CHAPTER X

VALUE AS GENERIC. THE PSYCHOLOGY OF VALUE

We return, then, to the problem of the nature of value. Value is more than

the total utility of a good, or the marginal utility of a good, to an

individual, and it is more than a ratio of exchange. Economic value is a

species of the _genus_ value, which runs through other social sciences, as

ethics, aesthetics, jurisprudence, etc. Sometimes these various values are

so intermingled that it is impossible to tell them apart: thus, what kind

of value did a human life have in early Germanic jurisprudence, when a

_wergeld_ was accepted as compensation for killing a man?

Ethical and legal values we recognize as something very different from the

feelings of single individuals, and also as something very different from

abstract ratios. In fact, the idea of quantitative ratios in connection

with moral values is somewhat startling--though we do apply the "times

judgment" pretty far, and say, "he's twice the man the other fellow is," or

"this isn't half as bad as that." But we do not go into refinements,

ordinarily, and try to make the ratios more exact, as by saying that the

value of this noble deed is three and three eighths times as great as that.

The quantitative measure of legal value is a more familiar idea. Thus, a

man gets five dollars fine for a plain drunk, and twenty-five dollars for

getting drunk and "cussin' around" (a scale of "prices" recently

established in the court of a Missouri Justice of the Peace), or three

years in the penitentiary for one crime, and ten years for another. Here we

have quantitative measurements of values, but still it is rather strange to

our thought to speak of a ratio of exchange between them. We have no

occasion to exchange them ordinarily, even though it may happen that a

criminal, in contemplating the chances of success in two alternative

depredations, will weigh the penalties to which he would be liable in the

two cases against each other; and, indeed, the law of supply and demand

holds here also (though inversely applied, for we are dealing with negative

values). If a particular crime (as "Black-Handing") increases rapidly, we

increase the penalty on it to bring it to a stop. But this generalization

of the idea of value ought to make clear one thing: exchange, at least in

its ordinary meaning,[119] is not the essence of value. Exchange is a

factor in estimating value only in economic life. And even there, values

are often estimated without actual exchange, and the art of accountancy has

arisen for that purpose.

An exhaustive study of this generic aspect of value lies, of course,

outside the scope of this book. Ehrenfels, Meinong, and others,[120] have

made fruitful investigations in the psychology of value, with primary

reference to the problems of ethical value, while Gabriel Tarde,

approaching the subject with a sociological, rather than psychological or

ethical interest, has also made some illuminating suggestions. The most

comprehensive work in English, from the psychological point of view, is by

Professor W. M. Urban, whose _Valuation_ appeared in 1909. His interest is

also chiefly in ethical, rather than economic, value. Reference has been

made in an earlier footnote[121] to Simmel's views. There is, in fact, a

rich literature on the subject. The theory of economic value to be

developed in this volume, however, is relatively independent of many of the

theories treated in this literature, since, as will appear later, the

question I wish to raise is, not so much as to the fundamental nature of

value, in its psychological aspects, but rather, as to _what_ individual

values (and in what _relations_) are significant for the explanation of the

particular sort of value with which the economist is concerned. The

exposition which follows will be clearer, however, if a psychological

theory of value be premised, and the discussion of social economic value

will gain from a consideration of ethical and other forms of value, in

their sociological aspects, as treated by some of the writers named. The

rest of this chapter will be concerned with the problem of value as it

presents itself in individual psychology, and later chapters will treat the

problem of social value.

_For_ the experience, and at the time of the experience, a value is a

_quality_ of the object valued.[122] Values are "tertiary qualities" (to

borrow an expression from Professor Santayana's _Life of Reason_[123]),

just as real and objective as the "primary" and "secondary" qualities. We

speak of a gloomy day, or a fearful sight, and the gloom is a quality of

the day, and the fearfulness is really in the object--for the experience.

When we have sufficiently reflected upon the situation to be able to

separate subject and object, and to divest the object of the quality, and

put the fear in ourselves, or the gloom in our own emotional life, then the

experience is already past, and the value, as the value of that object, has

ceased to be. We are already over our fear when we can separate it from

the object. These qualities are intensive qualities, may be greater or less

in degree, i.e., are quantities.[124] And they must first _exist_, as such

quantities, before any reflective process of evaluation and comparison can

put them in a scale, and make clear their _relative_ values.[125]

So much for the experience as an immediate fact. If we break up the

experience analytically, however, we of course first distinguish subject

and object, and we throw the "tertiary quality," of value, over to the side

of the subject. It is a phase of the subject's emotional life. In this

analytical process we necessarily make abstractions,--the elements with

which we finally come out, put together in a synthesis, will not give us

our concrete experienced value again. But, recognizing this, we may still

distinguish what seem to be the more important aspects of the value

experience, on its psychological side, and set forth the criteria by which

a value is to be recognized. First of all, then, value has its roots in the

emotional-volitional side of mind. A pure intellect, if we may imagine it,

would understand logical necessity, would contemplate the "world of

description," but could know nothing of the "world of appreciation," or of

values.[126] (It is precisely because intellect is never "pure," because it

always has its emotional accompaniment and presuppositions, that we can

objectively communicate our values, as urged in chapter VIII.) But what

phases of the emotional-volitional side of mind are most significant? For

hedonism, an abstract element, a _feeling_, a pleasure or a pain, is the

essence of the value,--in fact, _is_ the value. Critics of hedonism, as

Ehrenfels[127] and Professor Davenport,[128] have made _desire_, rather

than feeling, the worth-fundamental. The psychology lying back of this

conception represents a great advance over the passive, associationalistic,

element psychology of the hedonists, and is especially significant as

emphasizing the impulsive, dynamic nature of value, but it is still too

abstract,--indeed, it abstracts from a very fundamental aspect of the value

as _experienced_, namely, the feeling itself. Moreover, in many cases,

value may be great with desire at a minimum, else we must say that value

ceases when an object is _possessed_, and desire is satisfied. I may value

my friend greatly, may be vividly conscious of that value, and yet, because

he _is_ my friend, because I already possess him, may find the element of

desire a minor phase in his value, even if it be present at all.[129]

Hedonism abstracts a prominent and important phase of the value experience,

and while it errs in making that phase the whole of the experience, and

while it has sadly misinterpreted that phase (for feelings of value cannot

be reduced to pleasure and pain feelings), still we cannot afford to

disregard it. Just because the hedonistic analysis is crude, it has to

seize on something obvious. If we must choose between feeling and desire

as _the_ value-fundamental, we must, I think, with Meinong and Urban,[130]

settle on feeling rather than desire. Our point will be, however, to

protest against the identification of value with either of these, and to

distinguish both of them as _moments_, or phases, in value, and value

itself as a moment or phase in the total psychosis. Value is not to be

understood apart from what Urban calls its "presuppositions."[131] Every

value presupposes a going on of activity, and is intimately linked with the

total psychosis,--a moving focal point of clear consciousness, with a

surrounding area of vaguer processes, gradually shading off into the

subconscious and unconscious at the borders. Every value is linked with the

whole body of ideas, emotions, habits, instincts, impulses, which, in their

organic totality, we call the personality. Back of the value stands a long

history, which persists into the present in the form of dispositions and

activities, of which we are unconscious so long as they are unimpeded, but

which spring into consciousness at once if arrested. If the object be one

that appeals to simple biological impulses, we may, as a rule, safely

abstract from most of these "presuppositions," and centre attention upon

the biological impulse and its accompanying feelings and ideas. But as we

rise to objects that appeal to wider and higher interests, the essential

presuppositions include more and more till, in vital ethical values,

virtually the whole personality is essentially involved. Of these

presuppositions, or "funded meaning," we need not be conscious in any

detail. The value, which is the emotional-volitional aspect of this funded

meaning, is, of course, sufficient, so long as it is unchallenged by an

opposing value, for the motivation of our activity--which is the essential

function of values. The presuppositions tend to become explicit when the

value is challenged by another value, though they never come entirely into

light, in the case of the higher values, and to make them even

approximately clear is the work of long conflict in an introspective mind.

A frequent result of conflicts among values is a sort of mechanical "haul

and strain," producing "more heat than light." The question of the

relations among values is a separate topic, which will be discussed for its

own sake later. We are here interested in it as making clearer the nature

of the "presuppositions" of value.

Now in the value, as has been said, we may distinguish both desire and

feeling. The feelings, in Professor Dewey's phrase, are "absolutely

pluralistic" and cannot be reduced to any one type, or two types, as

pleasure and pain. The desires may be either intense or slight, without

reference to the amount of the value, depending on circumstances. As

stated, if we _have_ the object we value, the element of desire must be

reduced to an _attitude_, to a disposition to desire, in the event the

object should be lost. It remains a vague background of concern, of

"anxiety lest the object escape," capable, of course, of springing into

full intensity if need be. In aesthetic values, and in the values of

mystical repose, we have cases where desire is,[132] thus, at a minimum.

Strictly speaking, desire, as a conscious fact, has in it always a negative

aspect, a privative aspect,--we desire when we are incomplete, when we

lack. It is this negative aspect of desire which the Greek philosophers, as

Aristotle, stressed, and which has led absolute idealism to eliminate

desire from its conception of the Absolute Spirit. But desire has also a

positive or active aspect, and in this aspect it remains in all values.

Where the activity is perfectly unified,--a situation which we sometimes

approximate,--we may not be conscious of desire, even though intense

activity is going on. Since, however, the human mind is rarely in this

state, and never completely in it, we may hold that desire, in its

privative aspect, is always to some degree present, if only as a vague

uneasiness. And as a disposition to activity, if the value should be

threatened, desire is always present.

Conversely, desire may be at a maximum, and feeling at a minimum. If we do

_not_ possess the object, if we are striving for it, while there may be and

doubtless is feeling in connection with the desire, it cannot, obviously,

be the _same_ feeling that we would experience if the object were present

and quenching the desire. Indeed, it may be held that much of the

feeling-accompaniment of intense desire is extraneous to the value-moment:

that it is, in fact, kinaesthetic feeling, due to the stress of opposing

muscular reactions, etc. The disposition to feel is there, and, if the

object of desire be one that is familiar, the mere anticipation of it may

call up traces of the feeling that its presence has in the past produced

and will produce again. But the feeling element in such a situation is a

minor phase.

Finally, unless we mean to insist that all the objects which one values,

and whose values motivate one's conduct, are present in consciousness all

the time, we must recognize that neither desire nor feeling need be actual,

present, conscious facts, for the value to be effective. It may happen that

the object of value is one reserved for later use, and that it is not

threatened. In such a case we may accord its value intellectual

recognition, with desire and feeling both at a minimum, and that

recognition may serve as a term in a logical process which may lead to a

practical conclusion of significance for action. Or, a value may form part

of the unconscious "presupposition" of another value, which is consciously

felt at the moment. Mind is economical. Consciousness is not wasted, when

there is no function to be served by it. The essential thing about value is

that it motivate our conduct. If a satisfactory set of habits be built up

about a value, it may serve this purpose perfectly, without coming into

consciousness very often. But both desire and feeling must be potentially

there.

A further element is necessary. Meinong insists upon an existential

judgment, a judgment that the object valued is real, as essential to

value.[133] Gabriel Tarde[134] makes a similar contention, holding that

belief, as well as desire, is involved in value, and that a diminution of

either means a lessening of the value. Urban's opinion, which seems to me

the correct one, is that we need not and cannot go so far as this.[135] In

many cases such judgments are explicit and the value could not exist if the

object were explicitly judged unreal. But the mere unconscious assumption

or presumption of the reality of the object, the mere "reality-feeling," is

sufficient,--as is obvious enough from the fact that we value the objects

of our imagination. We shall often find, especially in the field of the

social values to which we shall shortly turn, that Tarde's contention is

highly significant, particularly with reference to economic values, and

there, particularly in the matter of credit phenomena.[136] But explicit

affirmation, even there, is not necessary, provided the question of reality

is not raised at all. A "reality-feeling," however, is essential. It should

be noticed, too, that this "reality-feeling" is an essentially emotional,

rather than intellectual, fact. It is the emotional "tang" which

distinguishes _belief_ from mere ideation, and, if it be present, the

ideation and explicit judgment may be dispensed with.

In the value experience, as a conscious experience, and from the structural

side, we may distinguish these phases: feeling, desire, and the

reality-feeling, each present at least to a minimal degree. And yet it

seems to me that we have in none of these, considered as phases _in

consciousness_, the most essential aspect of value. For our purposes the

structural aspect is not the most significant. The _functional_ aspect is

of more importance. And the function of values is the function of

_motivation_. That value is greatest which counts for most in motivating

activity. A well-established and unquestioned value, which in a concrete

situation has the _pas_ over all the others concerned, has little need to

awaken the emotional intensity that other, less certain, values, whose

position in the scale is as yet undetermined, may require. A girl is

arranging a dinner-party. Whom shall she invite? Well, her chum of course

must be there. No question arises. There is no need for conscious emotion.

One or two others are settled upon almost as readily, and with as little

emotional intensity. But now comes the problem _at the margin_! For eight

or ten others are almost equally desirable, and there are only six places.

The lower values, compared with each other, must show themselves for what

they are, must come vividly into consciousness, must be felt and desired

_in order that_ they may be _compared_,--not in order that they may be!

From the functional side, then, the test of a value is its influence upon

activity. The "common denominator," or, better, the abstract essence, of

values, is, not feeling, nor desire, but power in motivation, and the

expression of this is of course the activity itself. The _functional_

significance of the consciously realized desire and feeling aspects of

values comes in when values are to be compared and weighed against one

another, and--a phase that was stressed in a preceding section, and will

again be adverted to shortly--when values are to be _shared_ consciously by

different individuals, when they are to be communicated and

discussed,--that is to say, are to become objects of a group consciousness.

The significant thing about value, then, from this functional point of view

is its dynamic quality. Value is a _force_, a motivating force. But now we

must revert to our original point of view,--the total situation. We have,

by an analytical process, sundered subject and object, and then, within the

subject, have discriminated phases which psychological analysis reveals.

But in the course of activity, these elements are not discriminated. The

value is, not in the subject, but in the _object_. The object is an

embodiment of the force. It has power over us, over our actions. If the

object be a person, we are under his control--to the extent of the value.

If the object be a thing controlled by another person, we are subject to

his control--to the extent of the value. I do not wish to be understood as

picking out this abstract phase of value as the whole of the story, or

thinking that it is possible for value to exist in this abstract form.

Qualities are never separate. But I do contend that this is the essential

and universal element in values, and that for an individual engaged in the

active conduct of life, this aspect is so significant that it may often be

the sole feature to engage his attention--because it is the sole feature

that _need_ engage his attention for the activity to go on in harmony with

his values. Here, then, is value "stripped for racing": _a quantity of

motivating force, power over the actions of a man, embodied in an object_.

All the other phases, in the course of the active experience itself, may be

relegated to the sphere of the implicit.

A necessary limitation has been definitely indicated in what has gone

before, but, to avoid misunderstanding, it may be well to indicate it more

explicitly. Not every form of impulse is to be counted a value. Every state

of consciousness is motor, and tends to pass into action, even vague,

undefined feelings, and half-conscious fancies. A value must have its

organic presuppositions, as indicated before, and must be embodied in an

_object_. The objects of value may be infinitely various: they may be

economic goods, they may be persons, they may be activities, they may be

other values, they may be ideal objects, the creatures of our imaginations,

they may be social utopias or the Kingdom of Heaven. But there must be an

object, and the value is a quality of the object. But, functionally, the

essential thing about this value is its dynamic character.

Values are positive and negative.[137] A "fearful sight" repels us, has a

negative value, tends, to the extent of its strength, to make us withdraw.

A bad act, an ugly woman, a cruel man,--here we have negative values.

Little need be said further with reference to this point. They alike are

motivating forces, the positive values attracting us, the negative values

repelling us.

The question of the relations among values we shall discuss rather briefly,

not that it is unimportant, but that much of it is familiar. Values may be

complementary--as when several objects are all essential to one another if

any of them are to be of use. Values may depend on other values, as the

value of the means depends on the value of the end, which is its essential

"presupposition." Values may antagonize each other, and here two cases are

to be distinguished, which differ so much in degree that the difference may

be regarded as qualitative. Values may be in their nature quite compatible,

so that nothing in their character prevents the realization of both, but

there may not be _room_ enough for both, owing to the limitation of our

resources,--as when the young lady of our illustration had only six seats

at her dinner, and so was obliged to exclude some of her friends. But the

values may be qualitatively incompatible. We may be unable to realize them

both because the one involves a different sort of _self_ from the self that

could realize the other. This is the typical case in ethical values, where

the presuppositions, especially in ethical crises, involve the whole

personality. In case of such conflicts, say between the value of Sabbath

observance and the allurement of Sunday baseball in the case of an

orthodox "fan," we may have, as before indicated, a mere mechanical haul

and stress, in which one or the other wins by sheer force, to the very

considerable discomfort of the uneasy victim. But the conflict may lead to

a reexamination of the presuppositions of each value, to a process of

bringing each into more organic relation to the whole system of values. In

this process, other values may be called into play, may reenforce one or

the other of the two alternative values. And, after such a process, both

values may be different from what they were. There may emerge some higher

value which comprehends them both, or one may be reduced to a minor place,

and the other may prevail. Values are no more permanent than any other

phase of the mental life. Constant transformations, even though not always

fundamental transformations, take place.

There is another case which is so familiar to economists that it need

merely be adverted to. Where objects of value are indivisible, we must take

one _or_ the other, if there be a conflict. But, in the case of

qualitatively compatible objects, a different situation is the rule. We may

have _part_ of one, _and_ part of the other, and the question arises as to

_how much_ of each. Here the Austrian analysis gives us an answer, which,

when we generalize it, despite its antiquated psychology, may be accepted

with little modification.[138] The law of "diminishing utility" as we

increase the increments of each object, holds, and the problem is that of

a marginal equilibrium. The young lady of our illustration would certainly

have her chum if she have only one dinner, but if she have a number of

dinners, the "marginal utility" of her chum's presence may sink so low that

she may find the presence of some one hitherto excluded more valuable at

the sixth or seventh dinner. And, indeed, our conception of qualitatively

incompatible values must not be made too absolute. Human nature is

accommodating and practical, and a little wickedness may be tolerated by a

good man for the sake of a value which would not induce him to tolerate

more. He may find the "final increment" of his Sabbath observance lower

than the "initial increment" of his Sunday baseball.

Two antagonistic values may cohere in the same object. Our _fearful_ sight

may also be an _interesting_ sight. And the initial increment of the

interest may outweigh the initial increment of the fear. But, as the

interest is partially satisfied, the fear may grow, until it finally

overcomes the interest, and we flee. Indeed, it may be laid down as the law

of negative values that as the "supply" increases (_caeteris paribus_) the

negative value rises--the obverse of the law of "diminishing (positive)

utility"--a doctrine recognized, in one of its aspects, in the economic

doctrine of "increasing (psychic) costs."

A further point is to be noted in the case (especially though not

exclusively) of these qualitatively incompatible values, where a

quantitative compromise of the sort described is worked out between them.

The personality itself may change, through a growing familiarity with the

negative value. It may cease to be a negative value, and may become

positive. And if, as may happen, this change takes place quickly, in the

course of a moral crisis, our process would be, first, a gradually

increasing negative value, as the "supply" of the objects of negative value

is increased; next, a sudden shift from a high negative to a high positive

value, as the personality changes, and we come to love what we have hated;

then a gradual sinking of the new positive value as the supply is still

further increased.[139]

The case of the conflict between qualitatively incompatible values is the

typical case of the conflict between "duty and pleasure," between

"obligation and inclination," etc. Certain values present themselves as

"categorical imperatives," as "absolute universals," and refuse, or tend to

refuse, any compromise. Our analysis would tend to cast doubt on the

"absolute absoluteness" of these values (taking absolute in the sense in

which it has been used in the history of ethics, as distinguished from the

sense in which I have earlier used it in this book[140]). The most

significant thing about these "absolute" values from the standpoint of our

present inquiry, seems to be the resistance which they offer to the

"marginal process." They seem to insist that their objects be taken _in

toto_ or not at all. They tend to universalize themselves, attaching to the

remotest possible increment of the "supply" quite as strongly as to the

initial increments. They refuse to place their objects in a scale of

"diminishing utility." Such values are those which have been so fortified

by habit and education that they are vital parts of the personality, and

that any compromise where they are involved seems treason to the inmost

self. If we wish to make precise analogies between our social and our

individual values, we shall find here the nearest approach in the

individual field to those fundamental legal values which determine the

inmost character of the state, and which present themselves as "practical

absolutes" in the legal value system, e.g., democracy, or personal

liberty--or fundamental sociological values, like the "color line."

It will be noted, further, that our analysis draws no hard and fast lines

between the different sorts of value, ethical, economic, esthetic,

religious, personal, etc., in the sphere of the individual's psychology.

Such lines do not exist. There are shadings, gradations, quantitative

differences which become distinct enough to justify a classification of

values. But values never become, on the functional side, so fundamentally

different in character that there can be no reduction of them to the

"common denominator" of power in motivation. And especially is that a false

abstraction which would separate the different sorts of value, ethical,

economic, etc., into separate, water-tight systems, and let each system

have its own equilibrium and its own interactions, uninfluenced by the

other systems. The fact is, simply, that ethical and esthetic values may

constantly reinforce economic values, economic values reinforce ethical

values, or economic and ethical or other values may oppose each other, and

marginal equilibria are constantly worked out between them. Or, better,

_among_ them, for, while in the consciousness of the moment we may have

only _two_ opposing values in mind, and may have our equilibrium apparently

between just two, yet in fact the whole system of values is constantly

tending toward equilibrium, ethical, religious, economic, esthetic, all

asserting themselves, and finding their place in the scale, and getting

their "margins" fixed,--extensive margins and intensive margins. But this

is so obviously merely a generalization of well-known economic laws, that

further detail is needless. One point may be mentioned, however. _Price_ is

to be generalized in the same way as value. Since this equilibrium among

values holds, then any object of value may be used to _measure_ the value

of any other. If the presence of her chum at the fifth dinner is in

equilibrium with the presence of some hitherto excluded friend, for our

young lady, then the one is the _price_ of the other, and measures her

value. A material good which one takes in return for an immoral act is the

price of that act. And if, in a moment of fundamental ethical crisis, a man

surrenders a cherished purpose about which his whole life has been built,

to the allurement of some dazzling temptation, it is much more than a

metaphor to speak of "the price of a soul."[141]

The Austrian analysis was essentially faulty, then, not so much in its

hedonistic psychology--for it can be freed from that[142]--as in its

abstraction of the economic from other aspects of the individual's value

system. Equilibria among economic values will not explain even the

individual's economic behavior--do not by any means constitute a

self-complete system. This abstraction has been noted before.[143] The

other abstraction of the Austrians, the abstraction of the individual from

his vital, organic connection with the social whole, we shall treat more

fully later.

So far, we have kept pretty strictly within the field of "individual

psychology" and "individual values." But we shall find, when we come to the

field of the social values, that essentially the same laws hold. On the

_functional_ side, the analogy between the individual mind and the social

mind is a very close one, and the correspondences on the _structural_ side

are numerous also. While we shall not try to find analogies in the social

field for all these laws of individual value, it is not because of any

difficulty that the problem presents, but rather, because it is unnecessary

for the vindication of our thesis to do so.

FOOTNOTES:

[119] See the discussion of Simmel's contention, _supra_, p. 19, n.

[120] Ehrenfels, C., _System der Werttheorie_, Leipzig, 1897; Kreibig, J.

C., _Psychologische Grundlegung eines Systems der Werttheorie_, Vienna,

1902; Kallen, H. M., "Dr. Montague and the Pragmatic Notion of Value,"

_Jour. of Philosophy_, etc., Sept., 1909; Montague, W. P., "The True, the

Good and the Beautiful, from a Pragmatic Standpoint," _Ibid._, April 29,

1909; Meinong, A., _Psychologisch-ethische Untersuchungen zur Werttheorie_,

Graz, 1894; Paulsen, Friedrich, _Introduction to Philosophy_, and _System

of Ethics_; Stuart, H. W., "The Hedonistic Interpretation of Subjective

Value," _Jour. of Pol. Econ._, vol. IV, "Valuation as a Logical Process,"

in Dewey's _Studies in Logical Theory_, Chicago, 1903; Shaw, C. C., "The

Theory of Value, and its Place in the History of Ethics," _International

Jour. of Ethics_, vol. XI; Slater, T., "Value in Moral Theology and

Political Economy," _Irish Eccles. Rec._, ser. 4, vol. X, Dublin, 1901;

Tufts, J. H., "Ethical Value," _Jour. of Philosophy_, etc., vol. XIX;

Baldwin's _Dictionary of Philosophy_, etc., _s. v._ "Worth" (article by W.

M. Urban); Simmel, G., _Philosophie des Geldes_, Leipzig, 1900, "A Chapter

in the Philosophy of Value," _Amer. Jour. of Sociology_, vol. V; Urban, W.

M., _Valuation_, London, 1909. These titles are representative of an

extensive literature on the subject.

[121] _Supra_, p. 19, n.

[122] I am indebted to Professor John Dewey for many valuable suggestions

and criticisms in connection with this part of my study. My more general

obligations to him will be manifest to any one who is familiar with his

epoch-marking point of view. Economic, sociological and political

philosophy have, in my judgment, more to learn from him than from any other

contemporary philosopher.

[123] Pp. 141-42.

[124] _Cf._ Gabriel Tarde, _Psychologie Economique_, vol. I, p. 63, and

Urban, _Valuation_, p. 78.

[125] Urban, _op. cit._, p. 32.

[126] Paulsen, Friedrich, _Ethics_, _passim_.

[127] _System der Werttheorie_, vol. I, chap. I.

[128] _Op. cit._, p. 311.

[129] _Cf._ Urban, _op. cit._, p. 36; Meinong, _op. cit._, pp. 15-16.

[130] Meinong, _op. cit._, pt. I, chap. I; Urban, _op. cit._, pp. 38-39.

[131] _Op. cit._, pp. 14-16, and following chapter.

[132] Urban, _op. cit._, p. 39.

[133] _Psychologisch-ethische Untersuchungen zur Werttheorie_, Graz, 1894,

pt. I, chap. I, esp. p. 21.

[134] "La psychologie en economie politique," _Revue Philosophique_, vol.

XII, pp. 337-38.

[135] _Op. cit._, pp. 41 _et seq._

[136] See chapter XVI, _infra_.

[137] The German, with its facility in compounding, offers a convenient

nomenclature here: _Wert_ and _Unwert_. _Cf._ Ehrenfels, _op. cit._, for a

brief discussion of negative values (pp. 53-54).

[138] For this generalization, see Urban, _op. cit._, chap. VI; Ehrenfels,

_op. cit._, vol. II, chap. III, esp. p. 86.

[139] An analogue in the field of social values is readily suggested. A new

heresy starts, opposed by the dominant element in the social will, _i.e._,

having a negative value for the majority. As the heresy increases, the

negative value rises till, in a crucial point, the tide turns, and the

heretics become the dominant element in the society. Then--since their

position is far from certain--new recruits to the heresy have a high

positive value, but, as the heresy still further spreads, additional

recruits count for less and less.

[140] _Cf._ Urban, _op. cit._, _passim_; Ehrenfels, _op. cit._, vol. I, pp.

43 _et seq._; Mackenzie, criticism of Ehrenfels and Meinong in _Mind_,

Oct., 1899. _Cf._ also, Wicksteed, _The Common Sense of Political Economy_,

London, 1910, pp. 402 _et seq._

[141] The generalization of the idea of price, while not original with

Wicksteed, is interestingly developed by him in chaps. I and II of his

_Common Sense of Political Economy_, London, 1910.

[142] Davenport, _op. cit._, pp. 303-11, gives a good summary of economic

discussions of hedonism. His own view is that the Austrians are not

essentially bound up with hedonism.

[143] _Supra_, chaps. VI and VII.

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