation. We saw that

the establishment of those compound reflex actions called instincts

is comprehensible on the principle that inner relations are, _by

perpetual repetition,_ organized into correspondence with outer

relations. We have now to observe that the establishment of those

consolidated, those indissoluble, those instinctive mental relations

constituting our ideas of Space and Time is comprehensible on the

same principle. For if even to external relations that are _often_

experienced during the life of a single organism, answering internal

relations are established that become next to automatic--if such a

combination of psychical changes as that which guides a savage in

hitting a bird with an arrow becomes, by constant repetition, so

organized as to be performed almost without thought of the processes

of adjustment gone through--and if skill of this kind is so far

transmissible that particular races of men become characterized by

particular aptitudes, which are nothing else than partially-organized

psychical connections; then, if there exist certain external relations

which are experienced by all organisms at all instants of their

waking lives--relations which are absolutely constant, absolutely

universal--there will be established answering internal relations

that are absolutely constant, absolutely universal. Such relations

we have in those of Space and Time. The organization of subjective

relations adjusted to these objective relations has been cumulative,

not in each race of creatures only, but throughout successive races of

creatures; and such subjective relations have, therefore, become more

consolidated than all others. Being experienced in every perception

and every action of each creature, these connections among outer

existences must, for this reason too, be responded to by connections

among inner feelings, that are, above all others, indissoluble. As

the substrata of all other relations in the _non-ego_, they must

be responded to by conceptions that are the substrata of all other

relations in the _ego_. Being the _constant and infinitely-repeated_

elements of thought, they must become the automatic elements of

thought--the elements of thought which it is impossible to get rid

of--the 'forms of intuition.'

"Such, it seems to me, is the only possible reconciliation between the

experience-hypothesis and the hypothesis of the transcendentalists;

neither of which is tenable by itself. Insurmountable difficulties

are presented by the Kantian doctrine (as we shall hereafter see);

and the antagonist doctrine, taken alone, presents difficulties

that are equally insurmountable. To rest with the unqualified

assertion that, antecedent to experience, the mind is a blank,

is to ignore the questions--whence comes the power of organizing

experiences? whence arise the different degrees of that power

possessed by different races of organisms, and different individuals

of the same race? If, at birth, there exists nothing but a passive

receptivity of impressions, why is not a horse as educable as a man?

Should it be said that language makes the difference, then why do

not the cat and the dog, reared in the same household, arrive at

equal degrees and kinds of intelligence? Understood in its current

form, the experience-hypothesis implies that the presence of a

definitely-organized nervous system is a circumstance of no moment--a

fact not needing to be taken into account! Yet it is the all-important

fact--the fact to which, in one sense, the criticisms of Leibnitz and

others pointed--the fact without which an assimilation of experiences

is inexplicable. Throughout the animal kingdom in general, the actions

are dependent on the nervous structure. The physiologist shows us

that each reflex movement implies the agency of certain nerves and

ganglia; that a development of complicated instincts is accompanied by

complication of the nervous centres and their commissural connections;

that the same creature in different stages, as larva and imago for

example, changes its instincts as its nervous structure changes; and

that as we advance to creatures of high intelligence, a vast increase

in the size and in the complexity of the nervous system takes place.

What is the obvious inference? It is that the ability to co-ordinate

impressions and to perform the appropriate actions always implies

the pre-existence of certain nerves arranged in a certain way. What

is the meaning of the human brain? It is that the many _established_

relations among its parts stand for so many _established_ relations

among the psychical changes. Each of the constant connections

among the fibres of the cerebral masses answers to some _constant

connection_ of phenomena in the experiences of the race. Just as

the organized arrangement subsisting between the sensory nerves of

the nostrils and the motor nerves of the respiratory muscles not

only makes possible a sneeze, but also, in the newly-born infant,

implies sneezings to be hereafter performed; so, all the organized

arrangements subsisting among the nerves of the infant's brain not

only make possible certain combinations of impressions, but also imply

that such combinations will hereafter be made--imply that there are

answering combinations in the outer world--imply a preparedness to

cognize these combinations--imply faculties of comprehending them.

It is true that the resulting compound psychical changes do not take

place with the same readiness and automatic precision as the simple

reflex action instanced--it is true that some individual experiences

seem required to establish them. But while this is partly due to the

fact that these combinations are highly involved, extremely varied in

their modes of occurrence, made up therefore of psychical relations

less completely coherent, and hence need further repetitions to

perfect them; it is in a much greater degree due to the fact that at

birth the organization of the brain is incomplete, and does not cease

its spontaneous progress for twenty or thirty years afterwards. Those

who contend that knowledge results wholly from the experiences of the

individual, ignoring as they do the mental evolution which accompanies

the autogenous development of the nervous system, fall into an error

as great as if they were to ascribe all bodily growth and structure

to exercise, forgetting the innate tendency to assume the adult form.

Were the infant born with a full-sized and completely-constructed

brain, their position would be less untenable. But, as the case

stands, the gradually-increasing intelligence displayed throughout

childhood and youth is more attributable to the completion of the

cerebral organization than to the individual experiences--a truth

proved by the fact that in adult life there is sometimes displayed

a high endowment of some faculty which, during education, was never

brought into play. Doubtless, experiences received by the individual

furnish the concrete materials for all thought. Doubtless, the

organized and semi-organized arrangements existing among the cerebral

nerves can give no knowledge until there has been a presentation of

the external relations to which they correspond. And doubtless the

child's daily observations and reasonings aid the formation of those

involved nervous connections that are in process of spontaneous

evolution; just as its daily gambols aid the development of its

limbs. But saying this is quite a different thing from saying that

its intelligence is wholly _produced_ by its experiences. That is an

utterly inadmissible doctrine--a doctrine which makes the presence of

a brain meaningless--a doctrine which makes idiotcy unaccountable.

"In the sense, then, that there exist in the nervous system certain

pre-established relations answering to relations in the environment,

there is truth in the doctrine of 'forms of intuition'--not the truth

which its defenders suppose, but a parallel truth. Corresponding to

absolute external relations, there are established in the structure

of the nervous system absolute internal relations--relations that

are potentially present before birth in the shape of definite

nervous connections; that are antecedent to, and independent of,

individual experiences; and that are automatically disclosed along

with the first cognitions. And, as here understood, it is not only

these fundamental relations which are thus predetermined, but also

hosts of other relations of a more or less constant kind, which are

congenitally represented by more or less complete nervous connections.

But these predetermined internal relations, though independent of the

experiences of the individual, are not independent of experiences in

general: they have been determined by the experiences of preceding

organisms. The corollary here drawn from the general argument is that

the human brain is an organized register of _infinitely-numerous_

experiences received during the evolution of life, or rather during

the evolution of that series of organisms through which the human

organism has been reached. The effects of the most _uniform and

frequent_ of these experiences have been successively bequeathed,

principal and interest; and have slowly amounted to that high

intelligence which lies latent in the brain of the infant--which the

infant in after-life exercises and perhaps strengthens or further

complicates--and which, with minute additions, it bequeaths to future

generations. And thus it happens that the European inherits from

twenty to thirty cubic inches more brain than the Papuan. Thus it

happens that faculties, as of music, which scarcely exist in some

inferior human races, become congenital in superior ones. Thus it

happens that out of savages unable to count up to the number of their

fingers, and speaking a language containing only nouns and verbs,

arise at length our Newtons and Shakspeares."

This is a brilliant and seductive statement, and it doubtless includes

a good deal of truth. Unfortunately it fails to go into details; and

when the details are scrutinized, as they soon must be by us, many

of them will be seen to be inexplicable in this simple way, and the

choice will then remain to us either of denying the experiential origin

of certain of our judgments, or of enlarging the meaning of the word

experience so as to include these cases among its effects.

TWO MODES OF ORIGIN OF BRAIN STRUCTURE.

If we adopt the former course we meet with a controversial difficulty.

The 'experience-philosophy' has from time immemorial been the

opponent of theological modes of thought. The word experience has

a halo of anti-supernaturalism about it; so that if anyone express

dissatisfaction with any function claimed for it, he is liable to be

treated as if he could only be animated by loyalty to the catechism,

or in some way have the interests of obscurantism at heart. I am

entirely certain that, on this ground alone, what I have erelong to

say will make this a sealed chapter to many of my readers. "He denies

experience!" they will exclaim, "denies science; believes the mind

created by miracle; is a regular old partisan of innate ideas! That is

enough! we'll listen to such antediluvian twaddle no more." Regrettable

as is the loss of readers capable of such wholesale discipleship, I

feel that a definite meaning for the word experience is even more

important than their company. 'Experience' does not mean every natural,

as opposed to every supernatural, cause. It means a particular sort

of natural agency, alongside of which other more recondite natural

agencies may perfectly well exist. With the scientific animus of

anti-supernaturalism we ought to agree, but we ought to free ourselves

from its verbal idols and bugbears.

* * * * *

Nature has many methods of producing the same effect. She may make a

'born' draughtsman or singer by tipping in a certain direction at an

opportune moment the molecules of some human ovum; or she may bring

forth a child ungifted and make him spend laborious but successful

years at school. She may make our ears ring by the sound of a bell,

or by a dose of quinine; make us see yellow by spreading a field of

buttercups before our eyes, or by mixing a little santonine powder with

our food; fill us with terror of certain surroundings by making them

really dangerous, or by a blow which produces a pathological alteration

of our brain. It is obvious that we need two words to designate these

two modes of operating. _In the one case the natural agents produce

perceptions which take cognizance of the agents themselves; in the

other case, they produce perceptions which take cognizance of something

else._ What is taught to the mind by the 'experience,' in the first

case, is the _order of the experience itself_--the 'inner relation' (in

Spencer's phrase) 'corresponds' to the 'outer relation' which produced

it, by remembering and knowing the latter. But in the case of the

_other_ sort of natural agency, what is taught to the mind has nothing

to do with the agency itself, but with some different outer relation

altogether. A diagram will express the alternatives. B stands for our

human brain in the midst of the world. All the little _o_'s with arrows

proceeding from them are natural objects (like sunsets, etc.), which

impress it through the senses, and in the strict sense of the word give

it _experience_, teaching it by habit and association what is the order

of their ways. All the little _x_'s inside the brain and all the little

_x's_ outside of it are other natural objects and processes (in the

ovum, in the blood, etc.), which equally modify the brain, but mould

it to no cognition of _themselves_. The _tinnitus aurium_ discloses no

properties of the quinine; the musical endowment teaches no embryology;

the morbid dread (of solitude, perhaps) no brain-pathology; but the way

in which a dirty sunset and a rainy morrow hang together in the mind

copies and teaches the sequences of sunsets and rainfall in the outer

world.

[Illustration: FIG. 94.]

In zoological evolution we have two modes in which an animal race may

grow to be a better match for its environment.

First, the so-called way of 'adaptation,' in which the environment may

itself modify its inhabitant by exercising, hardening, and habituating

him to certain sequences, and these habits may, it is often maintained,

become hereditary.

Second, the way of 'accidental variation,' as Mr. Darwin termed it,

in which certain young are born with peculiarities that help them and

their progeny to survive. That variations of _this_ sort tend to become

hereditary, no one doubts.

The first mode is called by Mr. Spencer direct, the second indirect,

equilibration. Both equilibrations must of course be natural and

physical processes, but they belong to entirely different physical

spheres. The direct influences are obvious and accessible things. The

causes of variation in the young are, on the other hand, molecular

and hidden. The direct influences are the animal's 'experiences,' in

the widest sense of the term. Where what is influenced by them is the

_mental_ organism, they are _conscious_ experiences, and become the

_objects_ as well as the causes of their effects. That is, the effect

consists in a tendency of the experience itself to be remembered, or

to have its elements thereafter coupled in imagination just as they

were coupled in the experience. In the diagram these experiences

are represented by the _o_'s exclusively. The _x_'s, on the other

hand, stand for the indirect causes of mental modification--causes

of which we are not immediately conscious as such, and which are not

the direct _objects_ of the effects they produce. Some of them are

molecular accidents before birth; some of them are collateral and

remote combinations, unintended combinations, one might say, of more

direct effects wrought in the unstable and intricate brain-tissue. Such

a result is unquestionably the susceptibility to music, which some

individuals possess at the present day. It has no zoological utility;

it corresponds to no object in the natural environment; it is a pure

_incident_ of having a hearing organ, an incident depending on such

instable and inessential conditions that one brother may have it and

another brother not. Just so with the susceptibility to sea-sickness,

which, so far from being engendered by long experience of its 'object'

(if a heaving deck can be called its object) is erelong annulled

thereby. Our higher æsthetic, moral, and intellectual life seems made

up of affections of this collateral and incidental sort, which have

entered the mind by the back stairs, as it were, or rather have not

entered the mind at all, but got surreptitiously born in the house. No

one can successfully treat of psychogenesis, or the factors of mental

evolution, without distinguishing between these two ways in which the

mind is assailed. The way of 'experience' proper is the front door,

the door of the five senses. The agents which affect the brain in this

way immediately become the mind's _objects_. The other agents do not.

It would be simply silly to say of two men with perhaps equal effective

skill in drawing, one an untaught natural genius, the other a mere

obstinate plodder in the studio, that both alike owe their skill to

their 'experience.' The reasons of their several skills lie in wholly

disparate natural cycles of causation.[528]

_I will then,_ with the reader's permission, _restrict the

word 'experience' to processes which influence the mind by the

front-door-way of simple habits and association._ What the

back-door-effects may be will probably grow clearer as we proceed; so

I will pass right on to a scrutiny of the actual mental structure which

we find.

THE GENESIS OF THE ELEMENTARY MENTAL CATEGORIES.

We find: 1. Elementary sorts of sensation, and feelings of personal

activity;

2. Emotions; desires; instincts; ideas of worth; æsthetic ideas;

3. Ideas of time and space and number;

4. Ideas of difference and resemblance, and of their degrees.

5. Ideas of causal dependence among events; of end and means; of

subject and attribute.

6. Judgments affirming, denying, doubting, supposing any of the above

ideas.

7. Judgments that the former judgments logically involve, exclude, or

are indifferent to, each other.

Now we may postulate at the outset that all these forms of thought have

a _natural_ origin, if we could only get at it. That assumption must

be made at the outset of every scientific investigation, or there is

no temptation to proceed. But the first account of their origin which

we are likely to hit upon is a snare. All these mental affections are

ways of knowing objects. Most psychologists nowadays believe that the

objects first, in some natural way, engendered a brain from out of

their midst, and then imprinted these various cognitive affections

upon it. But how? The ordinary evolutionist answer to this question

is exceedingly simple-minded. The idea of most speculators seems to

be that, since it suffices _now_ for us to become acquainted with a

complex object, that it should be simply _present_ to us often enough,

so it must be fair to assume universally that, with time enough

given, the _mere presence_ of the various objects and relations to

be known must end by bringing about the latter's cognition, and that

in this way all mental structure was from first to last evolved. Any

ordinary Spencerite will tell you that just as the experience of blue

objects wrought into our mind the color blue, and hard objects got it

to feel hardness, so the presence of large and small objects in the

world gave it the notion of size, moving objects made it aware of

motion, and objective successions taught it time. Similarly in a world

with different impressing things, the mind had to acquire a sense of

difference, whilst the like parts of the world as they fell upon it

kindled in it the perception of similarity. Outward sequences which

sometimes held good, and sometimes failed, naturally engendered in it

doubtful and uncertain forms of expectation, and ultimately gave rise

to the disjunctive forms of judgment; whilst the hypothetic form, 'if

_a_, then _b_,' was sure to ensue from sequences that were invariable

in the outer world. On this view, if the outer order suddenly were

to change its elements and modes, we should have no faculties to

cognize the new order by. At most we should feel a sort of frustration

and confusion. But little by little the new presence would work on

us as the old one did; and in course of time another set of psychic

categories would arise, fitted to take cognizance of the altered world.

This notion of the outer world inevitably building up a sort of mental

duplicate of itself if we only give it time, is so easy and natural in

its vagueness that one hardly knows how to start to criticise it. One

thing, however, is obvious, namely that _the manner in which we now

become acquainted with complex objects need not in the least resemble

the manner in which the original elements of our consciousness grew

up._ Now, it is true, a new sort of animal need only be present to me,

to impress its image permanently on my mind; but this is because I am

already in possession of categories for knowing each and all of its

several attributes, and of a memory for retracing the order of their

conjunction. I now have preformed categories for all possible objects.

The objects need only awaken these from their slumber. But it is a very

different matter to account for the categories themselves. I think we

must admit that the origin of the various elementary feelings is a

recondite history, even after some sort of neural tissue is there for

the outer world to begin its work on. The mere existence of things

to be known is even now not, as a rule, sufficient to bring about a

knowledge of them. Our abstract and general discoveries usually come

to us as lucky fancies: and it is only _après coup_ that we find that

they correspond to some reality. What immediately produced them were

previous thoughts, with which, and with the brain-processes of which,

that reality had naught to do.

Why may it not have been so of the original elements of consciousness,

sensation, time, space, resemblance, difference, and other relations?

Why may they not have come into being by the back-door method, by such

physical processes as lie more in the sphere of morphological accident,

of inward summation of effects, than in that of the 'sensible presence'

of objects? Why may they not, in short, be pure _idiosyncrasies_,

spontaneous variations, fitted by good luck (those of them which have

survived) to take cognizance of objects (that is, to steer us in our

active dealings with them), without being in any intelligible sense

immediate derivatives from them? I think we shall find this view gain

more and more plausibility as we proceed.[529]

All these elements are subjective duplicates of outer objects. They

_are_ not the outer objects. The secondary qualities among them are

not supposed by any educated person even to resemble the objects.

Their _nature_ depends more on the reacting brain than on the stimuli

which touch it off. This is even more palpably true of the natures of

pleasure and pain, effort, desire and aversion, and of such feelings

as those of cause and substance, of denial and of doubt. Here then is

a native wealth of inner forms whose origin is shrouded in mystery,

and which at any rate were not simply 'impressed' from without, in any

intelligible sense of the verb 'to impress.'

* * * * *

Their _time- and space-relations_, however, _are_ impressed from

without--for two outer things at least the evolutionary psychologist

must believe to resemble our thoughts of them, these are the time and

space in which the objects lie. _The time- and space-relations between

things do stamp copies of themselves within._ Things juxtaposed in

space impress us, continue to be thought of _as_ thus juxtaposed.

Things sequent in time impress their sequence on our memory. And thus,

through experience in the legitimate sense of the word there can be

truly explained an immense number of our mental habitudes, many of

our abstract beliefs, and all our ideas of concrete things, and of

their ways of behavior. Such truths as that fire burns and water

wets, that glass refracts, heat melts snow, fishes live in water and

die on land, and the like, form no small part of the most refined

education, and are the all-in-all of education amongst the brutes and

lowest men. Here the mind is passive and tributary, a servile copy,

fatally and unresistingly fashioned from without. It is the merit of

the associationist school to have seen the wide scope of these effects

of neighborhood in time and space; and their exaggerated applications

of the principle of mere neighborhood ought not to blind us to the

excellent service it has done to Psychology in their hands. As far

as a large part of our thinking goes, then, it can intelligibly be

formulated as a mere lot of _habits_ impressed upon us from without.

The degree of cohesion of our inner relations, is, in this part of

our thinking, proportionate, in Mr. Spencer's phrase, to the degree

of cohesion of the outer relations; the causes and the objects of our

thought are one; and we are, in so far forth, what the materialistic

evolutionists would have us altogether, mere offshoots and creatures of

our environment, and naught besides.[530]

But now the plot thickens, for the images impressed upon our memory

by the outer stimuli are not restricted to the mere time- and

space-relations, in which they originally came, but revive in various

manners (dependent on the intricacy of the brain-paths and the

instability of the tissue thereof), and form secondary combinations

such as the _forms of judgment_, which, taken _per se_, are not

congruent either with the forms in which reality exists or in those in

which experiences befall us, but which may nevertheless be explained

by the way in which experiences befall in a mind gifted with memory,

expectation, and the possibility of feeling doubt, curiosity, belief,

and denial. The conjunctions of experience befall more or less

invariably, variably, or never. The idea of one term will then engender

a fixed, a wavering, or a negative expectation of another, giving

affirmative, the hypothetical, disjunctive, interrogative, and negative

judgments, and judgments of actuality and possibility about certain

things. The separation of attribute from subject in all judgments

(which violates the way in which nature exists) may be similarly

explained by the piecemeal order in which our perceptions come to us,

a vague nucleus growing gradually more detailed as we attend to it

more and more. These particular secondary mental forms have had ample

justice done them by associationists from Hume downwards.

Associationists have also sought to account for discrimination,

abstraction, and generalization by the rates of frequency in which

attributes come to us conjoined. With much less success, I think. In

the chapter on Discrimination, I have, under the "law of dissociation

by varying concomitants," sought to explain as much as possible by the

passive order of experience. But the reader saw how much was left for

active interest and unknown forces to do. In the chapter on Imagination

I have similarly striven to do justice to the 'blended image' theory of

generalization and abstraction. So I need say no more of these matters

here.

THE GENESIS OF THE NATURAL SCIENCES.

Our 'scientific' ways of thinking the outer reality are highly abstract

ways. The essence of things for science is not to be what they seem,

but to be atoms and molecules moving to and from each other according

to strange laws. Nowhere does the account of inner relations produced

by outer ones in proportion to the frequency with which the latter have

been met, more egregiously break down than in the case of scientific

conceptions. The order of scientific thought is quite incongruent

either with the way in which reality exists or with the way in which

it comes before us. Scientific thought goes by selection and emphasis

exclusively. We break the solid plenitude of fact into separate

essences, conceive generally what only exists particularly, and by

our classifications leave nothing in its natural neighborhood, but

separate the contiguous, and join what the poles divorce. The reality

_exists_ as a _plenum_. All its parts are contemporaneous, each is as

real as any other, and each as essential for making the whole just what

it is and nothing else. But we can neither experience nor think this

_plenum_. What we experience, what _comes before us_, is a chaos of

fragmentary impressions interrupting each other;[531] what we _think_

is an abstract system of hypothetical data and laws.[532]

This sort of scientific algebra, little as it immediately resembles

the reality given to us, turns out (strangely enough) applicable

to it. That is, it yields expressions which, at given places and

times, can be translated into real values, or interpreted as definite

portions of the chaos that falls upon our sense. It becomes thus a

practical guide to our expectations as well as a theoretic delight.

But I do not see how any one with a sense for the facts can possibly

call our systems immediate results of 'experience' in the ordinary

sense. Every scientific conception is in the first instance a

'spontaneous variation' in some one's brain.[533] For one that proves

useful and applicable there are a thousand that perish through their

worthlessness. Their genesis is strictly akin to that of the flashes

of poetry and sallies of wit to which the instable brain-paths equally

give rise. But whereas the poetry and wit (like the science of the

ancients) are their 'own excuse for being,' and have to run the

gauntlet of no farther test, the 'scientific' conceptions must prove

their worth by being 'verified.' This test, however, is the cause of

their _preservation_, not that of their production; and one might as

well account for the origin of Artemus Ward's jokes by the 'cohesion'

of subjects with predicates in proportion to the 'persistence of the

outer relations' to which they 'correspond' as to treat the genesis of

scientific conceptions in the same ponderously unreal way.

The most persistent outer relations which science believes in are never

matters of experience at all, but have to be disengaged from under

experience by a process of elimination, that is, by ignoring conditions

which are always present. The _elementary_ laws of mechanics, physics,

and chemistry are all of this sort. The principle of uniformity in

nature is of this sort; it has to be _sought_ under and in spite of

the most rebellious appearances; and our conviction of its truth is

far more like a religious faith than like assent to a demonstration.

The only cohesions which experience in the literal sense of the

word produces in our mind are, as we contended some time back, the

proximate laws of nature, and habitudes of concrete things, that heat

melts ice, that salt preserves meat, that fish die out of water, and

the like.[534] Such 'empirical truths' as these we admitted to form

an enormous part of human wisdom. The 'scientific' truths have to

harmonize with these truths, or be given up as useless; but they arise

in the mind in no such passive associative way as that in which the

simpler truths arise. Even those experiences which are used to prove a

scientific truth are for the most part artificial experiences of the

laboratory gained after the truth itself has been conjectured. Instead

of experiences engendering the 'inner relations,' the inner relations

are what engender the experiences here.

What happens in the brain after experience has done its utmost is what

happens in every material mass which has been fashioned by an outward

force,--in every pudding or mortar, for example, which I may make

with my hands. The fashioning from without brings the elements into

collocations which set new internal forces free to exert their effects

in turn. And the random irradiations and resettlements of our ideas,

which _supervene upon experience_, and constitute our free mental

play, are due entirely to these secondary internal processes, which

vary enormously from brain to brain, even though the brains be exposed

to exactly the same 'outer relations.' The higher thought-processes

owe their being to causes which correspond far more to the sourings

and fermentations of dough, the setting of mortar, or the subsidence

of sediments in mixtures, than to the manipulations by which these

physical aggregates came to be compounded. Our study of similar

association and reasoning taught us that the whole superiority of man

depended on the facility with which in his brain the paths worn by the

most frequent outer cohesions could be ruptured. The causes of the

instability, the reasons why now this point and now that become in him

the seat of rupture, we saw to be entirely obscure. (Vol. I. p. 580;

Vol. II. p. 364.) The only clear thing about the peculiarity seems to

be its interstitial character, and the certainty that no mere appeal to

man's 'experience' suffices to explain it.

When we pass from scientific to æsthetic and ethical systems, every one

readily admits that, although the elements are matters of experience,

the peculiar forms of relation into which they are woven are

incongruent with the order of passively received experience. The world

of æsthetics and ethics is an ideal world, a Utopia, a world which the

outer relations persist in contradicting, but which we as stubbornly

persist in striving to make actual. Why do we thus invincibly crave

to alter the given order of nature? Simply because other relations

among things are far more interesting to us and more charming than

the mere rates of frequency of their time- and space-conjunctions.

These other relations are all secondary and brain-born, 'spontaneous

variations' most of them, of our sensibility, whereby certain elements

of experience, and certain arrangements in time and space, have

acquired an agreeableness which otherwise would not have been felt.

It is true that habitual arrangements may also become agreeable. But

this agreeableness of the merely habitual is felt to be a mere ape and

counterfeit of real inward fitness; and one sign of intelligence is

never to mistake the one for the other.

_There are then ideal and inward relations amongst the objects of our

thought which can in no intelligible sense whatever be interpreted

as reproductions of the order of outer experience._ In the æsthetic

and ethical realms they conflict with its order--the early Christian

with his kingdom of heaven, and the contemporary anarchist with his

abstract dream of justice, will tell you that the existing order

must perish, root and branch, ere the true order can come. Now the

peculiarity of those relations among the objects of our thought which

are dubbed 'scientific' is this, that although they no more are inward

_reproductions_ of the outer order than the ethical and æsthetic

relations are, yet they do not conflict with that order, but, once

having sprung up by the play of the inward forces, are found--some

of them at least, namely the only ones which have survived long

enough to be matters of record--to be _congruent_ with the time- and

space-relations which our impressions affect.

In other words, though nature's materials lend themselves slowly and

discouragingly to our translation of them into ethical forms, but more

readily into æsthetic forms; to translation into scientific forms they

lend themselves with relative ease and completeness. The translation,

it is true, will probably never be ended. The perceptive order does

not give way, nor the right conceptive substitute for it arise, at our

bare word of command.[535] It is often a deadly fight; and many a man

of science can say, like Johannes Müller, after an investigation, '_Es

klebt Blut an der Arbeit_.' But victory after victory makes us sure

that the essential doom of our enemy is defeat.[536]

THE GENESIS OF THE PURE SCIENCES.

I have now stated in general terms the relation of the natural sciences

to experience strictly so called, and shall complete what I have to say

by reverting to the subject on a later page. At present I will pass to

the so-called _pure_ or _a priori sciences_ of Classification, Logic,

and Mathematics. My thesis concerning these is that they are even less

than the natural sciences effects of the order of the world as it comes

to our experience. THE PURE SCIENCES EXPRESS RESULTS OF COMPARISON

_exclusively; comparison is not a conceivable effect of the order in

which outer impressions are experienced--it is one of the house-born_

(p. 627) _portions of our mental structure; therefore the pure

sciences form a body of propositions with whose genesis experience has

nothing to do._

* * * * *

First, consider the nature of comparison. _The relations of resemblance

and difference among things have nothing to do with the time- and

space-order in which we may experience the latter._ Suppose a hundred

beings created by God and gifted with the faculties of memory and

comparison. Suppose that upon each of them the same lot of sensations

are imprinted, but in different orders. Let some of them have no

single sensation more than once. Let some have this one and others

that one repeated. Let every conceivable permutation prevail. And then

let the magic-lantern show die out, and keep the creatures in a void

eternity, with naught but their memories to muse upon. Inevitably in

their long leisure they will begin to play with the items of their

experience and rearrange them, make classificatory series of them,

place gray between white and black, orange between red and yellow, and

trace all other degrees of resemblance and difference. And this new

construction will be absolutely identical in all the hundred creatures,

the diversity of the sequence of the original experiences having no

effect as regards this rearrangement. Any and every form of sequence

will give the same result, because the result expresses the relation

between the _inward natures_ of the sensations; and to that the

question of their outward succession is quite irrelevant. Black will

differ from white just as much in a world in which they always come

close together as in one in which they always come far apart; just as

much in one in which they appear rarely as in one in which they appear

all the time.

* * * * *

But the advocate of 'persistent outer relations' may still return to

the charge: These _are_ what make us so sure that white and black

differ, he may say; for in a world where sometimes black resembled

white and sometimes differed from it, we could never be so sure. It

is because in this world black and white have _always_ differed that

the sense of their difference has become a necessary form of thought.

The pair of colors on the one hand and the sense of difference on

the other, inseparably experienced, not only by ourselves but by

our ancestors, have become inseparably connected in the mind. Not

through any essential structure of the mind, which made difference

the only possible feeling which they could arouse; no, but because

they simply _did_ differ so often that at last they begat in us an

impotency to imagine them doing anything else, and made us accept such

a fabulous account as that just presented, of creatures to whom a

single experience would suffice to make us feel the necessity of this

relation.

I know not whether Mr. Spencer would subscribe to this or not;--nor do

I care, for there are mysteries which press more for solution than the

meaning of this vague writer's words. But to me such an explanation of

our difference-judgment is absolutely unintelligible. We now find black

and white different, the explanation says, _because we have always have

so found them._ But why should we always have so found them? Why should

difference have popped into our heads so invariably with the thought of

them? There must have been either a subjective or an objective reason.

The subjective reason can only be that our minds were so constructed

that a sense of difference was the only sort of conscious transition

possible between black and white; the objective reason can only be

that difference was always there, with these colors, outside the mind

as an objective fact. The subjective reason explains outer frequency

by inward structure, not inward structure by outer frequency; and so

surrenders the experience-theory. The objective reason simply says that

if an outer difference is there the mind must needs know it--which is

no explanation at all, but a mere appeal to the fact that somehow the

mind does know what is there.

The only clear thing to do is to give up the sham of a pretended

explanation, and to fall back on the fact that the sense of difference

_has_ arisen, in some natural manner doubtless, but in a manner which

we do not understand. It was by the back-stairs way, at all events;

and, from the very first, happened to be the only mode of reaction

by which consciousness could feel the transition from one term to

another of what (in _consequence_ of this very reaction) we now call a

contrasted pair.

* * * * *

In noticing the differences and resemblances of things, and their

degrees, the mind feels its own activity, and has given the name

of _comparison_ thereto. It need not compare its materials, but if

once roused to do so, it can compare them with but one result, and

this a fixed consequence of the nature of the materials themselves.

Difference and resemblance are thus relations between ideal objects, or

conceptions as such. To learn whether black and white differ, I need

not consult the world of experience at all; the mere ideas suffice.

_What I mean_ by black differs from _what I mean_ by white, whether

such colors exist _extra mentem meam_ or not. If they ever do so exist,

they _will_ differ. White things may blacken, but the black of them

will differ from the white of them, so long as I mean anything definite

by these three words.[537]

* * * * *

_I shall now in what follows call all propositions which express time-

and space-relations empirical propositions; and I shall give the name

of rational propositions to all propositions which express the results

of a comparison._ The latter denomination is in a sense arbitrary, for

resemblance and difference are not usually held to be the only rational

relations between things. I will next proceed to show, however, how

many other rational relations commonly supposed distinct can be

resolved into these, so that my definition of rational propositions

will end, I trust, by proving less arbitrary than it now appears to be.

SERIES OF EVEN DIFFERENCE AND MEDIATE COMPARISON.

In Chapter XII we saw that the mind can at successive moments _mean

the same_, and that it gradually comes into possession of a stock of

permanent and fixed meanings, ideal objects, or conceptions, some of

which are universal qualities, like the black and white of our example,

and some, individual things. We now see that not only are the objects

permanent mental possessions, but the results of their comparison are

permanent too. The objects and their differences together form an

immutable system. _The same objects, compared in the same way, always

give the same results;_ if the result be not the same, then the

objects are not those originally meant.

This last principle, which we may call the _axiom of constant result_,

holds good throughout all our mental operations, not only when we

compare, but when we add, divide, class, or infer a given matter in

any conceivable way. Its most general expression would be "_the Same

operated on in the same way gives the Same_." In mathematics it takes

the form of "equals added to, or subtracted from, equals give equals,"

and the like. We shall meet with it again.

The next thing which we observe is that _the operation of comparing may

be repeated on its own results_; in other words, that we can think of

the various resemblances and differences which we find and compare them

with each other, making differences and resemblances of a higher order.

_The mind thus becomes aware of sets of similar differences, and forms

series of terms with the same kind and amount of difference between

them, terms which, as they succeed each other, maintain a constant

direction of serial increase._ This sense of constant direction in a

series of operations we saw in Chapter XIII (p. 490) to be a cardinal

mental fact. "A differs from B differs from C differs from D, etc.,"

makes a _series_ only when the differences are in the same direction.

In any such difference-series all terms differ in just the same way

from their predecessors. The numbers 1, 2, 3, 4, 5,... the notes of the

chromatic scale in music, are familiar examples. As soon as the mind

grasps such a series as a whole, it perceives that _two terms taken far

apart differ more than two terms taken near together_, and that any one

term differs more from a remote than from a near successor, and this no

matter what the terms may be, or what the sort of difference may be,

provided it is always the same sort.

This PRINCIPLE OF MEDIATE COMPARISON might be briefly (though

obscurely) expressed by the formula "_more than the more is more than

the less_"--the words _more_ and _less_ standing simply for degrees

of increase along a constant direction of differences. Such a formula

would cover all possible cases, as, earlier than early is earlier than

late, worse than bad is worse than good, east of east is east of west;

etc., etc., _ad libitum_.[538] Symbolically, we might write it as _a_

< _b_ < _c_ < _d_.... and say that any number of intermediaries may be

expunged without obliging us to alter anything in what remains written.

The principle of mediate comparison is only one form of a law which

holds in many series of homogeneously related terms, the law that

_skipping intermediary terms leaves relations the same_. This AXIOM

OF SKIPPED INTERMEDIARIES or of TRANSFERRED RELATIONS occurs, as we

soon shall see, in logic as the fundamental principle of inference,

in arithmetic as the fundamental property of the number-series, in

geometry as that of the straight line, the plane and the parallel. _It

seems to be on the whole the broadest and deepest law of man's thought._

In certain lists of terms the result of comparison may be to find

no-difference, or equality in place of difference. Here also

intermediaries may be skipped, and mediate comparison be carried on

with the general result expressed by the _axiom of mediate equality_,

"equals of equals are equal," which is the great principle of the

mathematical sciences. This too as a result of the mind's mere

acuteness, and in utter independence of the order in which experiences

come associated together. Symbolically, again: _a = b = c = d...,_ with

the same consequence as regards expunging terms which we saw before.

CLASSIFICATORY SERIES.

Thus we have a rather intricate system of necessary and immutable

_ideal truths of comparison_, a system applicable to terms

_experienced_ in any order of sequence or frequency, or even to

terms never experienced or to be experienced, such as the mind's

imaginary constructions would be. These truths of comparison result in

_Classifications_. It is, for some unknown reason, a great æsthetic

delight for the mind to break the order of experience, and class its

materials in serial orders, proceeding from step to step of difference,

and to contemplate untiringly the crossings and inosculations of the

series among themselves. The first steps in most of the sciences are

purely classificatory. Where facts fall easily into rich and intricate

series (as plants and animals and chemical compounds do), the mere

sight of the series fills the mind with a satisfaction _sui generis_;

and a world whose _real_ materials naturally lend themselves to serial

classification is _pro tanto_ a more rational world, a world with which

the mind will feel more intimate, than with a world in which they do

not. By the pre-evolutionary naturalists, whose generation has hardly

passed away, classifications were supposed to be ultimate insights

into God's mind, filling us with adoration of his ways. The fact that

Nature lets us make them was a proof of the presence of his Thought

in her bosom. So far as the facts of experience can _not_ be serially

classified, therefore, so far experience fails to be rational in _one_

of the ways, at least, which we crave.

THE LOGIC-SERIES.

Closely akin to the function of comparison is that of _judging,

predicating, or subsuming_. In fact, these elementary intellectual

functions run into each other so, that it is often only a question of

practical convenience whether we shall call a given mental operation

by the name of one or of the other. Comparisons result in groups of

like things; and presently (through discrimination and abstraction)

in conceptions of the _respects_ in which the likenesses obtain. The

groups are _genera_ or _classes_, the respects are _characters_ or

_attributes_. The attributes again may be compared, forming genera of

higher orders, and their characters singled out; so that we have a new

sort of series, _that of predication, or of kind including kind_. Thus

horses are quadrupeds, quadrupeds animals, animals machines, machines

liable to wear out, etc. In such a series as this the several couplings

of terms may have been made out originally at widely different times

and under different circumstances. But memory may bring them together

afterwards; and whenever it does so, our faculty of apprehending serial

increase makes us conscious of them as a single system of successive

terms united by the same relation.[539]

The Principles of Psychology, Volume 2 (of 2) · 第 24 / 25 章