UNION WITH IRELAND.

If any modification of the Union takes place, I trust it will be a total

divorce _a vinculo matrimonii_. I am sure we have lived a cat and dog life

of it. Let us have no silly saving of one crown and two legislatures; that

would be preserving all the mischiefs without any of the goods, if there

are any, of the union.

I am deliberately of opinion, that England, in all its institutions, has

received injury from its union with Ireland. My only difficulty is as to

the Protestants, to whom we owe protection. But I cannot forget that the

Protestants themselves have greatly aided in accelerating the present

horrible state of things, by using that as a remedy and a reward which

should have been to them an opportunity.[1]

If the Protestant Church in Ireland is removed, of course the Romish Church

must be established in its place. There can be no resisting it in common

reason.

How miserably imbecile and objectless has the English government of Ireland

been for forty years past! Oh! for a great man--but one really great man,--

who could feel the weight and the power of a principle, and unflinchingly

put it into act! But truly there is no vision in the land, and the people

accordingly perisheth. See how triumphant in debate and in action O'Connell

is! Why? Because he asserts a broad principle, and acts up to it, rests all

his body on it, and has faith in it. Our ministers--true Whigs in that--

have faith in nothing but expedients _de die in diem_. Indeed, what

principles of government can _they_ have, who in the space of a month

recanted a life of political opinions, and now dare to threaten this and

that innovation at the huzza of a mob, or in pique at a parliamentary

defeat?

[Footnote 1:

"Whatever may be thought of the settlement that followed the battle of the

Boyne and the extinction of the war in Ireland, yet when this had been made

and submitted to, it would have been the far wiser policy, I doubt not, to

have provided for the safety of the constitution by improving the quality

of the elective franchise, leaving the eligibility open, or like the

former, limited only by considerations of property. Still, however, the

scheme of exclusion and disqualification had its plausible side. The ink

was scarcely dry on the parchment-rolls and proscription-lists of the

Popish parliament. The crimes of the man were generalized into attributes

of his faith; and the Irish catholics collectively were held accomplices in

the perfidy and baseness of the king. Alas! his immediate adherents had

afforded too great colour to the charge. The Irish massacre was in the

mouth of every Protestant, not as an event to be remembered, but as a thing

of recent expectation, fear still blending with the sense of deliverance.

At no time, therefore, could the disqualifying system have been enforced

with so little reclamation of the conquered party, or with so little

outrage on the general feeling of the country. There was no time, when it

was so capable of being indirectly useful as a _sedative_ in order to the

application of the remedies directly indicated, or as a counter-power

reducing to inactivity whatever disturbing forces might have interfered

with their operation. And had this use been made of these exclusive laws,

and had they been enforced as the precursors and negative conditions,--but,

above all, as _bonâ fide_ accompaniments, of a process of _emancipation_,

properly and worthily so named, the code would at this day have been

remembered in Ireland only as when, recalling a dangerous fever of our

boyhood, we think of the nauseous drugs and drenching-horn, and

congratulate ourselves that our doctors now-a-days know how to manage these

things less coarsely. But this angry code was neglected as an opportunity,

and mistaken for a _substitute_: _et hinc illae* lacrymae!_"--Church and

State, p. 195.]

* * * * *

I sometimes think it just possible that the Dissenters may once more be

animated by a wiser and nobler spirit, and see their dearest interest in

the church of England as the bulwark and glory of Protestantism, as they

did at the Revolution. But I doubt their being able to resist the low

factious malignity to the church which has characterized them as a body for

so many years.

_February_ 16. 1833.

Specimens of the Table Talk of Samuel Taylor Coleridge · 第 178 / 270 题