PUBLICATIONS
OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA
AMERICANA GERMANICA
NEW SERIES
MONOGRAPHS DEVOTED TO THE COMPARATIVE
STUDY OF THE
Literary, Linguistic and Other Cultural Relations
OF
Germany and America
OFFICIAL PUBLICATION
OF THE
INSTITUTION OF GERMAN AMERICAN RESEARCH
MARION DEXTER LEARNED, DIRECTOR
University of Pennsylvania
AMERICANA GERMANICA
NEW SERIES
1. _Translations of German Poetry in American
Magazines 1741-1810._ By Edward Ziegler
Davis, Ph. D. 5 p. l., 229 pp. Price $1.65
2. _The Harmony Society._ A Chapter in German
American Culture History. By
John Archibald Bole, Ph. D. 3 p. p.,
176 pp. 30 Illustrations. Price $1.50
3. _Friedrich Schiller in America._ A Contribution
to the Literature of the Poet’s
Centenary, 1905. By Ellwood Comly
Parry, Ph. D. 1 p. p., 116 pp. Price $1.25
4. _The Influence of Salomon Gessner Upon
English Literature._ By Bertha Reed.
1 p. p., 118 pp. Price $1.25
5. _The German Settlement Society of Philadelphia
and its Colony, Hermann, Missouri._
By William G. Bek. P.p. xi, 182 pp. Price $1.50
6. _Philipp Waldeck’s Diary of the American
Revolution._ With Introduction and Photographic
Reproductions. By M. D.
Learned. 168 pp. Price $1.50
7. _Schwenkfelder Hymnology and the Sources
of the First Schwenkfelder Hymn-Book
Printed in America._ With Photographic
Reproductions. By Allen Anders Seipt,
Ph. D. 112 pp. Price $2.00
8. _The Settlement of the German Coast of
Louisiana and the Creoles of German
Descent._ By J. Hanno Deiler. 135 pp.
Price $1.25
9. _Early German Music in Philadelphia._ By
R. R. Drummond. 88 pp. Price $1.00
Early German Music in
Philadelphia
Robert Rutherford Drummond, Ph. D.
_Sometime Harrison Fellow in Germanics at the University of
Pennsylvania; Instructor in German at the University of Maine_
UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA
D. APPLETON & COMPANY
PUBLISHING AGENTS
NEW YORK
1910
COPYRIGHTED BY ROBERT R. DRUMMOND
1910
BANGOR, MAINE
BANGOR CO-OPERATIVE PRINTING COMPANY
1910
TO MY PARENTS
FOREWORD
In this book I have sought to give a glimpse of the musical life of
Philadelphia during the 18th Century, laying especial stress on the
secular music, and considering principally the German music produced
and performed, and emphasizing the high standard of musical taste at
this time.
While confining myself to secular music, I thought it necessary in
the first period to treat somewhat in detail the religious music,
especially as the religious music was of more importance in the first
half century than the secular music. So, too, I have gone into detail
somewhat more in the first two periods than in the last, because these
periods have not been so thoroughly investigated as the last period
has. It may be objected by some, that I have not adequately considered
the concert life of the last period. To these I would say that this
period has been fully covered by O. G. Sonneck in his “Early Concert
Life” in such a manner that I, at least, could not improve upon it.
It is hoped that this book may help to correct the false impression,
that musical taste in America in the 18th century was an unknown
quantity.
* * * * *
This study was undertaken at the suggestion of Prof. Marion D. Learned
and to him I am especially grateful for aid and encouragement in
preparing the work. To O. G. Sonneck of the Library of Congress I am
greatly indebted not only for material found in his books on early
American music, but also for his extreme kindness in placing at my
disposal unpublished material. His suggestions and encouragement have
been of great help to me. I wish to acknowledge here the courtesy
extended to me by the officers and attendants of the Pennsylvania
Historical Society and the Library of University of Pennsylvania and
also the aid given to me by various friends.
This Study was submitted in partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for
the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, at the University of Pennsylvania,
1909.
ROBERT R. DRUMMOND.
Bangor, Me. Sept. 1, 1909.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
Introduction 1
Part I. Beginnings before 1750 3
Chapter I. Hymn Music of Germans in Philadelphia 5
Chapter II. Church Music and the Manner of its Performance 11
Chapter III. Secular Music 24
Part II. Period of Progress (1750-1783) 35
Chapter IV. Music Teachers 37
Chapter V. Music Dealers, etc. 40
Chapter VI. Concert Music 45
Part III. Period of Greatest Development (1783-1800) 55
Chapter VII. Alexander Reinagle 57
Chapter VIII. Philip Roth and Philip Phile 76
Conclusion 84
Appendix. List of Reinagle’s Compositions 85
INTRODUCTION.
The early immigration of Germans to Philadelphia increased to such
an extent, that before the middle of the eighteenth century the
English colonists became alarmed for fear that Pennsylvania might
be alienated from the English crown, and be dominated by the German
immigrants. Indeed, throughout the eighteenth century the greater
part of the German immigrants landed at Philadelphia, and from there
were distributed into other States. We should naturally expect, with
so great a population of Germans in Philadelphia and the surrounding
country, that these people would continually extend their influence,
and constantly spread abroad their ideas of art, religion, music and
literature.
Let us consider for a moment the condition of the Germans who landed in
this country. In 1683, moved by William Penn’s alluring proclamations
of the glorious new world, as well as by the fact that freedom of
conscience was granted in Pennsylvania to all, a band of German
immigrants arrived in Philadelphia and founded Germantown. With the
exception of the scholar, Francis Daniel Pastorious, there were no
highly cultured men or women among them. These people were of the
middle class, and were more interested in weaving and agriculture and
religious salvation, than in the cultivation of the fine arts. The
conditions in Germany were not conducive to culture.
The country was just recovering from the Thirty Years’ War, and the
strength of the people was being expended in building up the homes,
and improving the land made desolate during that fierce struggle. At
this time, too, the German people had little liberty, but rather were
under the thumb of absolutism, which was at that time the great force
in European countries. It was not an epoch favorable to the cultivation
of the fine arts. There was no great literature, no great art, no great
music. There was, however, a strong religious spirit, which is often
the result of hardship and suffering. It is in the field of religion,
too, that we find the best music during the seventeenth century,
although it was not original in style, but simply a continuation
of Luther’s music.[1] The hymn-writers of that time, both Catholic
and Protestant, are not to be despised, and we need mention but a
few, whose songs have lived even to the present day: as Paul Fleming
(1609-1640) and Paul Gerhardt (1606-1676), Protestant; Friedrich Spee
(1591-1635) and Johann Scheffer (1624-1677), Catholics. It can be said,
then, with some degree of surety, that the performance of music by the
early German settlers in Philadelphia was confined, in the province of
music, to hymns.
In this department the Germans hold an important position; not only was
their church music an essential part of their services, but the number
of hymn-writers and the many editions of German hymn-books published
in Philadelphia testify to the love which these new settlers had for
church music.
It is only necessary to mention a few of these hymn-writers to recall
to mind the extreme productiveness of this style of literature and
music. Among the most important hymn-writers were F. D. Pastorious,
of Germantown; Johann Kelpius, of the Wissahickon; Conrad Beissel, of
Ephrata, and Count von Zinzendorf, the Moravian.[2]
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Louis Elson, _National Music in America_, p. 18.
[2] Cf. for further information on this subject: J. H. Dubbs, _Early
German Hymnology of Pennsylvania_; Hausmann, _German American Hymnology
1683-1800_, in _Americana Germanica_ 1898, Vol. II. No. 3, p. II.
PART I
Beginnings before 1750
CHAPTER I.
HYMN MUSIC OF GERMANS IN PHILADELPHIA.
To Francis Daniel Pastorious has been assigned the honor of being the
first German hymn writer on American soil. Pastorious[3] was born Sept.
26, 1651 at Sommerhausen, Germany, of cultured parents of some means
and position in society. His father Melchior Pastorious had studied
Catholic theology and also jurisprudence, but had finally renounced his
faith and had become a Protestant. Needless to say Francis Daniel’s
education was not neglected. He was sent to school in various places:
as Windsheim, Basel, Nuremberg, Erfurt, Strassburg where he studied law
and the French language, Jena where besides law he studied Italian, and
finally he took his degree of Doctor of Laws at Altdorf, 1676.
He settled now at Frankfurt am-Main and practiced his profession. He
probably continued in this work until 1680, when, as the companion of
Johann Bonaventura von Rodeck, he made a journey, extending over two
years, through Holland, England, France, Switzerland, and Germany. Upon
his return to Frankfurt, November, 1682, he became interested in the
mysticism of Spener and his companions, and the movement to America
which they were promoting--filled him with an ardent longing to share
in it. So, with the consent of his father who provided him with money,
Francis Daniel set sail for America and arrived in Philadelphia Aug.
20, 1683, six weeks before the other immigrants landed.
Pastorious was the only highly educated man in this colony. He was
looked up to by the other colonists for this reason, and also because
he was the agent of a land company formed in Germany for the purchase
and sale of land in Pennsylvania. The new colonists chose as the spot
for their new homesteads a tract of land not far from Philadelphia,
where they founded Germanopolis or Germantown.
On Nov. 26, 1688, Pastorious married Ennecke Klostermanns and had two
sons, whose descendants live at the present day. In 1691, Pastorious
was elected to the newly-created office of “Bürgermeister,” an office
to which he was chosen three other times. Besides this office, he was
for many years elected to the position of “Stadtschreiber,” and was
also schoolmaster at different times. He was known as a writer of some
talent, and composed poems, hymns, epigrams, etc., in Greek, Latin,
German, French, Dutch, English and Italian. I will close this bare
outline with Pastorious’ account of himself as quoted by Seidensticker:
“Der Verfasser dieses Manuscripts hat ein melancholis-chcholerisches
Temperament und ist daher, nach Culpepper, sanftmüthig, zu einem
nüchternen eingezogenen Leben disponirt, wissbegierig, unentschlossen,
bescheiden, schüchtern, bedächtig, standhaft, und zuverlässig in
seinen Handlungen, langsamen Witzes, vergesslich. Geschieht ihm
Unrecht, so trägt er es nicht nach.”
This remarkable man died Sept. 27, 1719.[4]
Pastorious’ hymns are up to the standard of most hymns written at that
time.
* * * * *
In point of time the next hymn-writers were the so-called “Hermits of
Wissahickon,” a band of men and women steeped in German mysticism, and
having a belief that the end of the world was soon to come and that
their one love should be the Lord Jesus Christ; so on this account
renouncing marriage as sinful. It was in this wilderness, beside the
Wissahickon Stream about eight miles from Philadelphia, that this band
of Pietists in the year 1694 took up their abode, and from whence
issued the strains of hymns, reminding one, in some instances of love
songs rather than praises to God.[5] There were in this congregation a
number of men of high culture and lofty aims such as Johann Kelpius,
Henry Bernhard Köster, Johann Gottfried Seelig, etc.
The most important man was Johann Kelpius, their leader, who composed
the greater number of their hymns.[6] Kelpius was the son of a pastor
in Denndorf in the Siebenbürgian district of Germany. He studied
theology at Altorf, where he was a pupil and favorite of the learned
doctor, Johann Fabricius.
“Fabricius vertrat,” says Seidensticker, “die sogenannte irensche
oder friedliebende Schule der Theologie, die von der bittern Fehde
gegen andere Confessionen absah. Kelpius, anfangs ein strenger
Calvinist, griff den Gedanken an ein innerliches Christenthum begierig
auf und bildete ihn unter andern Einflüssen weiter.”[7]
In 1689, Kelpius obtained his master’s degree. In the years following
he composed an essay entitled: “Scylla Theologica, aliquot exemplis
Patrum et Doctorum, etc.” About this time he must have obtained a
knowledge of the religion of the mystics, and must also have come under
the influence of Jacob Böhme’s philosophy, and Spener’s theosophy.
Such was the man who led the band of hermits, which arrived in
Philadelphia, June 23, 1694. His life on the Wissahickon was one
of pious contemplation, and striving to follow out his idea of
Christianity. He died 1708.[8]
The Hon. S. W. Pennypacker has in his possession a hymn book composed
by these people, in which some of the hymns are dated 1707. He reports
that Kelpius wrote nineteen hymns; another writer possibly Köster
thirteen hymns; and Seelig four hymns.[9]
Not only did these “Hermits” worship God with song, but they
undoubtedly accompanied their voices with musical instruments, since
we know that they brought the latter with them from London.[10] Also
we find Kelpius in one of his letters desiring that two clavichords
with additional strings might be sent.[11] This simply goes to show
that this little band of religious fanatics was not deficient in
musical ability, and also that they carefully nurtured their love for
music. Gradually these Pietists died or renounced their faith and were
received into other religious societies,[12] and in the latter case
one may be sure that their musical instruments went with them and
were played and listened to with pleasure in a far wider circle than
formerly.
It is not our purpose to consider in detail the various German
hymn-writers in Pennsylvania, as the field is far too large, and
besides the composers for the most part, were not inhabitants of
Philadelphia. There are a few men, however, of sufficient importance
to be considered, even though they lie somewhat without our field
of operation. Perhaps the most picturesque figure in the history of
American music in this century is Conrad Beissel of Ephrata Cloister.
He not only evolved a _new_ system of music, but was also the _first_
composer of music in America. He wrote hymns and chorals in four, five,
six, and seven parts, while usually in other congregations the hymns
were sung in unison.[13]
The first edition of Ephrata hymns was published by Benjamin Franklin,
Philadelphia, 1730, while different editions of new hymns appeared
in 1732, 1736, 1739, 1754, 1755, 1756 (2 eds.), 1762, and 1766.[14]
Of these hymns, over 1,000 are attributed to Conrad Beissel. Not only
did he compose music, but he also wrote the first treatise on harmony
in America.[15] Concerning the quality of the music Dr. J. H. Sachse
says: “The peculiar sweetness and weird beauty of the songs of the
sisterhood, and the impressive cadence of the chorals and hymns of the
combined chorus”[16] is strikingly seen.
Before the end of the century nearly all the sects of the Pennsylvania
Germans had their editions of hymn-books, for the most part
abridgements of those in use in the mother country. A few sects,
however, had men versed in poetry as well as religion, and these helped
to swell the hymn-books, already in use, with new songs. The Moravians
were especially prolific, and under the direction of Count Nikolaus von
Zinzendorf, who himself wrote over 130 hymns in this country, produced
a work of some importance. “No authorized hymn-book for the Moravian
church was issued in America during the colonial period, but a small
collection printed at Germantown by [C.] Sauer [in] 1742, ‘Hirtenlieder
von Bethlehem’” was popular.[17] Zinzendorf was not the only hymn
writer among the Moravians, since there were also his two wives, his
son, Bishop Spangenberg and others, who had some ability in this line.
In speaking of the “German American Hymnology,” Hausmann remarks
that the hymns of all sects were subjective, excepting those of the
Moravians.[18]
In the 18th century, Philadelphia and Germantown were the two--for a
time the only two--important printing centres of Pennsylvania, and
here it was that the greater number of German hymn books were printed.
There can be no doubt, I think, that many of these German hymns were
known to most of the inhabitants of Philadelphia, but as to whether
or not these hymns had any influence upon the people, we are as yet,
not prepared to say. At this time, we can do no more than enumerate
the different editions of German hymn-books printed in Philadelphia
and vicinity during the 18th century, although we hope that we may
later investigate them thoroughly. In 1744 the Brotherhood of the
Inspired produced an abridgement of a larger European collection. This
became a favorite with the different Separatist bodies. It was called
“Das Kleine Davidische Psalterspiel der Kinder Zions.”[19] This book
contains 530 pages, and was printed by C. Sauer, Germantown. In 1752
Sauer reprinted the “Marburg Reformed Hymn Book;” 1753[20] “Die Kleine
Harfe,”[21] 1762, Marburg edition of the Lutheran hymn-book,[22] and
also in this same year the first edition of Schwenkfelder hymns,[23]
some of which were composed in this country, others taken from the
Lutheran and Reformed hymn-books, but based, in great part upon the
hymn-book of the Bohemian Brethren. It contains 917 hymns.[24] In 1763
was printed the “Marburg Reformed Hymn-Book;”[25] in 1786 the earliest
original collection of Lutheran hymns in this country, entitled
“Erbauliche Liedersammlung;” 1788 “Liebliche und Erbauliche Lieder,”
“Unparteiische Lieder Sammlung,” and others published by the German
Baptist Society;[26] 1797 “Neues und verbessertes Gesangbuch” printed
by Steiner & Kammerer, Phila., 1799, a third edition of the “Marburg
Lutheran Hymn Book”.[27] The total number of editions of German
hymn-books during this century was twenty-two, but besides that there
was a German hymn-book translated into English in 1795.
FOOTNOTES:
[3] Hausmann, “_German American Hymnology 1683-1800_,” in _Americana
Germanica_ (hereafter, Am. Ger.) 1898, Vol. II, No. 3, p. II.
[4] The material for this sketch was obtained in great part
from Seidensticker’s, _Geschichtsblaetter_ (_Bilder aus der
Deutsch-Pennsylvanischen Geschichte_) pp. 34 ff. Also M. D. Learned.
Life of Francis Daniel Pastorious.
[5] Cf. Seidensticker. _Geschichtsblaetter_, p. 87 ff.
[6] S. Pennypacker. _Hymn Book of the Hermits of the Wissahickon_
(_Penn. Mag. of History_ Vol. XXV, p. 338.)
[7] Seidensticker. _Geschichtsblaetter_ p. 91.
[8] For this sketch cf. Seidensticker. _Geschichtsblaetter_, pp. 91-100.
[9] _Penn. Mag. of History_, Vol. XXV, p. 338.
[10] Cf. Seidensticker, _Geschichtsblaetter_, p. 89.
[11] Cf. Seidensticker, _Geschichtsblaetter_, p. 100.
[12] Seidensticker, _Geschichtsblaetter_, p. 102.
[13] T. H. Sachse, _Music of the Ephrata Cloister_, p. 29 [hereafter,
“_Sachse_.”]
[14] _Amer. Ger._ Vol. II, No. 3, p. 19. Dubbs, p. 9.
[15] Sachse, p. 22.
[16] Sachse, p. 29. (For further information on this subject consult
the works quoted above.)
[17] Dubbs, p. 18 ff.
[18] _Am. Ger._ Vol. II, No. 3, p. 39.
[19] Dubbs, p. 21.
[20] Dubbs, p. 25.
[21] Dubbs, p. 21.
[22] Dubbs, p. 21.
[23] A. A. Seipt. “Schwenkfelder Hymnology” (_Americana Germanica_ vol.
7.)
[24] Dubbs, p. 16.
[25] Dubbs, p. 25.
[26] Dubbs, p. 21.
[27] Dubbs, p. 25.
CHAPTER II.
CHURCH MUSIC AND THE MANNER OF ITS PERFORMANCE.
It has already been mentioned that there were many German hymn-writers
in Philadelphia in the early eighteenth century, and it is now in place
to consider what was the quality of the music in the German churches at
that period, and whether musical instruments of any kind were used in
the Philadelphia churches.
For the first record it is necessary to go a little beyond Philadelphia
to the Hermits of the Wissahickon. To this people undoubtedly belongs
the honor of first using instrumental music in religious services. Of
their voyage across the Atlantic, Kelpius says:
“We had also prayer meetings and sang hymns of praise and joy, several
of us accompanying on instruments that we had brought from London.”[28]
Evidently the instruments which they brought with them were not
satisfactory or were regarded as inadequate for the worship of God, as
Kelpius in a letter to friends in London asked that two clavichords
with additional strings might be sent.[29]
Again the Hermits at the consecration of the new Swedish church--Gloria
Dei--July 2, 1700, act as choristers and furnish instrumental music.[30]
The first German minister ordained in this country was Justus Falckner,
who was consecrated by the Swedish Lutherans. In a letter to Rev.
Heinrich Muhlen, of Holstein (1701), Falckner shows that, even at that
early day, music was considered an important adjunct of the church
service. He says:
“In short there are Germans here, and perhaps the majority, who
despise God’s Word and all outward good order; who blaspheme the
sacraments and frightfully and publicly give scandal....
“I will here take occasion to mention that many others besides
myself, who know the ways of the land, maintain that music would
contribute much towards a good Christian service. It would not only
attract and civilize the wild Indians, but it would do much good in
spreading the Gospel truths among the sects and others by attracting
them. Instrumental music is especially serviceable here. Thus a
well-sounding organ would perhaps prove of great profit, to say
nothing of the fact that the Indians would come running from far and
near to listen to such unknown melody, and upon that account might
become willing to accept our language and teaching, and remain with
people who had such agreeable things; for they are said to come ever
so far to listen to one who plays even a reed-pipe (rohr-pfeiffe):
such an extraordinary love have they for any melodious and ringing
sound. Now as the melancholy, saturnine stingy Quaker spirit has
abolished (relegiert) all such music, it would indeed be a novelty
here, and tend to attract many of the young people away from the
Quakers and sects to attend services where such music was found,
even against the wishes of their parents. This would afford a good
opportunity to show them the truth and their error.
“If such an organ-instrument (Orgel-werck) were placed in the Swedish
church ... it would prove of great service to this church.
“If there were music in the church, the young people would consider
church-going a recreation.
“The Lord of Hosts ... would be praised and honored with cymbal and
organ.
“And it may be assumed that even a small organ-instrument and music in
this place would be acceptable to God, and prove far more useful than
many hundreds in Europe, where there is already a superfluity of such
things.
“There are in Europe masters enough who would build such instruments,
and a fine one can be secured for 300 or 400 thalers. Then if an
experienced organist and musician could be found, and a curious one,
who would undertake so far a journey, he would be very welcome here.
In case this could not be, if we only had an organ, some one or other
might be found who had knowledge thereof.”[31]
The writer of this missive was somewhat of a poet himself, and composed
several fine hymns, some of which are in use at the present day.[32]
Whether the appeal for musical instruments was of avail, we know not,
but in the _Journal of Rev. Andreas Sandel_ for July 20, 1702, is
mentioned one Jonas, organist of Gloria Dei church. Again, on November
24, 1703, when Falckner was ordained in this church, Sachse says:
“The service was opened with a voluntary on the little organ in the
gallery by Jonas the organist, supplemented with instrumental music
by the Mystics on the viol, hautboy, trumpets (_Posaunen_) and kettle
drums (_Pauken_).”[33]
The first church organ in Philadelphia, then, was placed in a Swedish
Lutheran church largely by means of a German. Although the merit for
this achievement must be divided between the Germans and Swedes, in
one department of music--the singing of hymns--the Swedes probably
were pre-eminent. In 1696 Charles, King of Sweden, sent to the church
at Wicacoa, one hundred hymn-books,[34] while in 1712 another lot,
consisting of “360 hymn books of three sorts” were shipped.[35] The
Swedes were strict, too, in the regulations of the church services,
especially of singing. In 1702, Rev. Andreas Sandel imposes a fine
“for untimely singing, six schillings.”[36] Especially interesting is
the account concerning the attempt of Pastor Andreas Hesselius, of
Christiana, Delaware, to reform church singing in 1713. Acrelius says:
“He had special regard to propriety in church-singing, in which there
was often such discord as though they intended to call their cows
to the church. In opposition to which it was represented that as all
those who possessed the gift of praising God with a pleasing voice in
psalms and hymns should not stand mute, so, on the other hand, those
who were unfitted for this should not with their harsh voices, hinder
others and make confusion, but, by softly singing after the others,
train themselves to correct singing. During the singing, he went
around the church and aided where they failed.”[37]
It is very probable that in Philadelphia, this same instruction in
church singing prevailed, since Hesselius was for some time Provost,
and had a right to command, and also, because Samuel Hesselius, his
brother, occupied the pulpit at Wicacoa and could more easily be
coerced--if necessary--to establish this method of instruction.
In the other churches of Philadelphia, organs seem to have been
introduced at a relatively late date. On September 2, 1728, a committee
having been appointed at Christ Church “to treat with Mr. Lod. C.
Sproegel,[38] about an organ lately arrived here, report that they
had done the same, and that he insisted on £200 for said organ; and
that they had procured men of the best skill this place could afford
to erect the said organ in a convenient house in town, to make trial
thereof; which, being done, it is said the organ proves good in its
kind, and large enough for our church.”[39] Upon this recommendation
the organ was purchased. In the Moravian church, corner of Race and
Broad streets, there were two organs in 1743[40] one of which was sold
in 1796, and a new one built by David Tannenberger.[41] In this same
year (1743) the Moravians in Germantown had an organ costing £60,
but in 1744 both church and organ reverted to the German Reformed
Church.[42] The Catholic church had an organ in 1750.[43] These are the
earliest known organs in use in Philadelphia churches. From this time
on, the other churches in the city gradually established them as an aid
to their services.
One writer, who came to this country from Germany, evidently had no
knowledge of these organs when he said:
“I came to this country with the first organ [1750] which now stands
in a High German Lutheran church in the city of Philadelphia, and
which was built in Heilbronn.”[44]
In the face of the evidence already produced, it is needless to say
that this statement is a little off color, to say the least.
There were then in Philadelphia several organs before 1755, and it
is reasonable to assume that in the Moravian church, that “wind” and
“string” instruments were used, since we find this true at the colony
in Bethlehem.[45] The testimony of travellers of that time or of
members of other churches is of some interest and importance. The first
witness is William Black, secretary of the commission appointed by
the Governor of Virginia to unite with commissions from Maryland and
Pennsylvania for the purpose of treating with the Indians. In the year
1744, he resided in Philadelphia, during which time he kept a journal
of interest and importance. June 8 he writes:
“We went to the Moravian Meeting, where I had the pleasure to hear
an Excellent Comment on that Passage in Scripture Relating to the
Prodigal Son, and after _some very agreeable Church Music_, half an
hour after 9 they broke up.”[46]
This testimony is not without its value, as this gentleman was
evidently somewhat of a musician himself, since under the same date in
his diary we find:
“I Rose from my Bed and pass’d two hours in writing, the rest of the
time till Breakfast, I spent with my Fiddle and Flute.”[47]
Concerning the music in the Moravian church we have other evidence, at
a later date. John Adams remarks in his diary for October 23, 1774:
“The singing here [Methodist meeting] is very sweet and soft indeed;
the first _music_ I have heard in any society _except_ the Moravians,
and once at church with the organ.”[48]
He also remarks September 4, 1774, upon “the organ and a new choir of
singers at Christ Church, which were very musical.”[49]
Franklin, in 1755, speaks of hearing Moravian music at Bethlehem, and
praises it generously.[50] A year earlier Acrelius, who visited the
same place, gives a more detailed account in the following words:
“It was finally agreed that we should sit below [in the auditorium
of the church], as the music sounded better there. The organ had the
accompaniment of violins and flutes. The musicians were back in the
gallery, so that none of them were seen.” One of the ministers “read
some verses of a German hymn book, after which they were sung with
excellent music.”[51]
Their style of music and manner of performing it must have been
exceptionally good, as compared with the music of other churches,
to have impressed so favorably such men, who, we may be sure, were
quite different. There is the sturdy pastor Acrelius, understanding
church music and the manner of its performance; the cordial, genial
Ben Franklin, who knew something about music from living in London;
the somewhat cold but highly cultured, John Adams, with his Puritan
traditions; then the gentleman from Virginia, William Black, who most
probably partook of the nature of the warm, sunny-tempered Southerners,
himself somewhat of a musician. Could we ask for witnesses more unlike?
To the Moravian church undoubtedly belongs the palm for music during
the eighteenth century; but there was music, and good music, in some
other churches as well. We have already mentioned the music in Christ
Church and the Methodist Church. Concerning the music in the German
Lutheran Church, we have the testimony of Daniel Fisher, who writes in
his _Diary_ for May 25, 1755:
“Went to the Lutheran Church, a neat Brick Building where there
is a good organ[52] to which I heard them sing Psalms, agreeably
enough.”[53]
Again he says:
“The Lutheran Church has an organ, and a good one.”[54]
There were organs then in the churches, to a great extent, before
1750. The question now arises: Were there men who could repair these
instruments if they got out of order? By the end of the fifth decade,
there were several men who could not only repair an organ, but also
build one. Of these men Gustavus Hesselius is the most important,
as he was the first spinet builder in America, having produced
specimens as early as 1743,[55] and probably the first organ builder
in Pennsylvania. It is claimed that he was the first organ builder in
America, and in support of that claim an organ is mentioned as built by
him for the Moravian Church at Bethlehem, Pa., in 1746.[56] The fact is
lost sight of that a Boston man, Edward Bromfield, generally regarded
as the first organ builder, constructed an instrument in 1745.[57]
However Hesselius was undoubtedly the first man who built many church
organs.
Still another claimant appears for this title--no less a man than the
Englishman, Doctor Christopher Witt (1675-1765), another hermit of the
Wissahickon. Doctor Witt possessed a large pipe-organ presumably made
by him alone, but possibly aided by other Hermits. It was built at
least while he was living with the settlement on the Wissahickon, and
as he left that society shortly after the death of Kelpius,[58] which
took place about 1708,[59] the evidence is in his favor. This organ at
his death was valued at £40.[60]
Hesselius was not only a musician, but a painter as well. He died in
1755.[61] Connected with Hesselius in 1746 was John G. Klemm, a native
of Dresden, Germany. Three years later David Tannenberger arrived in
Philadelphia, a man whom many of his contemporaries conceded to be the
greatest organ builder in America, but, as is usually the case, there
is another claimant for this high honor, as will be seen later.
David Tannenberger[62] was born March 21, 1728, in Berthelsdorf,
Saxony. He was evidently an all-round musician, and could play,
sing--he possessed a good voice--build, or repair an organ as occasion
presented itself. It is known that he built at least fourteen organs
during his stay in Pennsylvania, while no record of the number of
spinets, which he made and sold for £22.10_s_, has been discovered.
As to Tannenberger’s reputation as an organ builder, we have the
testimony of a man who probably knew Tannenberger:
“Tannenberg belongs to history as _the_ organ builder of his day and
one of renown. He too, was of the German school. Fancy stops were not
generally in vogue, except the trumpet in the great organ, and the vox
humana in the swell, of which latter there was but one in the city,
and that was in Christ Church, and to my young ear, a good imitation
of the human voice.
“There are several of Tannenberg’s organs yet in breathing existence
[1857]. Lancaster, Litiz, and Nazareth still hold his memory in
audible and respectful tones; and much of his work is worthy of
imitation. His diapasons were particularly dignified, whilst his upper
work, 12th, 15th, and sesquialtera, gave brilliancy to the whole.”[63]
This testimony of Abraham Ritter, an organist of good standing in the
Moravian Church, gives some idea of the excellence of the work and of
the reputation which Tannenberger still had in the nineteenth century.
In a letter written from Lancaster, Dec. 24, 1770, the following
testimony is added:
“Yesterday we had the pleasure of hearing, for the first Time, the new
Organ, in the High Dutch Reformed church of this Place, accompanied
with a variety of vocal Music, composed on the Occasion which I may
venture to say, not only from my own Experience, but the Approbation
of all present, was never equalled in any Place of Worship in this
Province, or perhaps upon this Continent. The Organ was made by Mr.
David Tannenberg, of Litiz, a Moravian Town not far from this Place;
and I dare venture to assert, is much superior in Workmanship and
Sweetness of Sound, to any made by the late celebrated Mr. Feyring,
who was so justly taken notice of for his Ingenuity; does great Honour
to the Maker; is worth the Attention and Notice of the Curious, who
may happen to pass this way; and will undoubtedly recommend him to all
who are desirious of having Works of that Nature.”[64]
In spite of his reputation as an organ builder, we learn that in 1790
he was a bankrupt.[65] He died May 19, 1804, stricken by paralysis
while tuning an organ at York, Pa.[66]
We have already spoken of Gottlieb Mittelberger and his organ, and,
although we cannot depend upon his statements, there may be some truth
in his somewhat exaggerated account of the dedication of his organ.
It is at least interesting, and shows that the people as a whole were
certainly not prejudiced against music. He says:
“After this work had been set up and tuned it was consecrated with
great rejoicing and delivered to the Christian St. Michael’s Church
for the praise and service of God.
“The crowd of hearers was indescribably large; many people came from
a great distance, 10, 20, 30, 40 and even 50 hours’ journey, to see
and hear this organ. The number of hearers, who stood inside and
outside the church, both German and English, were estimated at several
thousands. I was appointed school-master and organist. As I became
more and more known in Pennsylvania, and the people learned that I had
brought fine and good instruments with me, many English and German
families came 10, 20 and 30 hours’ journey to hear them and the organ,
and they were greatly surprised because they had never in all their
lives seen or heard an organ or any of those instruments.[67]
“At the present time [1754] there are 6 organs in Pennsylvania--the
first is in Philadelphia, the 2nd in Germantown, the 3rd in
Providence, the 4th in New Hanover, the 5th in Dulpehocken, all
of them came to this country during the four years of my sojourn
there.”[68]
This statement concerning the number of organs in Philadelphia cannot
be true, as we have shown above that there were several. In his list of
the organs in Pennsylvania, he neglects to mention the one made for the
Moravian Church at Bethlehem in 1746.[69] The number of people which
he claims was present at the dedication is probably exaggerated, and,
as Mittelberger was the chief performer, we can pardon him this slip
of the pen. It is probable, however, that there was a large number of
people present, as there would be at any new event entering into their
narrow lives--especially as there was no charge for admission.
In 1762 a new organ was built in Philadelphia by Philip Feyring for
St. Paul’s Church. He is the other claimant to the honor of being
the greatest organ builder of his day.[70] One of the newspapers was
evidently partial to him, since it gives this notice.
“The New Organ, which is putting up in St. Paul’s Church in this
City, will be in such Forwardness as to be used in Divine Service on
Christmas Day. It is of a new Construction, and made by Mr. Philip
Feyring,[71] Musical Instrument-Maker, in this City, who may, with
Justice, be said to be the best Hand at that ingenious Business on the
Continent.”[72]
The organ was evidently in use on Christmas day and must have proven
satisfactory to call forth the following poem lauding both Feyring and
his organ.
“On hearing the Organ at St. Paul’s Church, on Christmas Day, 1762.
“Hail Heav’n-born Science! whose enlivening Touch,
Thro’ Nature felt, makes all her Powers rejoice,
And fills the Soul with Harmony, and Bliss
Extatic--When Joy tumultuous revels
In the swelling Breast, then thou, sweet Music,
Majestically smooth, and soft as Zephyrs,
The Voice assuasive to the Heart applyst.
“If jarring Passions, like disgorging Etna,
Wage War intestine, and with Rage destroy
Then Mother Nature, instant at thy call
They lose their Fury, and subside in Peace:--
A sov’reign Balm thou pour’st into the Wounds
Of bleeding Love, and sooth’st the Heart-felt Pain.
“And thou, majestic Organ! taught by thee,
We raise our Thoughts on Fancy’s Wing,
Soaring beyond the darksome veil of Time
Up to the empyreal Heav’n, where God-head habits,
High thron’d above all Height, encircl’d round
By Seraphims, whose well instructed choirs
To pleasing Numbers tune their Harps of Gold--
“Surely if ought of Heav’n on Earth we taste,
’Tis when we join in holy Acclamation
With deep ton’d Organ, to rehearse the Praise
Of God Omnipotent, who rules the Heav’ns;
When ev’ry swelling Note bears us enraptur’d
To the blest Abodes of Saints imparadis’d.
“When God his six Days Work, a world had finishd
Attended by a Band of heav’nly Music,
The Harp symphonious, and the solemn Pipe
The Dulcimer, all Organs of sweet Stop,
Along the starry Pavement up he rode;
While instant Nature heard the Song harmonious.
And listening Planets ceas’d to fill their Orbs.
“While Harmony divine knows to controul
The boistrous Passions of the human Soul,
Whilst Organ’s dulcet Notes the Breast inspire.
With true Devotion, and a sacred Fire;
Thy name O Fyring thy deserving Name
Shall shine conspicuous in the Roll of Fame;
Ages to come, and Men in future Days
Shall greateful pay their Tribute to thy Praise.
C. W. P.
“Mr. Fyring is a German by Birth, but has for some years past,
practic’d the making of Musical Instruments (particularly Spinets and
Harpsichords) in this City, with great Repute.”[73]
This effusion explains itself. His workmanship must have been of
superior quality, as it was seldom that a musician at that time--or
even at the present day was much noticed, let alone publishing a poem
about him.
How many instruments were sold by these organmakers it would be
difficult to say, although undoubtedly parlor organs were found in many
houses. There are advertisements of two organs for sale among a list
of household goods before the end of 1750: A “small” organ belonging
to Benj. Morgan, 1748,[74] and a “large” one, the property of the late
Peter Kook, in 1750.[75]
Religious music in this half century was flourishing, and was
considered a valuable adjunct of the church service, not only in German
churches, but also in the Swedish and English churches. The composition
of hymns up to this time seems to have been confined to the Germans.
FOOTNOTES:
[28] Sachse, _German Pietists_, p. 22; Seidensticker,
_Geschichtsblaetter_, p. 100.
[29] Seidensticker, _Geschichtsblaetter_, p. 100.
[30] Sachse, _German Pietists_, p. 144 (hereafter quoted as G. P.).
[31] Cf. _The Missive of Justus Falckner of Germantown, Concerning
the Religious Condition of Pa. in the Year 1701. Translated by J. F.
Sachse._ Found also in _Pa. Mag. of Hist._, 1897.
[32] Sachse, _Justus Falckner_, pp. 20-21.
[33] _Justus Falckner_, p. 64; also G. P., pp. 354-5. Sachse believes
this organ was one brought over by Kelpius.
[34] Israel Acrelius, _A History of New Sweden, trans. by Wm.
Reynolds_, in _Memoirs of Pa. Hist. Soc._, Vol. XI, pp. 197, 366
(hereafter quoted as Acrelius).
[35] Acrelius, p. 367; also _Andreas Sandel’s Diary_, in _Pa. Mag.
Hist._ 1906, p. 446.
[36] Acrelius, p. 217.
[37] Acrelius, p. 276.
[38] Ludovic Christian Sproegel was one of the “Hermits of the
Wissahickon.”
[39] Quoted from the _Minutes of the Vestry of Christ Church_, by Benj.
Dorr, _History of Christ Church_, p. 61.
[40] Madeira, _Annals of Music in Philadelphia_, p. 24.
[41] Madeira, _Annals of Music in Philadelphia_, p. 24 (hereafter
quoted as Madeira).
[42] _Minutes and Letters of the Coetus of the German Reformed Church_,
p. 29.
[43] Madeira, p. 24.
[44] _Gottlieb Mittelberger’s Journey to Penn. in the Year 1750;
translated by Carl T. Eben_, p. 114.
[45] Wm. Reichel, _Something about Trombones_, p. 4 ff. See also the
statement concerning Justus Falckner’s ordination as quoted above,
where musical instruments of this character were used.
[46] _Penn. Mag. of History_, Vol. II, p. 43.
[47] _Penn. Mag. of Hist._ Vol. II, p. 40.
[48] _John Adams Works_, Vol. II, pp. 401 and 364.
[49] _John Adams Works_, Vol. II, pp. 401 and 364.
[50] Franklin, _Autobiography_, p. 325 [Lippincott, Phila., 1868].
[51] Acrelius, p. 413.
[52] The organ Mittelberger brought from Heilbronn; see above.
[53] _Penn. Mag. of Hist._, Vol. XVII, p. 267.
[54] _Penn. Mag. of Hist._, Vol. XVII, p. 272.
[55] _Penn. Mag. of Hist._, Vol. XVI, p. 473 (note)
[56] _Penn. Mag. of Hist._, Vol. XXIX, p. 131 ff; also Reichel, p. 4.
[57] L. Elson, _History of American Music_, p. 43.
[58] _German Pietists_, pp. 403, 412.
[59] _German Pietists_, p. 192.
[60] _German Pietists_, p. 418 (note).
[61] _Penn. Mag. of Hist._, Vol. XII, p. 503 (note).
[62] Spelled also Tannenberg.
[63] Abraham Ritter, _Hist. of the Moravian Church in Phila._ (1857),
p. 59 ff. (note).
[64] _Pa. Gaz._ Jan. 10, 1771.
[65] _General Adv._ Oct. 28, 1790.
[66] _Penn. Mag. of Hist._, Vol. XXII, p. 231 ff.
[67] This statement is utterly false, as it will be shown later that
there were musical instruments in Philadelphia long before this time,
and even concerts in 1740.
[68] Mittelberger’s _Journey to Penn._, p. 114.
[69] Cf. above, p. 17.
[70] Cf. above, p. 18.
[71] Spelled also Feyring.
[72] _Pa. Gaz._, Dec. 23, 1762.
[73] _Pa. Gaz._, Dec. 30, 1762.
[74] _Pa. Journal_, July 7, 1748.
[75] _Pa. Journal_, Jan. 2, 1750.
CHAPTER III.
SECULAR MUSIC.
From the preceding chapter it has been clearly seen, that the Germans
in Philadelphia, and indeed in the whole State, were strongly
religious, and were celebrated for their church music and instrument
makers, especially for their organ builders.
Were all the people in Philadelphia as religious as the Germans and
Quakers seem to have been, and were there no public amusements? This is
an important question, and one not easily answered, especially during
the first half of the eighteenth century. It may be thought that this
question is not related to German music, but indirectly it is, so that
it may be shown whether or not the people of Philadelphia were ready
to welcome music, whether they were in a state of mind favorable to
the introduction of any amusements. It is necessary to establish these
facts before we can clearly understand the reasons and cause for the
introduction of German concert music into America.
We know, that in Philadelphia during the eighteenth century, there
were men of every creed and religion, of every walk of life, of
many different nationalities, and we may be sure that in such
a conglomeration of men and ideas there would be some to whom
amusements would be necessary--even amusements which strait-laced
people would condemn. The information there is upon this subject
supports the opinion, that there were amusements even in the early
part of the eighteenth century. Foremost among the pleasures in which
the inhabitants of Philadelphia indulged, was dancing, and we have
reference to this art at an early period. In a book written in 1710 is
the following statement:
“Among the rest of my Friends, I must not forget the facetious Mr.
Staples, Dancing-Master, who was the first Stranger of Philadelphia
that did me the Honour of a Visit.”[76]
As early as 1716 we find this record:
“At the Yearly Meeting of the Friends, members were advised against
‘going to or being in any way concerned in plays, games, lotteries,
music and dancing.’”[77]
Throughout the first half of the eighteenth century dancing was
evidently held in due respect by a certain element of the population.
In 1728 it forms a part of the curriculum of a boarding school.[78] In
1730 dancing is taught by Thomas Ball’s sister.[79] The first really
fashionable ball was probably that given by Governor Gordon, in 1726,
in honor of the Prince of Wales’ birthday.[80] To some extent, too,
music and dancing were surely a part of the marriage festivities, as
the following item shows:
“We hear that Tuesday night last, a young Dutchman was married to an
old Dutchwoman, who was known to have money. They had a fiddle at the
Wedding.... She danc’d till it was late.”[81]
We find ministers of different denominations complaining of the
irreligion of some of the inhabitants. As one writer remarks:
“We live in an age, when ’tis counted almost a scandal to be a
Christian. Religion is stil’d Preciseness and Hypocrisy, and a
strict Conformity to Truth and Virtue is imputed to be the Effect of
Melancholy, a Distemper’d Imagination. We daily hear the greatest
Mysteries of our Faith Ridicul’d and Banter’d, the Clergy Despis’d,
Expos’d and Degraded; and that even by Men, who have not yet Publickly
Renounc’d Christianity; but such as would be thought to have clearer
Heads, and more refin’d Conceptions of Things than their Brethren,
those Men to their Shame stand Pelting Religion at a distance, with
little Scoffs and Jests, when there is a more Fair and Honourable way
of deciding the Matter, by rational and undeniable Arguments.”[82]
In opposition to this we have the testimony of Benjamin Franklin, who
writes:
“Our people, having no publick amusements to divert their attention
from study, became better acquainted with books.”[83]
So, too, a correspondent in the _Weekly Mercury_ writes:
“Here are no Masquerades, Plays, Balls, Midnight Revellings, or
Assemblies to Debauch the Mind or promote Intrigue.”[84]
When, however, we read an advertisement in the same paper about a month
later like the following, we may be permitted to doubt somewhat the
statements of the last two men.
“The Art of Dancing Carefully Taught (as it is now Practic’d at Court)
by Samuel Perpoint, at his _School_ ... where for the Recreation of
all Gentlemen and Ladies: There will be _Country Dances every Thursday
Evening_; likewise he teaches small Sword.”[85]
From this time on, we notice the advertisements of various dancing
masters, who, often were school masters at the same time. Not only
did these Philadelphians enjoy dancing, but they were partial to late
suppers and card playing as well,--playing cards was a staple article
of importation after 1736.[86] Another favorite amusement, we may be
sure, was playing on the Jew’s harp, for after 1733, this instrument
frequently is advertised.[87] The Jew’s harp must have been considered
a harmless instrument by all sects, for as early as 1675 in one State
of Puritan New England it is stated that a law was enacted, “that no
one should play on any kind of music except the drum, the trumpet and
the jewsharp.”[88]
Besides the amusements already mentioned, the Philadelphians had an
opportunity to see a rope-dancer in 1724,[89] “Punch and Joan his
Wife,”[90] “Magick Lanthorn” exhibition,[91] “Camera Obscura and
Microscope,”[92] a musical clock with a man and woman appearing as
mountebanks.[93]
Music was evidently popular at society meetings, banquets, etc. Perhaps
there was nothing more than singing, but possibly a violin and spinet
helped to while away the time. For instance, in 1731 at the celebration
of “St. David’s Day,” by the “Society of Ancient Britons,” the evening
ended with “Musick, Mirth and Friendship.”[94]
In the two items which will be given now, may be detected, perhaps, the
incipient germs of musical criticism, or at least the idea, which most
people probably had of what a professor of music should know and be
able to do:
“Elocution is not unlike Musick; there is scarce a Soul so rustick as
not to admire both in their Excellency, altho’ the Masters of those
Sciences may lose their proper Share of the Praise. He that having
laid before him the several Parts of a Musical Instrument, can Unite
them in their Places, and tune them to Harmony, merits the appelation
of a Master in Musick and should be distinguished as such, as he that
disposes Words into grammatical sentences, and eloquent Periods, is a
Master of Language.”[95]
This quotation may argue for the popularity and respect in which music
was held at that time by at least some of the people. We find in this
crude statement, that music was thought worthy of a position by the
side of elocution, which has always held a high place in the minds
of every people, and so we may be safe in believing that music had a
place, and an important place, in Philadelphia, in the early history of
that city.
Another correspondent states that:
“Women, like Instruments of Musick, require to be long used before
their Sweetness or Discord are certainly discovered.”[96]
Unless the writer of the above knew something about music, and unless
music was an object of interest or pleasure, so that this comparison
would be appreciated, he would not likely have ventured to use such a
simile.
In 1733 there is a record of a “ball”[97] while, in the next year under
the heading “London news,” there is a notice concerning the marriage of
the Princess Royal to the Prince of Orange, which gives the following
information:
“A fine anthem compos’d by Mr. Handell was perform’d by a great Number
of Voices and Instruments.”[98]
This latter item proves nothing except that the name of Händel was
introduced into the colonies at an early date, and may have remained
in the memories of some of the people, since he was connected with
such an important event. This may possibly have helped to increase the
popularity which his works, later in the century, attained in America.
It has been seen that there was music and dancing at this time, and
it is now interesting to learn what kind of musical instruments were
used. It has been shown already, that there were Jew’s harps,[99] that
Kelpius had clavichords,[100] and assuredly there were some virginals,
although probably few. In the fifth decade the various instrument
makers mentioned above,[101] probably had quite a number of customers.
In 1729 Andrew Bradford, proprietor of the _American Weekly Mercury_,
advertises:
“A well-strung Virginal to be sold; being in good Order. Enquire of
Printer hereof.”[102]
Dr. Christopher Witt, referred to before,[103] was a capable player on
the virginal,[104] which at his death was appraised at £1, 15_s._;[105]
while a virginal belonging to the “Hermits” reverted to the widow of
Magister Zimmerman.[106]
The people who owned instruments of this kind had an opportunity to
learn to play, since in 1730 a woman--the first music teacher in
Philadelphia--makes an announcement in the newspaper as follows:
[Thomas Ball’s] “Wife teaches Writing and French. Likewise Singing,
Playing on the Spinet, Dancing and all sorts of Needle-Work are taught
by his Sister lately arrived from London.”[107]
What class of music she and her pupils played, it would be hard to
say, but it did not cause anyone to start a music store, and it is not
until 1739 that any great musical works are advertised at the office of
the man of many parts, Benjamin Franklin. The following pieces were to
be obtained there: “Corelli’s Sonatas, Geminiani’s Concertos, Ditto’s
Solos.”[108]
Besides spinets and virginals there were probably violins, German
flutes, trumpets, drums, a few viols, etc. For instance, in 1749
Anthony Lamb, of New York, advertises among other things: “German
Flutes,”[109] while other men advertise, in 1750, “Hunting Pipes,”[110]
and “fiddle strings.”[111] From 1744 on numerous advertisements of
drums appear.
Before 1740 there is no record of any kind of musical organization, but
in this year there was such a society. During this year the evangelist,
Whitefield, visited Philadelphia and made a strong impression upon
people of all beliefs. One of his disciples caused this to be printed:
“Since Mr. Whitefield’s Preaching here, the Dancing school, Assembly,
and Concert Room have been shut up, as inconsistent with the Doctrine
of the Gospel: and though the Gentlemen concern’d caus’d the Door to
be broke open again, we are inform’d that no Company came to the last
Assembly night.”[112]
One of the members, however, denied the charge that dances were
inconsistent with the doctrine of the gospel, and affirmed that the
hall was closed up by William Seward, an “Attendant and intimate
Companion” of Whitefield. This same writer speaks of “Members of the
Concert” and the rooms belonging to them. He also says that the members
“met the Night after according to Custom; and the Thursday following
the Company met to Dance as they used to do; but the Assembly being
only for the Winter Season is now discontinued of Course and the
Concert being for the whole Year still goes on as usual.”[113]
This is interesting, as it is the first record of concerts, and also,
because these _concerts_, continued the _whole_ year, not merely during
the winter months as nowadays. There were “Members of the Concert,”
too, who rented or owned rooms. There must then have been some kind of
a club or society, which gave these performances.
These concerts must either have been kept up for years, or new series
instituted year by year, since our friend William Black (already
quoted) says in his diary of 1744, June 5:
“At 8 O’Clock went to hear a Concert of Musick; the Performers was
some Town’s Gentlemen, and did Us the Honour of an Invitation,
we staid till past 11, and I left the Company to go home to my
lodgings.”[114]
It is important to observe, that William Black says he had the “Honour”
to be invited to a concert. One might say that this word was simply
a common expression. It probably was, and still is; but we believe
a man would hardly write such an expression in his diary, unless he
really thought he was honored. It seems probable that this concert
and those of 1740 must have been very exclusive and were not public
entertainments, which anyone might attend.
There was exhibited this same year (1744) a curiosity, which would
attract a large crowd of people. This was no less than:
“The Unparallelled Musical Clock, made by that great Master of
Machinery, David Lockwood. It excels all others in the Beauty of its
Structure and plays the choicest Airs from the most celebrated Operas
with the greatest Nicety and Exactness. It performs with beautiful
graces, ingeniously and variously intermixed, the French Horn,
Pieces, perform’d upon the Organ, German and Common Flute, Flageolet,
etc., Sonata’s, Concerto’s, Marches, Minuetts, Jiggs and Scots Airs,
composed by Corelli, Alberoni, Mr. Handel and other great and eminent
Masters of Musick.”[115]
This is the first public record we have, that works of such famous
composers were played, and they must have become familiar, in a short
time to a great number of inhabitants.
It will be remembered that Miss Ball’s capabilities in the province
of music were confined to but two branches, voice and spinet. In 1749,
however, appears a truly musical genius, if we may judge by the number
of instruments which he played. This man was, as we learn from the
following:
“John Beals, Musick Master from London [who] at his House in Fourth
Street, near Chestnut Street, joining to Mr. Linton’s, collar maker,
teaches the Violin, Hautboy, German Flute, Common Flute and Dulcimer
by Note.
“Said Beals will likewise attend young ladies, or others, that may
desire it, at their houses. He likewise provides musick for balls or
other entertainments.”[116]
Here was an opportunity for the inhabitants of the Quaker City to
improve their time by learning music, and as the variety of instruments
from which they might choose, was large, no doubt some of them became
proficient musicians.
This same year saw the beginnings of drama and opera in Philadelphia,
given by the English actors, Murray and Kean.[117] These dramatic
performances were soon discontinued on account of the opposition of
the public. From now until the latter part of the sixth decade of the
eighteenth century there were desultory attempts to give dramas, but
not until 1759 did the theatre prove successful and become permanent.
There was then in this decade an incipient appreciation of drama to
which some music was oftentimes joined. What other music was there at
this time? In 1750-4 Mittelberger says:
“The cultivation of music is rather rare as yet.... Some Englishmen
give occasional concerts in private houses with a spinet or
harpsichord.”[118]
Mittelberger’s statement concerning the cultivation of music is not
quite true. Music undoubtedly was studied a great deal more than
Mittelberger seems to think. If his statement that occasional private
concerts were given by Englishmen is true, this was probably the kind
of concert William Black attended in 1749,[119] and may have been
similar to the concerts of 1740.[120]
During the first half of the eighteenth century Philadelphia was not
so utterly devoid of musical culture as some of our historians of
music would have us believe. The music was not entirely church music,
and although musical culture was not so important a factor in the
life of the people as at the present day, still music was beginning
to make itself felt among intelligent people, and interest in it and
appreciation of it were gradually growing.
FOOTNOTES:
[76] Hart, _American History told by Contemporaries II_, p. 77,
quoted from “_The Voyage, Shipwreck and Miraculous Escape of Richard
Castleman, Gent_,” appended to “_The Voyages and Adventures of Capt.
Robert Boyle_,” London, 1726, 4th Ed. 1786, p. 331.
[77] Scharf & Wescott, _History of Phila._, Vol. II, p. 863.
[78] _American Weekly Mercury_, March 5-14, 1727-8.
[79] _Pa. Gazette_, March 5-13, 1729-30.
[80] Scharf & Wescott, _Hist. of Phila._, Vol. I, p. 203.
[81] _Pa. Gaz._, March 15 to 22, 1738-9.
[82] _American Weekly Mercury_, June 19-26, 1729 [a correspondent].
[83] _Autobiography_, p. 207.
[84] _American Weekly Mercury_, June 19-26, 1729.
[85] _American Weekly Mercury_, July 31 to August 7, 1729.
[86] _American Weekly Mercury_, February 8, 1736 [first advertised].
[87] _American Weekly Mercury_, March 2, 1733 [first advertised].
[88] Perkins & Dwight, _History of Handel & Haydn Society_, p. 17
(note).
[89] Scharf & Wescott, Vol. II, p. 863.
[90] _Pa. Gaz._, Dec. 30, 1742.
[91] _Pa. Gaz._, Jan. 27, 1743.
[92] _Pa. Gaz._, July 2, 1744.
[93] _Pa. Gaz._, May 31, 1744.
[94] _Pa. Gaz._, Feb. 23 to March 4, 1730-31.
[95] _American Weekly Mercury_, Aug. 7-14, 1729.
[96] _American Weekly Mercury_, Sept. 10-17, 1730.
[97] _American Weekly Mercury_, Nov. 11, 1733.
[98] _American Weekly Mercury_, May 23, 1734.
[99] _Vide_ above, p. 26.
[100] _Vide_ above, p. 11.
[101] _Vide_ above, p. 17 ff.
[102] _American Weekly Mercury_, March 4-13, 1728-9.
[103] See above p. 18.
[104] _German Pietists_, p. 412.
[105] _German Pietists_, p. 418 (note).
[106] _Justus Falckner_, p. 64 (note).
[107] _Pa. Gaz._, July 2-9, 1730.
[108] _Pa. Gaz._, June 15-22, 1738-9.
[109] _Pa. Gaz._, Jan. 31, 1749.
[110] _Pa. Journal_, Jan. 9, 1750.
[111] _Pa. Jour._ and also _Pa. Gaz._, May 24, 1750.
[112] _Pa. Gazette_, May 1, 1740.
[113] _Pa. Gaz._, May 8, 1740.
[114] _Penn. Mag. of Hist._, Vol. I, p. 416.
[115] _Pa. Gaz._, July 12, 1744.
[116] _Pa. Gaz._, March 21, 1749.
[117] Madeira, _Annals of Music_, p. 29.
[118] _Mittelberger’s Journey_, p. 114 ff.
[119] Cf. above, p. 31.
[120] Cf. above, p. 30.
PART II
Period of Progress, 1750-1783