The arrival of the Slavs and their descent--The appearance of the
Serbs--Servia, before the arrival of the Serbs--The primitive
Serbs--Serbs and Bulgarians in early days--Stephen Dobroslav and
his son Michael--The Serb dynasty of Nemanya--Stephen Dushan and
Urosh--Knjes Lazar marches against the Turks--The battle of
Kossovo--The death of Knjes Lazar--Vuk Brankoviç and George, his
son--Servia subjected by Mohammed II--Servia a Turkish
province--Semendria--Golubaç and the Via Trajana--The Peace of
Passarowitz--Serbs help Turkey--Kara George--The Treaty of
Bucharest--Milosh Obrenoviç--The stern rule of Milosh
Obrenoviç--Michael Obrenoviç makes way to Alexander
Karageorgeviç--Milosh Obrenoviç recalled--Michael III murdered at
Belgrade--King Milan--King Milan resigns--Peter I,
Karageorgeviç--Servia's war preparations--The Servian Army--The
causes of the war--The Montenegrins--Montenegro declares war--The
opening of hostilities--The progress of the Serbs--Capture of
Monastir and Ochrida--The Serbs march from Ochrida to
Alessio--Occupation of Macedonia--Turkish optimism--Alleged Servian
atrocities--The credit of the Servian Army.
In those dark ages preceding the fall of the Western Roman Empire,
Central Europe was seething with migrant nations dimly desirous of
settling in some more favoured regions than the vast plains and dense
forests whence they came. Among the divers races thus impelled were the
Slavs. They came from what is now Southern Russia, from the banks of the
Dnyepr, and penetrated far into the German Empire of the present day;
traces of them have been found in Hanover, colonies of Slavs still live
in that marshy part of Prussia called the "Lausitz," and the people of
East Prussia itself have a strong admixture of that non-Teuton race.
The Slavs are said to be descended from the ancient Scythians, by some
mistakenly held to have been Mongolians, but it is unlikely that they
kept their racial purity before they set out on their wanderings, and
were probably much mixed with Tartars and other Asiatics who had swarmed
over their pastures and hunting-grounds.
The Hungarians, breaking into Europe along the left bank of the Danube,
then settling in Hungary, drove a wedge in between the Slavs, separating
them into two masses, which by environment and by mixing with other
races gradually developed into distinctive nationalities. Systematic
colonization by the Teutons pressed the northern Slavs back towards the
east, the influx of the Bulgarians into Eastern Europe intercepted
communication between the Slavs to north-eastward, and so helped to
create that branch of the Slav race called the Serbs. They came in
groups of families, so-called Zadrugs, out of the east, each group under
its chief or Zupan, and settled in the country south of the Danube and
westward of the Bulgarians some time in the beginning of the seventh
century, and from that time called themselves Serbs.
To the Romans this country was known as Moesia Superior; they built here
strong castles to shelter flourishing cities, Semendria, for instance,
with its serried ranks of square towers. But the Romans had to make way
to successive waves of savage Huns, fierce Osthro-Goths, and Langobardi,
who left a wilderness behind them where they had passed. Emperor
Justinian reclaimed this land and added it to his Empire in the sixth
century, but the good he did was undone by the Avari, who broke in from
the east and left desolation in their wake. The Serbs followed the Avari
and spread beyond the Save into Bosnia and Montenegro.
The family groups united into clans, and each of these rendered service
to an elected head sometimes called the Great Zupan or Kralj (King), or
again Tsar (Emperor). The maintenance of discipline was no easy matter,
and frequent dissensions among the turbulent tribesmen rendered the
Serbs an easy prey to their stronger neighbours. Such was the state of
affairs when Christianity was introduced in the eighth century and made
the Serbs subject to the Eastern Empire.
From time to time the neighbouring Bulgarians would snatch Servia from
Byzant, but when Bulgaria's power was broken by the Emperor of the East,
Servia again became subject to that Empire towards the end of the tenth
century.
Nearly a century later Servia produced a strong man, Stephen Dobroslav,
called Boistlav by the Greeks; he forced the other Zupans into
submission, assumed full power, and regained the independence of his
country. His son Michael succeeded and was confirmed in the royal title
of Kralj by Pope Gregory, whose aim was to lessen the power of Byzant.
But herein he failed, for inner dissensions again broke out among the
Serbs, the country was forced into the Eastern Empire again and suffered
horribly until in 1165 another Stephen, Zupan of East Servia, reunited
the scattered tribes.
This Stephen founded the Nemanya dynasty and welded the broken tribes
into a strong Empire. It was called that of Rassia, after its capital
Rasha, now in the Sandjak Novibazar. The House of Nemanya flourished,
the Empire of Rassia overflowed its frontiers, and under Stephen Dushan,
1331-1355, included Macedonia, Albania, Thessaly, Epirus, and Bulgaria.
Stephen took the title of Tsar. But with his son Stephen Urosh, a
weakling, the House of Nemanya died out.
During the reign of this last Tsar dissensions had broken out again.
Vukashin the Voivod rose in rebellion, rendering his country an easy
prey to a new foe, more formidable than any the Serbs had yet
encountered, the Turk.
Leaving the Emperor of the East trembling in his purple throne-room,
Amurath I was moving over Eastern Europe with a vast, well-disciplined
army, conquering where he went. On the Amselfeld at Kossovo the Serbs
first met in battle this enemy whom they have frequently met since, whom
they met again so recently, perhaps for the last time in the history of
Europe.
In vain had the Greek Emperor appealed to Catholic Europe for assistance
as the horns of the Crescent closed in upon Byzant. But the Serbs
responded to the call. Reunited once more under Knjes Lazar, the
chivalry of Servia, then of high repute, joined with Albanians,
Bosnians, Bulgarians, to stem the full-flowing tide of Moslems. The
armies met at Kossovo and battle raged with varying fortunes till
evening, but the ranks of the Christian forces were thinning rapidly.
Vukashin had fallen, Knjes Lazar was captured, and Amurath's son
Bajazet, called by his men Yilderim (Lightning) struck swift and sure.
Milosh Kabilovitch, a Servian knight, dashed out from among the
hard-pressed chivalry and galloped forth as if deserting from the
Servian ranks. He sought the presence of Amurath, alleging that he had
important intelligence concerning the plans of the Allies. Kneeling
before Amurath he suddenly leapt up and buried his dagger in the
Sultan's heart. His astounding strength and agility enabled him to reach
the place where he had left his horse, but here he fell under the sabres
of the Janissaries. Amurath survived but to the close of the battle; his
last act was to order the death of Lazar, the Servian King, who,
standing in chains, regaled the dying eyes of his conqueror.
Bajazet succeeded to the throne of Othman on the field of battle and
divided Servia, forced to pay tribute to the Sultan and render military
service, between Stephen, son of Lazar, and Vuk Brankoviç. The latter's
son George, assisted by Hungarians, made a last effort to restore
Servia's independence, and succeeded; the Peace of Szeggedin in 1444
gave Servia a few more years of freedom. But after fifteen years
Mohammed the Conqueror marched through Servia and put an end to its
existence as an independent kingdom for many centuries. The Osmanli
forced the Serbs into subjection by all the cruelties their ingenuity in
that direction suggested. Nearly all the best families were extirpated,
though a few managed to escape to Hungary and others took refuge among
the Black Mountains, whence their descendants came down the other day,
only a few weeks ago, to meet their old enemy the Turk.
The old nobility of Servia ceased to exist after Mohammed's conquest,
and those who were allowed to remain in time embraced Islam, without
doing which no one under Turkish rule in those days need expect justice
or chance of promotion; of the common people two hundred thousand were
sold into slavery by the Osmanli soldiery, and Servia became a Turkish
province, a sandjak, a purely military _terrain d'occupation_.
There are still some ancient monuments left standing which tell of the
days when Servian chivalry hastened to the rescue of Constantinople and
the Cross. Semendria, called Smederovo by the Serbs, once the residence
of George Brankoviç, who fought for freedom by the side of Hunyadi
Janos. This old Roman castle, strengthened by the Servian champion,
Semendria, throws the reflections of its ruined battlements on to the
waters of swift-flowing Danube.
Some way further down the river yet another castle rises sheer above the
banks where the mountains close in on either side to form the Pass of
Kazan. The Danube narrows down to one-third its width on entering here,
it swirls round the base of a steep promontory from which the broken
towers of Golubaç seem to grow as out of the living rock. Crumbling
walls and towers, turrets tottering on the brink of a precipice above
the swirling waters, such is Golubaç, the castle built by Vuk Brancoviç
to guard the entrance to the Pass of Kazan. An important place, too, in
its time, for it controlled the road hewn by Trajan's orders out of the
rock through this pass to the Iron Gates connecting Dacia Trajana with
Moesia Superior.
For centuries these monuments to Servia's former greatness stood
awaiting the rise of Servia rejuvenated, Golubaç tumbling into ruins,
the road it guarded falling into neglect, Semendria a stronghold of the
Osmanli. But during these centuries the Serbs lost neither faith nor
language nor hope of freedom. Songs and epics kept fresh the memories of
former days, while the Serbs went about their daily business, tilling
the soil, watching their herds of swine, living in close family union
despite the storms that tore over their land as the hosts of Othman
pressed westward and towards the north into Hungary, up to Vienna, or
returned flushed with victory or savage because of some defeat.
Help came at last, though slowly, and from the side of Hungary as it had
done three centuries before.
The power of Turkey was already on the wane, and the Treaty of Carlowitz
had begun to curtail Othman conquests west and north of Belgrade. Later
came the Peace of Passarowitz in 1718, which promised well for Servia,
but in reality sowed the seeds of discord between that country and the
House of Habsburg. A large part of Bosnia, formerly in the Kingdom of
Greater Servia, was annexed to Austria. Austrian officials in the newly
acquired territory failed to establish good relations between themselves
and the Serbs, so the latter sided with the Turks when Emperor Charles
VI began his unhappy campaign against the Sultan in 1738. This service
was repaid by the cruelty and excesses of the Janissaries, driving the
Serbs to assist the Austrians when Emperor Joseph II and Catherine II of
Russia went to war with Sultan Mustapha III. Again no advantage accrued
to Servia, and it was not till 1804 and by her own exertions that
freedom came nearer to this downtrodden country.
In that year, stung into action by increased oppression at the hands of
the Turks, the Serbs rose in revolt led by George Petroviç, commonly
called Czrini or Czerny George (Kara George by the Turks); Belgrade was
stormed on December 12th, and after some successful fights the country
was swept clean of the Janissaries. The revolt continued, and as Austria
had refused assistance in 1804 Servia called on Russia for help,
promising to recognize that Empire's suzerainty in return. The help
offered by Russia was not very liberal and the Serbs gained many
successes by their own unaided efforts in the years 1809 and 1810.
In spite of all their successful endeavours, the Serbs were unkindly
treated by the Powers at the Treaty of Bucharest in 1812; they were
granted a general amnesty and self-government of internal affairs, but
continued to pay tribute to the Sultan and were made to surrender all
captured fortresses. As a special favour the Porte allowed all those who
were discontented with the results to emigrate. Turkish troops entered
Servia again and wore down the forces of Kara George till he gave up the
struggle and crossed over into Austria.
The struggle was taken up by Milosh Obrenoviç, who defeated Ali Pasha
and was eventually proclaimed hereditary Prince when Kara George had
been murdered on returning to his country. The Porte acknowledged Milosh
Obrenoviç and granted Servia independent jurisdiction, free inner
administration by the Treaty of Akkerman, which ended the Russo-Turkish
war, and further confirmed the treaty at the Peace of Adrianople in
1829.
By bribery and corruption Milosh managed to obtain letters from the
Porte in 1830 restoring six former districts to Servia. Then Milosh,
feeling secure with a well-trained bodyguard, chose to rule as despot,
inflicting arbitrary punishment with many cruelties on those who
displeased him. Already well used to revolts the Servians rose against
their chosen ruler under Avram Petronijeviç and Thoma Vuciç, and obliged
Milosh to grant a constitution. Milosh resigned in favour of his son
Milan. Milan lived only a short time and was succeeded by his brother
Michael Obrenoviç, who made himself unpopular by levying a tax on acorns
when prepared as food for pigs. Pigs are still fortune-makers for the
Serbs as they were in those days, so the people revolted again. Michael
fled to Austria and a son of Kara George, Alexander Karageorgeviç, was
elected in his stead.
Even Alexander, a peaceful sovereign, did not please the people for
long; he had a leaning towards Austria, and for this reason was called
upon to abdicate. Instead of going quietly he appealed to the Porte,
whereupon the Servian Parliament, the Skuptshina, recalled Milosh
Obrenoviç, now seventy-eight years of age, and placed him on the
unsteady throne of Servia for a second time.
Followed the son of Milosh, Michael III Obrenoviç; he reorganized the
militia forces of Servia and forced the Turks to abandon the remaining
fortresses they held in the land, Belgrade, Sabaç, and Semendria, and by
1867 the last Osmanli had left the country. Yet there was
dissatisfaction among the Serbs, for Michael III was murdered the
following year in Topshida Park at Belgrade, his new capital.
Milan Obrenoviç was then called to the throne and took sovereign rights
and title in 1878, after Plevna fell and the Serbs had retrieved defeats
suffered during that war against Turkey by taking Nish, Pirot, and
Leskovoç from the already badly beaten Osmanli. Milan Obrenoviç became
King in 1882 and sought to add to his dignity by invading Bulgaria what
time that principality was occupied with a revolt in East Roumelia. The
Serbs were very badly beaten at Slivniça and Pirot, by a man who knew
his business thoroughly, Alexander von Battenberg, Prince of Bulgaria.
This ill-success, possibly other motives, led to the resignation of King
Milan, who was succeeded by Alexander I, his son. Of that monarch's
personality, his life, and ghastly death, I decline to say anything; the
papers in June, 1903, were full of it--too full of it.
It was left to another Karageorgeviç, Peter I, the present King, to
march once more against the old oppressor of the Serbs, and to take
lands, once part of Greater Servia, from the hands of those who had so
long misruled them.
While the rest of Europe was comforting itself with the disproved
statement that trouble in the Balkans is always deferred till the snow
melts under the rays of a spring sun, the Balkan Kingdoms had entered
into an alliance against their old enemy the Turk. Notwithstanding the
fact that many of those whose business it is to know such things were
well aware of the preparations made by the Allies, European diplomacy
lulled itself to sleep by reiterated formulæ, mumbling something about
_status quo_. In the meantime Bulgaria, chief of the Allies, had for
years been training its hardy sons to a winter campaign, and had,
moreover, a most excellent secret intelligence department with its
feelers all over Thrace and those parts of the peninsula likely to be
immediately affected by a war. Servia had been carefully preparing for
the _grand coup_ by reorganizing its military forces. Few people
elsewhere in Europe took them seriously, remembering the ease with which
Bulgaria defeated her ally some years ago, and also the ineffective
clamour raised when Austria-Hungary annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Nevertheless it was made possible to extend the army of Servia from a
peace footing of some 35,000 men to a field army of 160,000. This was
accomplished out of a population of 3,000,000 inhabiting 18,800 square
miles, and the total annual cost of that army is only £1,200,000.
Compare this with Great Britain's idea of insisting on her voice being
heard among the armed nations of Europe on the Continent with an
expeditionary force of 100,000 men out of a population of over
45,000,000! But then the Serbs have not yet had time to wax fat and
indifferent to their country's needs. Every Serb is obliged to serve his
country and does so willingly. Thus the cadres of the Servian standing
army swelled as townsmen and sturdy countrymen flocked to join the
colours, singing as they marched out armed and eager, "Rado ide Srbin u
voinike"--"Gaily the Serbs go to war."
While Britons were enjoying the autumn holidays great things were
preparing among the Balkan States, and they passed unnoticed. The
tension always existent between the Allied Kingdoms and their former
conqueror and master became acute in consequence of several incidents.
Turkey, dimly realizing that the state of affairs was becoming more and
more difficult, thought fit to seize some war material _en route_ to
Servia, via Saloniki and Üsküb. Again, Turkey declined to punish those
who had joined in the Kochana massacres; Macedonia was roused to fury
and its voice found echo in Sofia. Turkey also insisted on carrying out
the manoeuvres round Adrianople, planned by Field-Marshal von der
Goltz, to show in mimic warfare what shortly after happened in stern
reality. Servia protested strongly, so did Bulgaria. Servia mobilized
with astounding rapidity, Bulgaria was ready, as every one would suppose
who knows that country, its strong ruler, and efficient people. Still
Western Europe said, "It is all talk, let us enjoy our holiday," till
suddenly the world was made aware of the Balkan Alliance and heard of
Turkey's declaration of war against Bulgaria and Servia.
In the meantime another of the Allies, the smallest, probably fiercest
of them, had begun the dance, the Montenegrins. For centuries these
people have been longing to avenge former wrongs done them by the Turks.
It was the Turks who drove the remnant of Slav nobility into the
inaccessible Black Mountains when the hosts of Islam swarmed over the
Danube lands, Servia, Bosnia, Herzegovina, murdering and plundering,
destroying an ancient civilization.
Secure among their mountains the Montenegrins remained untouched by
those influences which have kept their neighbours the Albanians under
the dominion of the Sultan. They held firmly to their religion, the
Greek Orthodoxy, this kept them united against their enemy the Turk, and
they developed along their own lines. Their princely family the Balshas
kept Turks and Venetians at bay, and when that dynasty died out their
quite natural quarrels were kept down by a line of priestly princes,
Vladikas; the Prince-Bishop being celibate was less likely to be dragged
into family feuds. By degrees the sovereignty became hereditary, passing
from uncle to nephew, until Danilo II relinquished the ecclesiastical
side of his dignity. He was assassinated in 1860 and succeeded by Prince
Nicholas, now King of Montenegro.
Montenegro soon found sufficient pretext for declaring war, and did so
in all solemnity on October 8th. Immediately after this act the sons of
the mountains were pouring down from the heights over the Turkish
border. By a series of sharp, well-contrived attacks they gained
numerous advantages over their enemies, had joined hands with the
Servian Army by October 25th in the Sandjak of Novi Bazar, had captured
S. Giovanni di Medua by November 18th, then assisting General
Yankovitch's Servian division in an attack on the fortress of Alessio,
which was captured after fierce fighting.
In the meantime Montenegro's southern army was investing Scutari,
assisted by the northern force moving down from Tuzi. Since the Young
Turks came into power in 1908 the natural advantages for defence proper
to Scutari have been greatly enhanced, for Hilmi Pasha made this the
head-quarters of his action against the Albanians. The garrison of
Scutari, computed at some ten thousand men, was well armed and well
provided for, and has held out against superior odds. It proposes to
hold out till the end, whenever that may be, in spite of all the
desperate attacks by night and day to which Montenegrin impetuosity
subjects it. Scutari is still holding out, and so far the Montenegrins
have poured out their blood before its strong defences in vain. The
commander of the fortress absolutely declined to recognize the
armistice.
On October 17th the Porte issued a formal notification to the Powers
that "a state of war exists to-day between the Turkish Empire and the
Kingdoms of Bulgaria and Servia." A revolt of Serbs in the districts of
Üsküb, Kumanovo, and others had already broken out during the first days
of October, and fighting on the frontier was reported some days before
the declaration of war at Vranja and near Ristovaç on the Morava. Servia
declared war on Turkey on the same day as the Turkish notification was
issued, Bulgaria and Greece did likewise; so four kings at the head of
their armies crossed the borders of their realms to concentrate in an
attack on their old enemy.
King Peter of Servia made Vranja his first head-quarters, and from here
followed the progress of his armies. They marched down from the
mountains in three columns, beating down fierce resistance, gaining
victory on victory at enormous cost. By October 21st the Serbs had won a
victory at Podujevo, and captured Nova Varosh in the Sandjak. At the
same time the Second Army Corps, under General Stephanovich, was forcing
its way to Egri Palanka, capturing the important position of Carsko Selo
and Sultan Tepe, marching towards Üsküb, where the three armies were to
meet eventually.
Servian arms were victorious elsewhere. Led by the Crown Prince in
person, the Serbs attacked Kumanovo; the fighting lasted with varying
fortunes for two days, the Turks offering desperate resistance and
making furious counter-attacks. After hard fighting in the Teresh Pass,
Prishtina fell to the Serbs, and shortly after the western column
captured Mitrovitza, Vuchitra, and Gilan. The Serbs then marched on
Üsküb and took it, King Peter entered the town, once a royal residence
of the Kraljs of Greater Servia, in solemn triumph, amidst the
rejoicings of the populace. There was desperate fighting near Kossovo,
on the Amselfeld, where Amurath broke the chivalry of ancient Servia in
the fourteenth century, and with his dying eyes watched the death
agonies of Knjes Lazar, King of the Serbs. Here on the Amselfeld, the
scene of Milosh Kabilovitch's daring deed, Young Servia vindicated its
honour, and proved the metal of a nation united in arms to some great
purpose, inspired by a high ideal.
Then the Servian armies marched on towards Monastir, but were able at
the same time to detach troops to reinforce their allies the Greeks, and
the Bulgarians before Adrianople. Monastir was closely invested, and
fell on November 19th. The Crown Prince held his solemn entry into the
town, captured in face of many great obstacles. Besides Turkish
regulars, the inhabitants of the town offered desperate resistance, the
latter attacking with great ferocity. It was largely bayonet fighting,
the Servian infantry carrying one position after another at _pas de
charge_, sometimes wading through water breast-high. Finally the Turks
attempted a desperate sortie, which ended in a complete rout, during
which many who escaped from the sabres of the pursuing Servian cavalry
managed to make for Ochrida. This latter city, formerly a royal
residence of the Serbo-Bulgarian Tsars, was captured by the Serbs on
November 24th.
[Illustration: TENEDOS
An island close to the Asiatic side of the entrance to the Dardanelles.
It served as a base for Greek torpedo-boat destroyers. Here one of these
held up the ship I was sailing in.]
Then the Serbs set out on yet another desperate venture, in pursuit of
an ideal, a window on the Adriatic. Let us hope that a full account of
this march of a Servian column over the mountains, from the Lake of
Ochrida to Alessio, may be recorded in detail by some of those who took
part in it, for the venture is reminiscent of Pizarro's march across the
Andes. Communications with head-quarters could only be maintained by
means of couriers, and naturally became less frequent as the gallant
column disappeared among the mountain passes. The way led along the edge
of yawning chasms, the track so narrow that pack animals, hardy mountain
ponies, could be loaded on one side only; then again, down some winding
ravine, toiling ten miles to advance one; again, amid rocks and
boulders, over a pass swept by an icy wind, or through a valley two or
three feet deep in snow. Guns and ammunition had to be dragged along,
for though the heights were generally deserted, yet now and again
hostile Albanians would have to be dispersed before an advance was
possible. Rations were very short, yet in spite of hunger, fatigue, and
the enemy's attention, the force won through with trifling losses until
the waters of the Adriatic gleamed at their feet. And so the Serbs
arrived on the sea-coast at Alessio, where they were met by their
allies, the Montenegrins, who had taken S. Giovanni di Medua. At yet
another point on the Adriatic, at Durazzo, the Serbs emerged from the
mountains, to emphasize their claims to an outlet on the sea, while
Austrian cruisers looked on jealously.
Thus by the end of November all Macedonia had been lost to the Ottoman
Empire. Yet the people of Constantinople seemed, for the most part at
least, indifferent to outside matters, and continued the even tenor of
their way. Only in cafés, and places where men of leisure congregate,
would you hear the war discussed, or chiefly the rumours afloat about
it, and from these many pot-valiant Turks deduced that, far from all
being lost, the Osmanli armies were about to begin the war in earnest.
The beaten remnant of Ottoman power in Europe, huddling behind the lines
of Chatalja, was to emerge from hiding, march over the Bulgarians up the
Valley of the Maritza, relieve famine-stricken Adrianople, and enter
Sofia in triumph. Yet another Ottoman army was to march south through
Thessaly, retake Saloniki, cross into Epirus, and dictate the Sultan's
terms to Greece in Athens. This has been told me seriously by several
Turks, those who are interested in the war. What is more, they are
firmly persuaded that this can and will happen. With such a people, the
majority completely apathetic, a minority wildly optimistic, it is
difficult to see how anything like a common-sense view of matters is
likely to obtain, and without such common sense Turkey's place in the
comity of European nations will probably be filled by people with a
better-adjusted sense of proportion.
Of course, reports of Servian excesses, atrocities, are spread about,
chiefly disseminated by Continental papers. That soldiers flushed by
victory are liable to break away from strict discipline is a lamentable
fact. I know of few armies of which the same cannot be said with more or
less justice. The Continental Press spread reports of this kind about
the British army in South Africa, and lowered the status of journalism
by these vicious falsehoods. It must also be borne in mind that many
Continental papers are to a certain extent used by the Governments of
their respective countries for the purpose of creating a tendency. This
was distinctly the case during the South African war, when a strong
organization poisoned the minds of European nations against Great
Britain by means of the Press, in order to justify interference with our
affairs. They were ably seconded by a section of the Press in this
country. The movement failed of its result owing to the strength of
Great Britain and the solidarity of the nation. It seems to be probable
that much the same tendency inspired the recent recitals of Servian
atrocities. On the whole the Press has not distinguished itself
particularly during the Balkan war, and certainly the restrictions
placed on war correspondents added to the difficulties of news-getting.
Yet this is no reason for substituting fiction for facts, for there are
many who still believe what they see in the papers, and among them were
a number who suffered considerable anxiety when reading of the state of
Constantinople during the last stage of the war. Some accounts were not
even remotely connected with the truth.
Whatever the truth about Servian atrocities may be it is certain that
the Servian Army did its work uncommonly well. Thorough preparedness
and good leadership enabled it not only to sweep the Turks out of
Macedonia, but also to assist the other Allies, for instance, in
detaching eighty thousand men to help the Bulgarians in the siege of
Adrianople.
How many of those who read their daily paper realize the work done by
the Servian Army? In a country where roads are few, and in wet weather
only serve to indicate the general direction and not to carry heavy
traffic, the Servian troops, especially the infantry, daily covered a
surprising amount of ground; what is more, the transport managed to keep
up with the marching columns. And it was not all simple marching; there
was severe fighting to be done, and heavy ammunition trains had to keep
up with the operations in progress.
Great credit is due to those who reorganized the Servian Army and fitted
it for the task it took in hand. Their names have not been lauded by the
Press, their portraits do not constantly figure in the illustrated
papers, but they have served their country well, and helped to bring
about lasting changes in the state of Europe, changes which will yet
cause great anxiety to the people of those very superior Great Powers
who sit in judgment on matters which many of them cannot understand.