Westminster, was engaged upon this work, the printer-schoolmaster at
St. Albans was also making it one of the first essays of his press.
There certainly was not a longer period than two years and a half
between the two editions, which, so far as the text goes, agree very
closely, the St. Alban’s printer having apparently reprinted from the
edition by Caxton.
It is also very remarkable that this work should have been known and
described for more than 150 years, yet never till October, 1861,
recognised as the production of Caxton’s press. In the Public Library,
Cambridge, is a volume of documents relating to Corpus Christi College,
which was used by Strype for his Life of Archbishop Parker; and among
them is a catalogue of the books bequeathed by the Archbishop to the
library of that College. At folio 255 is the following entry under the
general head of “Books in parchment closures as they lye on heaps on
the upmost shelves:”--“_Rethorica nova impressa Canteb. fo. 1478._”
Strype, in his Life of Parker, misled by this entry, attributed the
book to an early press at Cambridge; and Bagford, writing to Tanner in
1707, says, “I cannot but impart unto you, that very lately good Mr.
Strype hath gave me an account of a booke which archbishop Parker gave
to the Publick library of Benet college, and is a piece of rethorick,
by one Gul. de Saona, a minorit, printed at Cambridge, 1478.” Ames,
who only knew the book from these accounts, and a facsimile of the
beginning and end sent him by Mr. North, placed this work at the head
of the list of Cambridge books in his Typographical Antiquities, 1749,
and gave an engraving of North’s facsimile; which led him to state that
“the types were much like Caxton’s largest.” Herbert merely repeated
the account of Ames; and thus it was reserved for Mr. Bradshaw in
consulting the library of Corpus Christi College for another purpose,
to examine the volume and to recognise the interesting fact that,
although compiled at Cambridge in the year 1478, it was printed
with the unmistakeable types of Caxton, and agreed in typographical
particulars with the books issued from the Westminster press between
1479-80.
Laurentius Gulielmus de Traversanis, of Saona (or Savona, as it is
more commonly called), was born about 1414. His native city, not very
far from Genoa, is better known as the birthplace of Christopher
Columbus. He entered the Franciscan Convent there under Francesco di
Rovere, afterwards Pope Sixtus IV. He studied at the universities of
Padua, Bologna, Cambridge, and Paris, and seems finally to have retired
to his own convent at Savona, where he died, and to which he was a
great benefactor. Wadding (_Scriptores Ord. Min._ folio, Romæ, 1650)
mentions several of his works.
Besides the copy mentioned above, there is one at the University
Library, Upsala, both being in perfect condition.
NO. 28.--THE DICTES AND SAYINGS OF THE PHILOSOPHERS. _“Emprynted by
me William Caxton at Westmestre.” Folio. Second Edition. Dated
1477, but printed about 1480. With Colophon._
COLLATION.--Eight 4ns, and two 3ns = 76 leaves, of which the 1st
is blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. Type No. 2* only
is used. The lines are nearly always spaced out to an even length, and
measure 5 inches; 29 lines to a full page. Without signatures, folios,
or catchwords. Space is left at the beginning of chapters for the
insertion of 3-line initials.
The difference between this and the 1st edition (see page 188, _ante_)
is considerable. _That_ was printed from the original fount of type No.
2; _this_ from a re-casting of the same fount, showing many alterations
in the punches. (See the remarks on type No. 2, page 102, _ante_.)
_That_ has the pages throughout the volume very uneven as to the
length of the line; _this_ nearly always even. _That_, with the unique
exception of the Althorpe copy, is without the colophon; _this_ has the
colophon in every copy. Lastly, the orthography varies throughout the
whole volume.
We must here notice the first instance of a practice common among the
early printers, and doubtless inherited from the scribes, namely, that
of reprinting in subsequent editions the colophons and dates strictly
applicable to the 1st edition only. Thus the three editions of “Dictes
and Sayings,” which issued from Caxton’s printing office, all bear the
same date of imprint, November, 1477, while we know that type No. 2*,
in which the 2nd edition is printed, was not used till after February,
1478, and type No. 6, in which the 3rd edition is printed, was not in
use till about 1488.
The literary history of “Dictes and Sayings” has been already recounted
at page 189, _ante_.
Copies are in the British Museum, Trinity College, Dublin, the library
of the Duke of Devonshire, and Göttingen University.
NO. 29.--LETTERS OF INDULGENCE ISSUED BY JOHN KENDAL IN 1480, BY
AUTHORITY OF POPE SIXTUS IV, FOR ASSISTANCE AT THE SIEGE OF
RHODES. _On parchment._
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--The type is No. 2* only, but from the
warping of the skin assumes in many parts a very deceptive appearance.
The lines, which are considerably extended, but all of one length,
measure 9¼ inches. The large 4-line wooden initial is to be noticed as
being in all probability the earliest instance of printed initials in
this country; they certainly do not appear in any book for which this
type was used. The whole of the document occupies 19 long lines, of
which the following are the beginning and end:--
~F~ ~Rater Johannes kendale Turcipelerius Rhodi ac
commissarius A sanctissimso in xpristo patre | et
domino nostro domino Sirto diuina prouidencia
papa quarto et vigore litterarum suarum pro expe- |
ditione contra perfidos turchos xpristiani nominis hostes .
in defensionem insule Rhodi & fidei catholi= | ce facta et
facienda concessarum ad infrascipta p vniuersum orbem
deputatus . Dilect’ nobis in xpo~ | _Symoni Mountfort et
Emme vxori ei^s_ ~Salute in dno sempiterna Prouenit ex tue
deuotionis affectu quo romana | * * * * *
In quor’ fidem has l’ras nostras Sigilli nostri ap |
pensione munitas fieri iussimus atqꝫ mandauimus . Dat’~
_ultimo die Mēsis marcij_ ~Anno domini | Millesimo quad-
ringentesimo octogesimo~
REMARKS.--The following particulars concerning John Kendal are
gathered from an article in _Archæologia_, vol. xxvii, page 172,
written by Sir F. Madden, and entitled “Documents relating to Perkin
Warbeck.”
In a deposition made by one Bernard de Vignoles, at Rouen in 1495,
concerning a plot against the king’s life, one of the persons
implicated was John Kendal, Grand Prior of the Order of St. John of
Jerusalem in England. He is also remarkable as having been the subject
of the earliest contemporary English medal in existence, which is
dated 1480, the period of the Siege of Rhodes. On this he is styled
“Turcopolier,” or General of the Infantry of the Order, the office
of which was annexed to that of Grand Prior of England. Yet although
the medal so designates him, it is not probable that he was actually
present at the siege, as in that very year (_Rymer_, April, 1480)
Edward IV ordered all persons to assist John Kendal, in Ireland, in
procuring aid and money against the Turks. In this proclamation he is
styled “Turcopolier of Rhodes, and _locum tenens_ of the Grand Master
in Italy, England, Flanders, and Ireland.” In Browne-Willis (Mit.
Abb.) Kendal appears in 1491 and 1501 as Prior of the Hospital of St.
John of Jerusalem in London. He was lieutenant of the Grand Master in
Italy, England, Flanders, and Ireland, and was amply furnished with
indulgences and pardons for all who gave personal service. In this
office of recruiting he was occupied at the time of the celebrated
Siege of Rhodes in 1480. His arms, impaled with those of England, may
still be seen on the walls of an hotel at Rhodes.
In the Numismatic department of the British Museum is a medal connected
with John Kendal. _Obv._ Bust of Kendal in armour marked with the cross
of the Knights of St. John; head bare; hair straight and long; legend,
10. KENDAL RHODI TVRCVPELARIVS. _Rev._ Arms of Kendal. Cross of St.
John in Chief. Legend, ✠ TEMPORE OBSIDIONIS TVRCHORVM MCCCCLXXX.
There are probably two EXISTING COPIES, although but one is at present
known. This is in the British Museum (C. 18, e. 2), and was purchased
in 1845. The blank space for the name is filled in with “_Symoni
Mountfort et Emme vxori ei^s_,” and it is dated the last day of March,
1480.
The Rev. Joseph Hunter noticed the existence of this “Indulgence,”
and wrote to Herbert about it, but it was not then recognised as a
production of Caxton’s press; and, although from the same types, must
have been another copy, as the blanks in that were filled in with the
names of Richard Cattlyn and John Cattlyn, April 16th, 1480.
NO. 30.--PARVUS ET MAGNUS CHATO. _Folio. Sine ullâ notâ. With
Woodcuts. Third Edition. (1481?)_
COLLATION.--~a b c 4ns, d 2n~ = 28 leaves, of which ~a j~ is blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. Two sizes of type
occur. No. 2* and No. 3, the latter being used for the Latin couplets
as well as the “Incipit” and “Explicit” lines. Length of long lines 4¾
inches; 29 lines to a page. Signatures are met here for the first time,
lower-case letters and Roman numerals being used. Without folios or
catchwords.
Commencing with a blank leaf the title-line follows, on a ij recto, in
Type No. 3. The text begins thus:--
~Hic incipit paruus Chato~
(_Woodcut of Four Pupils, one of whom wears a fool’s cap, kneeling
before a Tutor, who, rod in hand, sits in a high-backed chair._)
~Um aia aduertere quam hoies grauiter errare
Whan J aduerte in my remembraunce
And see how sele folkes erren greuously~
On sig. ~a iiij~ recto,
~Whan ye it rede let not your herte be thence
But doth as this sayth with al your entente
Hic finis parui cathonis~
(_Woodcut of Five Pupils kneeling before their Tutor, who, seated in
a chair, is teaching them from a book upon a lectern before him._)
“Parvus Chato” contains 7 stanzas, and is followed, on sig. ~a iii~
verso, by
~Hic incipit magnus Chato~
The Text ends, on 4th recto of sig. ~d~--
~Here haue J fond that shal ye guyde and lede
Streyght to good fame & leue you in hyr hous~
~Explicit Chato~
REMARKS.--The Text is evidently a reprint from one of the early
editions in quarto (see pages 202 and 205, _ante_), and was by no means
intended as a kind of “supplement” to the “Cathon glossed,” printed a
year or two later by Caxton, as supposed by Dr. Dibdin in _Typ. Ant._,
vol. i, page 201.
Two very rude woodcuts add to the interest of this volume; one being at
the beginning and one at the end of the “Parvus Chato.” The same cuts
also appear in the “Mirrour of the World,” which raises the question
of precedency. Here, at first sight, one would give priority to the
“Mirrour,” as the cuts appear newer and cleaner; but this is very
deceptive, depending more upon the amount of ink and pressure used
than on the condition of the cuts. The breakage of some of the lines
in the “Mirrour” is a much more sure sign, and this tells strongly in
favour of “Parvus Chato.” The greater appropriateness of the designs to
the “Parvus Chato,” a boy’s book, than to the illustration of grammar
and logic as in the “Mirrour,” leads to the same conclusion. It is
therefore considered that these two cuts were designed originally
for the “Parvus Chato,” which in that case must have been printed
previously to the “Mirrour,” 1481.
There is nothing to induce us to attribute to foreign artists the
production of these woodcuts, which show no amount of skill either
in design or execution, which is not far surpassed in the undoubted
productions of English scribes and miniature painters of the same
period. They may, therefore, be considered as probably the earliest
specimens of wood-engraving in England.
Two perfect copies are known: one in St. John’s College, Oxford, and
the other at Althorpe.
NO. 31.--THE MIRROUR OF THE WORLD. _Folio. First Edition. Translated
1481. Woodcuts. Without Printer’s Name, Date or Place, but in
1481._
COLLATION.--~a b c d e f g h i k l m~ are 4^{~ns~}, ~n~ is a 2n = 100
leaves, of which ~a~ 1 and the verso of ~n~ 4 are blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The only type used
is No. 2*. A full page contains 29 lines, which are fully spaced out
and measure 4¾ inches. Without folios or catchwords. Signatures in
lower-case letters and Arabic numerals. The number of woodcuts is 34.
After the first (blank) leaf the “Table” commences on sig. ~a~ 2 recto.
The Text begins thus:--
~Here begynneth the table of the rubrices of this presen
te volume named the Mirrour of the world or thymage
of the same~
and ends on the 4th recto of sig. ~n~, the verso being blank,
~helthe, And after this short & transitorye lyf he brynge
hym and vs in to his celestyal blysse in heuene Amen /~
REMARKS.--The origin of this work cannot be traced very satisfactorily;
but as showing a much better acquaintance with the cosmology of the
world than any previous composition, it may be interesting to examine
the evidence of its authorship.
Vincent de Beauvais, of the Order of Preaching Friars, who, from
the dedication attached to several of his productions, appears to
have flourished in the reign of St. Louis, composed an extensive work
in Latin, consisting of four parts--“Speculum Naturale,” “Speculum
Doctrinale,” “Speculum Historiale,” and “Speculum Morale.” The whole
was entitled “Speculum majus,” for the following reason, given in
the third chapter of the First Book, “_Majus_ autem, ad differentiam
parvi libelli jamdudum editi, cujus titulus Speculum vel Imago mundi,
in quo scilicet hujus mundi sensibilis dispositio et ornatus paucis
verbis describitur. M. Daunou thinks that the “parvus libellus”
here referred to was the “Imago Mundi” from which “Lymage du Monde”
was translated, and that it was a previous composition of Vincent
de Beauvais; and Montfauçon quotes a manuscript in the St. Germain
Collection (Fonds Latin, 926) in support of the same view, in which we
read “Iste liber intitulatus Speculum vel Imago Mundi editus a fratre.
Vincentio ordinis fratrum predicatorum.” But Vincent’s reference to a
Speculum Mundi, “jamdudum editus,” by no means suggests that he wrote
that as well as his own; and unfortunately as no copy is known, the
fact even of its agreement with “Lymage du Monde” cannot be verified.
The manuscript quoted by Montfauçon is no evidence at all, as M.
Paris, on examination, found it to be identical with the “Speculum
Historiale,” or the Third Part of Vincent’s “Speculum Majus,” which
is by no means “a rational description of the world and its products
shortly described.” The compilation of “Speculum Mundi,” from Vincent’s
“Speculum Naturale,” as suggested by Greswell, is equally far from
the truth. Although no copy of the Latin “Speculum vel Imago Mundi,”
referred to by Vincent, is known, there appears little reason to doubt
that it existed in the thirteenth century. Perhaps an earlier copy of
the Latin manuscript in the Cotton Library, (Vesp. E. III., sæc. xiv.)
may have formed the foundation of the French version, although in that
case, as in Vignay’s translation of the “Chess Book,” considerable
additions have been made. The history of the “Mirrour of the World”
may be summed up thus:--Before the middle of the thirteenth century
an unknown author wrote in Latin “Speculum vel Imago Mundi;” of this
no copy has yet been recognised (_Cotton_, _Vesp._ E III?) In 1245
this was turned into French metre for the Duke of Berry, of which
manuscripts in several libraries attest the popularity (_Sloane_ 2435;
_Royal_ 20, A III). Shortly afterwards the French metre was turned
into French prose, probably by “Maistre Gossouin.” (_Royal_ 19, A. ix;
_Bib. Imp._, _Paris_, No. 7070). Here we find the Text used by Caxton
for his translation, who even adopted a considerable portion of the
French prologue, without the least acknowledgment. Who this “Gossouin”
or “Gossevin” was, and whether he was the author or only the scribe, is
quite unknown.
The celebrated Cardinal Pierre d’Ailly compiled, in 1409, a work
entitled “Tractatus de ymagine mundi” (_Harl._ _MS. 637_), which,
however, is principally astronomical, having little in common with the
work under review.
The publishing of this book was not a speculation on Caxton’s part. He
was employed, as we learn from the prologue, to translate and probably
to print it by Hugh Brice, citizen, alderman of London, and in after
years mayor, who wished to make a present to Lord Hastings. To adorn,
as well as illustrate the pages, the art of the wood-engraver was
employed, and we may consider the figures here displayed as some of the
earliest specimens of that art in England. The designs were borrowed
from the manuscript copy, the illuminations in the French manuscripts
showing the same treatment. All the copies issued from Caxton’s press
have the words necessary for the explanation of the diagrams inserted
with the pen, instead of being engraved on the wood, which may perhaps
be an argument for their home execution, as the Flemish artists were
certainly well skilled in engraving words in their blocks. They all
appear to have been perfected by the same scribe, which probably
induced Oldys to assert that they are in Caxton’s autograph. Of this
there is no evidence.
Hugh Brice, of the same county as Caxton, where he held the manor of
Jenkins (_Lysons_, vol. iv, page 75), was also of the Mercers’ Company,
although Stow calls him a goldsmith (_Thoms’s Stow_, page 77). He was
knighted about 1472; and in that year accompanied John Russell and
others on a trade embassy to Bruges. John Russell was the orator whose
celebrated speech, upon the reception of the Order of the Garter by the
Duke of Burgundy, is one of the earliest pieces attributed to the press
of Caxton. In 1473, Hugh Brice, who is called “Clericus in officio
Contrarotulatoris Monetæ nostræ,” was sent on a similar embassy, “De
difficultatibus super intercursu Burgundiæ removendis;” and on both
occasions would necessarily become personally acquainted with Caxton,
who at that time was in the service of the Duchess of Burgundy at
Bruges (_Rymer_, edit. 1727, vol. xi, page 738, &c. &c.) He also held
the offices of Keeper of the King’s Exchange, London; Governor of the
King’s Mint in the Tower, under Lord Hastings; and Mayor of London,
1494. He died in 1496.
Sixteen copies are known: British Museum (2), Cambridge, Bodleian,
Windsor, Göttingen, and ten in private libraries.
NO. 32.--THE HISTORY OF REYNARD, THE FOX. _First Edition. Folio.
Translated in the Abbey of Westminster by William Caxton, 1481,
but without Printer’s Name, Place, or Date._
COLLATION.--~a b c d e f g h i~ are 4ns, ~k~ and ~l~ are 3ns, ~a~
1 and ~l~ 6 being blank. Between the leaves ~h~ 8 and ~i~ 1 is inserted
a leaf half printed on both sides. This was probably owing to the
accidental omission of a page by the compositor. Total, 84½ leaves, of
which the first and last are blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is No. 2*,
none other being used throughout the volume. The lines are spaced out
to one length, and measure 4¾ inches. A full page has 29 lines. Without
folios or catch-words. Arabic figures are used in the signatures.
Spaces 2 lines deep are left for the insertion of initials.
The Text begins, on sig. ~a~ 2 recto, thus:--
~This is the table of the historye of reynart the foxe~
ending half-way down sig. a 3 recto,
~How the foxe with his frendes departed nobly fro the
kynge & wente to his castel maleperduys / capitulo xliij~
On the verso begins the story--
~Hyer begynneth thystorye of renard the foxe~
ending half-way down the verso of the 5 th folio of sig. ~l~,
~Where they shal fynde faute / For J haue not added ne
mynusshed but haue folowed as nyghe as J can my copye
whiche was in dutche ⸝ and by me willm Caxton trans-
lated in to this rude & symple englyssh in thabbey of west-
mestre . fynysshed the vj daye of Juyn the yere of our
lord · M . CCCC . Lxxxj . & the xxj yere of the regne of
kynge Edward the iiijth /~
~Here endeth the historye of Reynard the foxe &c~
REMARKS.--The date of printing this book is nowhere stated, though it
was probably put to press directly after if not during the translation,
which was finished on the 6th of June, 1481. The literary history of
this fable is very obscure. It appears to have had great popularity for
some centuries previous to Caxton’s time, as quotations from it appear
so early as the twelfth century. Caxton’s translation was made from
“Die Historie van Reinaert die Vos, ghepreñt ter goude in hollant by
mi gheraert leeu Jnt iaer Mcccc en lxxix,” or perhaps from the still
earlier edition in Dutch, discovered in 1854, and described in K.
Gödike’s Deutsche Wochenschrift for that year, Heft 8, page 256.
Copies are in the British Museum, Eton College, and two private
libraries.
NO. 33.--TULLY OF OLD AGE; TULLY OF FRIENDSHIP; THE DECLAMATION OF
NOBLESSE. _Folio. “Emprynted by me symple persone William
Caxton.” No Place. 1481._
COLLATION.--_Old Age_: sigs. 1 and ~a~ are 3ns, with 1 1, and ~a~
6 blank--~b c d e f g h~ are 4ns--~i~ is a 2n, with ~i~ 4 blank.
_Friendship_ and the _Declamation_: ~a b c d e f~ are 4ns, with no
blanks. The first section in the “De Senectute” is signed in Arabic
numerals only, thus: 1 2--1 3--1 4, the rest of the work being signed
in letters and Arabic numerals. The three tracts together have 117
printed and three blank leaves.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page to any of the three
treatises. The type is all No. 2*, except where Latin quotations or
proper names are introduced, when Caxton’s largest type, No. 3, is
used. The lines are fully spaced out, and the long lines measure 4¾
inches; 29 lines make a full page. Without folios or catchwords. Space
is left at the beginning of the chapters with a director, for the
insertion of 2 to 5-line initials. The peculiar ~&c~ belonging to type
No. 1 is used in this book.
Although in three distinct treatises, Caxton intended them to form but
one volume, as is plainly stated in the epilogue, which renders it
difficult to imagine a reason for his printing the volume with two sets
of signatures.
After a blank leaf the Text begins on sig. 1 2, space being left for a
2-line initial ~H~ with director,
~h~ ~Ere begynneth the prohemye vpon the reducinge ⸝
both out of latyn as of frensshe in to our englyssh
tongue / of the polytyque book named Tullius de senec-
tute . whiche that Tullius wrote vpon the disputacons &~
The treatise “De Senectute” ends, with the following colophon, at the
head of the 3rd recto of sig. ~i~,
~Thus endeth the boke of Tulle of olde age translated
out of latyn in to frenshe by laurence de primo facto at
the comaundement of the noble prynce Lowys Duc of
Burbon / and enprynted by me symple persone William
Caxton in to Englysshe at the playsir solace and reue-
rence of men growyng in to olde age the xij day of Au-
gust the yere of our lord . M . CCCC . lxxxj :~
A blank leaf, and then the “De Senectute” begins with a new series of
signatures on ~a j~, the whole work ending on the 8th verso of sig. ~f~,
~that we at our departyng maye departe in suche wyse, that
it maye please our lord god to receyue vs in to his euir-
lastyng blysse . Amen:~
~Explicit per Caxton~
REMARKS.--We learn from Caxton’s own pen, that the translation of
Cicero’s “De Senectute” and “De Amicitiâ” into French was made by the
command of Louis Duke of Bourbon, in 1405, by Laurence de Premierfait.
This learned priest was a native of the city of Troyes, and obtained
great celebrity by his numerous translations.
To Jean Mielot we must attribute the French version of “The
Declamation,” in which he styles the author “Surse Pistoie, Docteur en
Loix, et grand Orateur.” This was one of the first books that issued
from the press of Colard Mansion at Bruges.
The English translation of the “De Senectute” was accomplished, as we
learn from the first prologue, at the ordinance and desire of Sir John
Fastolfe. It has been ascribed by Leland to the Earl of Worcester, and
by Anstis to Wyllyam de Wyrcestre; in both cases without evidence. We
have seen already that the “Dictes and Sayings of the Philosophers”
had been translated in 1450 for Sir John Fastolfe, by Stephen Scrope,
his son-in-law (see page 191, _ante_), and this possibly came from the
same pen. Whoever the translator may have been he took for his text the
work of Laurence Premierfait, of which this version is a most literal
translation, notwithstanding his assurance (see the end of the first
prologue) that “this book is more amply expounded and more sweeter to
the reader, _keeping the just sentence of the Latin_.” The English
version of “De Amicitiâ” and the “Declamation” are attributed by
Caxton to the Earl of Worcester, a great traveller, a great collector
of books, and a great orator. The Earl’s history and acquirements
have been described by Fuller, Dr. Henry, and many others; Caxton’s
admiration for him is expressed in the most touching and characteristic
terms. Probably their love of literature was a friendly bond. The Earl
also translated, at a later period, Cæsar’s Commentaries, which Rastell
printed.
Of 22 copies extant, twelve are in the chief corporate libraries in
England, and ten in private hands.
NO. 34.--THE GAME AND PLAY OF THE CHESS. _Second Edition. Folio.
Woodcuts. “Explicit per Caxton.” Without Place or Date. (1481?)_
COLLATION.--~a b c d e f g h i~ are 4ns, ~k l~ are 3ns = 84
leaves, of which the first is blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The only type used
is No. 2.* The lines are spaced out to an even length, and signatures
are used. A full page has 29 lines, and a full line measures 4⅞ inches.
Space left for the insertion of 2 or 3-line initials, with director.
Without folios or catchwords.
After the blank leaf the prologue of Caxton commences on sig. ~a ij~.
The Text begins thus:--
~He holy appostle and doctour of the peple saynt
~t~ Poule sayth in his epystle . Alle that is wryten
is wryten vnto our doctryne and for our ler-
nyng . Wherfore many noble clerkes haue endeuoyred~
The table of chapters follows on the verso, and ends on ~a iij~ recto,
the verso being blank. On ~a iiij~ recto, the first chapter commences,
and is illustrated with a woodcut representing King Evilmerodach, son
of Nebuchadnezzar, “a jolly man without justice who did do hew his
father his body into three hundred pieces.”
The Text ends on ~l~ 6 recto, the verso being blank--
~man but as a beste . Thenne late euery man of what
condycion he be that redyth or herith this litel book redde ·
take therby ensaumple to amende hym ·~
~Explicit per Caxton.~
REMARKS.--All the copies of this book show the types thick and worn.
Also many double letters and ligatures which occur frequently in
earlier books never appear in this.
The woodcuts in this volume number only sixteen, not twenty-four, as
Dibdin and other writers say, eight of them being impressions from
blocks used for previous chapters. As already noticed, there seems a
probability that the two cuts for “Parvus Chato,” third edition, were
the earliest used by Caxton. These were soon after printed again, with
the addition of many others in the “Mirrour of the World.” The present
cuts were perhaps the third essay of Caxton in this department, and
for these, judging by the general style, he appears to have employed
another artist.
[Illustration: “EVILMERODACH, A JOLLY MAN WITHOUT JUSTICE WHO DID DO
HEW HIS FATHER IN PIECES.”]
The literary history of the work has been given under the first
edition, but we must notice that the original prologue dedicated to the
Duke of Clarence, the major portion of which was a translation from the
French, has been superseded in this edition by a prologue from Caxton’s
own pen, the ideas in which, with the exception of the first few lines,
and almost the very words, are often met with in manuscripts of that
age.
In the first chapter of the Fourth tractate is a curious interpolation
by Caxton respecting “the good old times” of his youth. The original
text has this remark: “And truly a royame wythout habundaunce of
goodes by whyche hyt may be gouerned and prospere may better be callyd
a latrocynye or a nest of theuys than a royame.” To this Caxton adds
the following:--“Alas what habundaunce was somme tymes in the royames
/ and what prosperite / in whiche was Justyce . and euery man in his
offyce contente! how stood the cytees that time in worship & renome .
how was renomed the noble royame of englond alle the world dradde hit
and spake worshyp of hit. How hit now standeth and in what habundaunce
I reporte me to them that knowe hit . yf there ben theuys wyth in the
royame or on the see . they knowe that laboure in the royame and sayle
on the see / I wote wel the fame is grete therof / I pray god saue that
noble royame . & sende good trewe and polletique councellours to the
gouernours of the same.”
The year in which this edition is generally considered to have been
issued seems to me very incorrect. Ames assigns no date to it, but
Dibdin, probably misled by Bagford’s observations, thinks it one of
Caxton’s earliest efforts, while in some remarks attached to a reprint
of this edition by Mr. Figgins, it is considered as the _earliest_
specimen of the Westminster press, and to have been printed from _cut_
metal types. An examination of the work, however, with a typographical
eye does not afford a single evidence of very early workmanship. All
Caxton’s early books were uneven in the length of their lines--this
is quite even. Not one of the early works had any signatures--this is
signed throughout. These two features alone are quite sufficient to
fix its date of impression at least as late as 1480, when Caxton first
began the use of signatures. Probably it was the last book for which
Type No. 2* was used.
Copies are in the British Museum; the Pepysian and Trinity, Cambridge;
Bodleian and St. John’s, Oxford; Imperial Library, Vienna; and seven in
private hands.
FOOTNOTES:
[14] “Ballad Royal” was the title of a seven-line rhythm, each stanza
of which rhymed as follows:--_a_--_b_--_a_--_b_--_b_--_c_--_c_.
[15] An account of this discovery may be found interesting, showing
strongly the importance of examining the covers of old books before
rejecting them. In the summer of 1858 I inspected the old library in
the Grammar School attached to the Abbey of St. Albans. I found a
few valuable books all contained in an old deal cupboard, upon which
the leakage from the roof had dripped apparently for years. It must
have been long since any one had touched a book there, and the amount
of dust and decay was certainly enough to deter even a bibliomaniac
from so doing. After examining a few interesting books I pulled out
one which was lying flat upon the top of others. It was in a most
deplorable state, covered thickly with a damp sticky dust, and with a
considerable portion of the back rotted away by wet. The white decay
fell in lumps on the floor as the unappreciated volume was opened. It
proved to be Geoffrey Chaucer’s English translation of “Boecius de
Consolatione Philosophiæ,” printed by Caxton, in the original binding,
as issued from Caxton’s workshop, and uncut!! On examining the amount
of damage it had sustained, I found that the wet, which had injured the
book, had also, by separating the layers of paper of which the covers
were composed, revealed the interesting fact that several fragments,
on which Caxton’s types appeared, had been used in their manufacture.
After vexatious opposition and repeated delays the Acting Trustees
were induced to allow the book, which they now prized highly, to be
deposited in the care of Mr. J. Winter Jones, of the British Museum,
for the purpose of rebinding. On dissecting the covers they were found
to be composed entirely of waste sheets from Caxton’s press, two or
three being printed on one side only. The two covers yielded no less
than fifty-six half-sheets of printed paper, proving the existence of
three works from Caxton’s press quite unknown before. The following is
the list of the fragments, all genuine specimens of England’s first
printer, though unfortunately mostly in very poor condition:--
1. The English “Jason,” ten leaves.
2. “Dictes,” three leaves.
3. “Chronicles,” six leaves.
4. “Description of Britain,” eight leaves.
5. “Curia Sapientiæ” (extremely rare), two leaves.
6. “Tulle,” seven leaves.
7. Lydgate’s “Life of our Lady,” two leaves.
8. “Temple of Brass,” fourteen leaves.
9. “The Chorle and the Bird,” two leaves.
10. “The Horse, the Sheep, and the Goose,” four leaves.
11. “Horæ beatæ Virginis” (unique), four leaves.
12. “Pica Sarum” (unique), eight leaves.
13. “An Indulgence of Pope Sixtus IV,” two slips of parchment (unique).
A DESCRIPTION OF BOOKS PRINTED IN
TYPE No. 3.
_BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE No. 3._
35. An Advertisement 1477-78?
36. Directorium. First Version 1477-78?
37. Horæ. Second Edition 1480?
38. Psalterium, &c. 1480-83?
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE No. 3.
NO. 35.--AN ADVERTISEMENT. _Long Octavo. Westminster. No Date.
(About 1477-78.)_
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--The type is all No. 3, the whole
advertisement being comprised in seven lines, unevenly spaced, the
longest measuring five inches. The verso is blank.
~Jf it plese ony man spirituel or temporel to bye ony
pyes of two and thre comemoracios of salisburi vse
enpryntid after the forme of this preset lettre whiche
ben wel and truly correct ⸝ late hym come to westmo-
nester in to the almonesrye at the reed pale and he shal
haue them good chepe.·.·~
~Supplico stet cedula~
REMARKS.--This is an interesting relic, not only as giving us the name
of the house inhabited by our first printer--the Red-pale (“reed”
was commonly used by Caxton for “red”)--but also as a specimen of
advertisements in the fifteenth century. Although small in size, it
may also be considered as the earliest instance known of a “broadside”
printed in this country.
Our printer was not alone in advertising his books, although, from the
fugitive nature of such productions, specimens are very rarely to be
found. An interesting list of books printed by Coburger, at Nuremberg,
in the fifteenth century, is in the British Museum (C. 18. e. 2. 27),
to which is attached the following heading:--“Cupientes emere libros
infra notatos venient ad hospicium subnotatum Venditorem habituri
largissimum,” &c.
The “Pye”[16] was a collection of rules to show the priest how to deal
(under every possible variation in Easter) with the concurrence of more
than one office on the same day. In reading Caxton’s Advertisement
the question arises,--In what respect did the “pyes of two and three
commemorations of Salisbury use” differ from the ordinary pyes
of Salisbury use? The Very Reverend Canon Rock, D.D., has kindly
placed at my disposal an explanation which confines the “pye of two
commemorations” to the rules for Easter and Whitsuntide, and the “pye
of three commemorations” to the rules for Easter, Whitsuntide, and
Trinity.[17] Caxton’s Advertisement, therefore, refers to separately
published portions of the common “Directorium seu Pica Sarum,”
applicable, perhaps, to the current year only. In the succeeding
article is described a “Pica,” which, in some particulars, agrees
entirely with Caxton’s description.
A poor copy is among the Doucé fragments in the Bodleian; and a good
one, formerly in Dr. Farmer’s library, at Althorpe.
It has been suggested that the first line being very short, the
syllable _co_ has accidentally dropped out, and that the text should
read “to buy any _co_pies,” &c.; but the word “copy,” in that sense,
was unknown in the fifteenth century.
NO. 36.--DIRECTORIUM, SEU PICA SARUM. _First Version. Quarto. Sine
ullâ notâ. (About 1477-8.)_
No perfect copy of this book being known, the COLLATION is necessarily
omitted. The four fragments from the covers of the St. Alban’s
“Boethius” are four separate half sheets in quarto, making a total of
sixteen pages.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--Only one type, No. 3, is used in these
fragments. The lines are not spaced out to one length. The longest
measure 3⅝ inches. A full page has 22 lines. Without signatures, or
catchwords, or printed folios to the leaves. There are no initial
letters, nor is there any space left for them. The whole is in very
contracted Latin.
REMARKS.--There can be no doubt that this was the product of Caxton’s
press, as all the circumstances connected with it tend to prove. It
was extracted from the covers of a book which was evidently bound in
Caxton’s workshop, and for the binding of which he had used waste
sheets from the press (see _ante_, page 215). The fragments belonging
to known books were all printed by Caxton before 1481; while the
“Advertisement” and “Directorium,” reasoning from the measurement of
the lines and their uneven length, were certainly printed before 1480,
and probably about the same time as the later set of quarto poetic
pieces, _i.e._, about 1478.
This “Directorium” is not the same version as that printed by Caxton,
about 1486, in type No. 5, and a second edition of which was issued
a few years later in type No. 6. These last are the text revised for
Bishop Rotherham, founded upon an earlier version, of which latter the
leaves under notice appear to be a portion.
Formerly in the library of the St. Alban’s Grammar School; they are now
in the British Museum.
NO. 37.--HORÆ AD USUM SARUM. _Second Edition. Quarto. (1480-83.)_
No perfect copy being known, the COLLATION is of necessity omitted. The
following remarks are made from three fragments rescued from the St.
Alban’s “Boethius,” already noticed.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--The only type used, judging from these
fragments, was No. 3. The lines are spaced out, and measure 3⅜ inches.
A full page has 20 lines. The initials and paragraph marks are not
inserted.
The first fragment, a quarto leaf printed on both sides, but very
defective, contains part of the “Suffragia of the Three Kings,” which
are among the additions to the first part of the “Primer;” and in
an early edition by Wynken de Worde, immediately precede the Latin
“Fifteen Oes.”
The second fragment is also but one leaf, and contains the commencement
of Part II of the “Horæ,” the “Ne Reminiscaris” being the anthem
belonging to the Seven Penitential Psalms.
The third fragment consists of two pages of prayers, containing the
first of the “Fifteen Oes” in Latin, and some prayers near the end of
the Litany.
REMARKS.--As all the “Fifteen Oes” and the Litany, as well as other
prayers, intervene between the two pages of the third fragment, it is
evident they were not intended to be printed on one sheet; this, added
to the fact that the paper is printed only on one side, makes it clear
that these are proof pages.
This edition of “Horæ” is entirely unknown to any of our
bibliographers, and was doubtless a second edition of that already
noticed at p. 191.
These fragments, now in the British Museum, were purchased in 1874.
They were formerly in the library of King Edward VI Grammar School, St.
Alban’s.
NO. 38.--PSALTERIUM, ETC. _Quarto. Sine ullâ notâ. (1480-83?)_
COLLATION.--~a b c d e f g h i k l m n o p q r s t u x y~ are 4ns,
with ~a~ 1 blank; but as only one copy is known to be in existence, and
that imperfect, no complete collation can be given.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is only one type, No. 3, used
throughout the work, excepting for the signatures, where the Arabic
numerals belong to type No. 2. The lines, which are spaced out,
measure 3⅜ inches, and a full page has 20. Without printed folios
or catchwords. Space for the insertion of 2 to 4-line initials,
generally without director, is left at the beginning of paragraphs. The
signatures are in letters and Arabic numerals, a mode of signing used
by Caxton only between the years 1480 and 1483.
The book doubtless commenced with a blank leaf for ~a~ 1, which is
wanting in this copy.
The Text begins at the head of ~a~ 2 recto, thus:--
~Jheronimus de laude dei super
psalterium~
~Jchil enim est in hac vita
~n~ mortali in quo possumus fa-
miliarius inherere deo q’ di-
uinis laudibus. Nullus e’m mor-~
“Jheronimus super Psalterium” ends on ~a~ 6 recto, and is followed by
two prayers and a metrical hymn.
The Psalter finishes on sig. ~t~ 3 recto, and is followed by the
Canticles, Te Deum, Athanasian Creed, a general Litany, including most
of the prayers now in use, and ends imperfectly on sig. ~y~ 7 verso.
There is an eighth leaf, which at first sight is very defective,
seeming to be ~y~ 8; in fact it is an intercallary leaf, consisting of
two pages accidentally omitted between ~r~ 7 and ~x~ 8, and bound up
wrongly after ~y~ 7, the real ~y~ 8 being absent.
As these typographical blunders suggest that the compositor worked from
a printed and not a manuscript copy, we may well believe that this is
not the first edition of the work.
The only copy at present known is in the British Museum, having formed
a portion of the old Royal Library. It has the initials M. R. (Queen
Mary I.) on the back of the volume, and was recognised as being printed
with Caxton’s types by Mr. Bullen of the British Museum, through whose
hands it passed for re-cataloguing.
FOOTNOTES:
[16] The _Pica_ type of printers is commonly supposed to derive
its name from having been used for printing the early “Pica seu
Directorium.” I have searched in vain among the earliest editions of
the Directorium for a copy printed in types approaching the size of
_Pica_. They are mostly the size of modern Brevier.
[17] “Easter being a moveable feast, and ruling the time for
Septuagesima, Sexagesima, and Quinquagesima Sundays, and the beginning
of Lent, as well as the Sundays for Whitsuntide and the beginning of
Trinity, makes great and ever-recurring alterations in the Service
of the Calendar on Saints’ days. Hence was it to show the Cleric
at a glance how to commemorate the Saints’ days that came in the
everchanging times of Lent, Easter, Whitsuntide; and the Octave of the
Trinity, the _Pica_ began by giving a table of the Dominical letters,
which make the keys of all the rest of the _Pica_; and after such a
way no matter what month or week Easter might fall on, the manner of
commemorating the Saints’ days happening then, or of putting them off
till another time, was accurately described for all variations. But as
the chief variations in keeping the Saints’ days happened at Easter
and its following week--at Whitsuntide and its week or Octave--and at
Trinity and its Octave; and, as during these three great feasts, with
their Octaves, the occurring feast itself was chiefly celebrated with
mere mention, or Collect, or Commemoration; and as people in Caxton’s
days had not printed but handwritten Breviaries without the _Pica_
or _Pye_ in them, Caxton printed, to supply their want, ‘pyes of two
and three commemorations,’--that is to say, directions for saying the
whole office of _two_ Octaves or Commemorations, say of Easter and
Whitsuntide, and of _three_ Octaves, Easter, Whitsuntide, and Trinity.
It should be borne in mind, as I have pointed out in _t._ 4, _p._ 139
of ‘The Church of our Fathers,’ that the Laity as well as the Clergy
used to say the Breviary. Hence Caxton’s invitation to buy his ‘pyes’
to the Laity too.”--_Extract from a letter to J. F. Goulding, Esq.,
from the Very Rev. Canon Rock, D.D. February, 1862._
A DESCRIPTION OF BOOKS PRINTED IN
TYPE No. 4.
_BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPES No. 4 AND 4*._
39. Chronicles. First Edition Type 4 1480
40. Description of Britain Type 4 1480
41. Curia Sapientiæ Type 4 1481?
42. Godfrey of Boloyne Type 4 1481
43. Indulgence. First Edition Type 4 1481
44. Ditto Second Edition Type 4 1481
45. Chronicles. Second Edition Type 4 1482
46. Polychronicon Type 4 1482
47. Pilgrimage of the Soul Type 4 1483
48. A Vocabulary Type 4 1483?
49. The Festial. First Edition Type 4* 1483
50. Four Sermons Type 4* 1483?
51. Servitium de Visitatione Type 4 1483?
52. Sex Epistolæ Type 4 and 4* 1483?
53. Confessio Amantis Type 4 and 4* 1484
54. The Knight of the Tower Type 4 and 4* 1484?
55. Caton Type 4* 1484
56. Golden Legend. First Edition Type 4 and 4* 1484
57. Death-bed Prayers Type 4* 1484?
58. Æsop Type 4* 1484
59. Order of Chivalrye Type 4* 1483-85
60. Canterbury Tales. Second Edition Type 4* 1484?
61. Book of Fame Type 4* 1484?
62. The Curial Type 4* 1484?
63. Troilus and Cresside Type 4* 1484?
64. Life of our Lady Type 4* 1484?
65. St. Winifred Type 4* 1485?
66. King Arthur Type 4* 1485
67. Charles the Great Type 4* 1485
68. Paris and Vienne Type 4* 1485
69. The Golden Legend. Second Edition Type 4* 1487
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE No. 4.
NO. 39.--THE CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND. _Folio. “Emprynted by me William
Caxton in thabbey of Westmynstre.” June 10th, 1480. First
Edition, with short commas._
COLLATION.--Prologue and table a 4n, signed ~ij~, ~iij~, and ~iiij~,
the first leaf being blank, ~a~ (~a j~ blank) ~b c d e f g h i k l m n
o p q r s t u x~ are 4ns; ~y~ is a 3n. Total 182 leaves, of which
two are blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. Type No. 4 only is
used. There are forty lines to a full page. The lines are spaced out to
an even length, and measure 4¾ inches. The signatures are in lower-case
letters and Arabic numerals. Spaces left for the insertion of initials.
Without folios or catchwords. The short comma (~⸝~) only is used.
Commencing with a blank leaf, the prologue follows on sig. ~ij~ recto,
the Text beginning, with a space for a 5-line initial,
~N the yere of thyncarnacion of our lord Jhu crist M.
CCCC . lxxx . And in the xx . yere of the Regne of
~J~ kyng Edward the fourthe ⸝ Atte requeste of dyuerce
gentilmen I haue endeueurd me to enprinte the cro-
nicles of Englond as in this booke shall by the suf-
fraunce of god folowe ⸝ And to thende that euery mon may
see and~
The Chronicle ends on the sixth recto of sig. ~y~, the verso being
blank,
~Thus endeth this present booke of the cronicles of
englond ⸝ enp’n | ted by me william Caxton In thabbey of
westmynstre by london | Fynysshid and accomplisshid
the x . day of Juyn the yere of thin- | carnacion of our lord
god M . CCCC . lxxx . And in the xx . yere of | the regne
of kyng Edward the fourth~
REMARKS.--The use of short commas, which characterises the early state
of this type, would induce us to give priority to this edition over the
other, in which the long commas are used, independently of any printed
date.
The history here printed by Caxton differs but little from the
“Cronicle of Brute,” one of the most popular of the fifteenth and
sixteenth century books. It is, however, carried further than any
manuscript chronicle I have seen, and it appears probable that, as any
writer who felt competent made his own additions in transcribing, so
Caxton added more or less to his copy, and brought the history down, as
he acknowledges having done in “Polycronicon,” to the battle of Towton.
The old “Cronicle of Brute” was so called from the opening chapter
which describes the settlement of Brutus, the descendant of Æneas, in
Britain. The respective parts due to Nennius, Douglas of Glastonbury,
and Geoffrey of Monmouth, are probably too obscure to determine. The
St. Alban’s Chronicle, printed two or three years later, and in types
somewhat resembling those of Caxton, is the same text, interpolated
throughout with a history of the Popes and ecclesiastical matters.
This, and the edition of Machlinia (Caxton’s text), about the same
date, are not unfrequently catalogued erroneously as from Caxton’s
press.
One of the most rare books from the early Dutch Press is a reprint of
Caxton’s text by Gerard Leeu.
This work is often called “Caxton’s Chronicle” by old writers, probably
from the publicity he gave it both as editor and printer, and he is
often blamed for its inaccuracies, although, with the exception of the
last few pages, he had nothing to do with its compilation; nor indeed
does he in any way lay claim to it.
Of this edition with the short commas there are copies at Cambridge,
Bodleian (2), St. John’s, Oxford, Hunterian Museum, Glasgow, and
Lambeth Palace. Six are in private hands.
NO. 40.--THE DESCRIPTION OF BRITAIN. _Folio. “Fynyshed by me William
Caxton.” No Place. 18th August, 1480._
COLLATION.--Three 4ns and one 3n, unsigned. Thirty leaves, the last
being blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. Type No. 4 only is
used. There are forty lines to a full page. The lines are spaced out to
an even length, and measure 4¾ inches. Spaces left for the insertion
of initials. Without signatures, folios, or catchwords. The signatures
were probably omitted on account of the limited extent of the work.
The Text begins, on the verso of the first leaf, thus:--
~Hit is so that in many and diuerse places the comyn
cronicles | of englond ben had and also now late enprinted
at westmynstre |~
and ends on the 29th recto,
~lated the book of Policronicon into englissh ⸝ Fynysshed
by me | william Caxton the xviij . day of August the yere of
our lord god | M. CCCC. lxxx . and the xx . yere of the
regne of kyng Edward | the fourthe .~
REMARKS.--“The Description of Britain” is one of the chapters out
of Ralph Higden’s “Polycronicon.” Caxton printed it as a supplement
to the Chronicles, and evidently intended it to follow on after the
termination of that work. The blank leaf at the end instead of the
beginning favours this idea.
It is improbable that a second edition of “The Description of Britain”
was issued, as no copy with the long commas (/) has yet been found.
Copies are in British Museum, Cambridge, Oxford (3), St. John’s,
Oxford, Lambeth, Glasgow, and four in private libraries.
NO. 41.--CURIA SAPIENTIÆ; OR THE COURT OF SAPIENCE. _Folio. Without
Printer’s Name, Place, or Date. (1481?)_
COLLATION.--~a b c d~ are 4ns, ~e~ is a 3n = 38 leaves, of which
the first is blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is No.
4 throughout. The whole work is in “Balad Royal,” or stanzas of
seven lines, of which there are five to each page. Without folios or
catchwords. Space is left for the insertion of 3-line initials.
After a blank the Text begins on ~a ij~ recto, with space for a 3-line
initial, with director,
~He laberoꝰ & ye most merueyloꝰ werkes
Of sapience syn firste regned nature
~t~ My purpos is to tell as writen clerkes
And specyally her moost notable cure~
The Text ends half-way down the second column, on the sixth verso of
signature ~e~,
~lyuyng ⸝ nedeful werkes ⸝ and
dredeful dedes of ioye and of
peyne~
REMARKS.--The only manuscript copy of this poem is preserved in the
library of Trinity College, Cambridge. It belonged formerly to John
Stow, who has noted several omissions in the text, as compared with
some other copy, probably the printed edition; and who has written over
the top, “By John Lydgate.” The poem itself is headed “Here beginneth a
brief compiled treatise called by the Author thereof _Curia Sapientiæ_.”
The following description by Oldys is taken from _Bib. Harl._ Vol.
III, No. 3313: “Though neither the author’s nor printer’s name appears
to this poem, it was visibly enough printed by Caxton and composed
by Lidgate, had we not the authority of John Stowe for it, in the
catalogue of his writings. The author tells us it was written at
the command of his Sovereign (perhaps King Hen. V), and it seems to
be one of the scarcest of his pieces extant. There seems to be more
invention in it and variety of matter than in most other poems of his
composition, displaying, after a copious debate between Mercy and
Truth, Justice and Peace, a distinct survey throughout the palace
and domains of Sapience, of all the products of nature, in distinct
chapters, and of arts and sciences; with his further reference, at
the end of each, to the authors who have written on them.” Ames says
(_Typ. Ant._, page 67), after quoting the whole of the “Prohemium,”
“I take Caxton to be the poet or author, by the above verses.” This
opinion was perhaps too readily adopted. Although there is a curious
parallel between the poet’s statement of his rude and corrupt speech,
and the apology of Caxton in his additions to “The Recuyell” for his
“vnperfightness” in English, owing to his having been educated where
was “spoken as brode and rude englissh as is in ony place of englond;”
and although we know that Caxton could put together a few verses, as
in the instance of the last two stanzas of “Moral Proverbs;” yet,
judging from the literary ability of his known works and translations,
we should hardly be justified in ascribing the authorship of “Curia
Sapientiæ” to him. The plan of this work, in which theology, geography,
natural history, horticulture, grammar, rhetoric, arithmetic, geometry,
music, and astronomy are all in turn described, was certainly too high
a flight for our printer.
The titles given to this book, “The werke of Sapience” and
“Tractatus de Fide et Cantus famule sue,” adopted by Ames and other
bibliographers, were taken from the first and last lines of the poem.
The proper title, “Curia Sapientiæ,” appears at the end of “Liber
Primus.”
Caxton’s edition is very scarce. St. John’s, Oxford, and Earl Spencer,
have copies, and fragments are in the Bodleian and the British Museum.
This last library is inaccurately stated by Dibdin to possess a perfect
copy.
NO. 42.--THE HISTORY OF GODFREY OF BOLOYNE; OR THE CONQUEST OF
JERUSALEM. _Folio. Printed the 20th November, in the Abbey of
Westminster, by William Caxton, 1481._
COLLATION.--~a~ is a 3n with ~a j~ blank; ~b~ a 2n, ~b~ 1 being
blank; 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, and 16 are
all 4ns, 17 is a 3n = 144 leaves, of which two are blank. Excepting
the first two gatherings, the signatures are entirely in Arabic
numerals. Dibdin corrects Ames, and says he counted 146 leaves, but
Ames was right.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is
entirely No. 4. A full page has forty lines, which are of an even
length, and measure 4¾ inches. Without folios or catchwords. Space at
the commencement of chapters is left for the insertion of 3 to 7-line
initials.
The volume commences with a blank leaf, after which follows the
prologue, the Text beginning on ~a~ 2, with a space for a 4-line
initial,
~He hye couragyous faytes / And valyaunt actes of
~t~ noble Jllustrous and vertuous personnes ben digne
to be recounted ⸝ put in memorye ⸝ and wreton. to thende
that ther may be gyuen to them name Jnmortal by so-
uerayn laude and preysyng. And also for to moeue and
tenflaw |~
ending half-way down the recto of the sixth folio of sig. 17, the verso
being blank,
~myng . whiche boook J began in marche the xij daye and
fynys- | shyd the vij day of Juyn ⸝ the yere of our lord ·
M . CCCC · lxxxj | & the the xxj yere of the regne of our
sayd sauerayn lord kyng Ed | ward the fourth . & in this
maner sette in forme & enprynted the | xx day of nouem-
bre the yere a forsayd in thabbay of westmester | by the
said wylliam Caxton~
In the British Museum is a splendid manuscript of this work, a large
folio, on vellum, fifteenth century, with numerous illuminations. The
character of the writing is very similar to the large type of Colard
Mansion, and it begins “Les anciennes histoires dīet que eracles fut
moult bon x’pien et gouuerneur de lempire de romme.” The text is
without doubt the original of Caxton’s translation, with which it
agrees chapter for chapter, but is carried much further than the death
of Godfrey, with which Caxton concludes. The author appears to be
unknown.
An edition was printed at Paris, in 1500, with the title “Les faits
et Gestes de preux Godefroy de Bovillon et de ses chevalereux freres
Baudouin et Eustache.”
Copies are in the British Museum, Cambridge (2), Imperial Library,
Vienna, Hunterian College, Glasgow, Bristol, Göttingen, besides four in
private libraries. The copy belonging to S. Holford, Esq., is specially
interesting; it is in its original vellum cover, and contains the
following interesting notice:--“This was king Edw. y^e fourth Booke.”
Also the autographs, “p’tinet Rogero Thorney,” and “Rob^t Wellborne.”
The former of these names is worth a comment, because it throws some
doubt upon the accuracy of the previous notice. Roger Thorney, like
other literary mercers of his time, was probably a friend and supporter
of Caxton: he certainly patronised his successor, Wynken de Worde, as
the following lines from the “Polychronicon” of 1495, show:--
“--------this boke of Policronicon
“Whiche Roger Thorney Mercer hath exhorted
“Wynken de Worde of vertuous entent
“Well to correcte, and gretely hym comforted,
“This specyal boke to make and sette in prente.”
How then did Roger Thorney become possessed of the copy of “The
History of Godefroy of Bulloyn,” belonging to his king? On the
inside cover is also the book-plate of Sir John Dolben, Bart., of
Finedon, in Northamptonshire. This volume was sold among the books of
Secondary Smyth, in 1682, and passed into the library of the Earl of
Peterborough. It was afterwards in the Vernon collection, which is now
included in that of Mr. Holford.
NO. 43.--LETTERS OF INDULGENCE FROM JOHANNES DE GIGLIIS, ALIAS DE
LILIIS, ISSUED IN 1481 ON THE AUTHORITY OF POPE SIXTUS IV, FOR
ASSISTANCE AGAINST THE TURKS. _On Parchment._ 1481.
This indulgence is represented by two slips of parchment, extracted
from the St. Alban’s “Boethius.” (See _ante_, page 215.)
Originally in one, the document was cut in two pieces by Caxton’s
binder, who used them for strengthening the back of the book. They
were pasted, one at the beginning and one at the end, down the
whole length, inside the boards. When the volume was dissected they
were, unfortunately, subjected to the usual soaking in water. This
has entirely changed their original appearance, as the print has
necessarily participated in the shrinking of the parchment. From
personal examination, while the fragments were in the original state,
the following particulars are obtained:--
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--The Type is all No. 4. The lines, which are
spaced to an even length, measured nine inches. The complete document,
apparently, contained 13 lines.
The second slip containing the date, is as follows:--
~mutare libere et licite . . . . . | . et singuloru fide pre-
sentes sigilli ꝯmissionis indulgeciaru et dispensacionu
sancte cruciate qu . . | mus et fecimus appensione com
. . ixi / Datum die mensis |
CCCC. lxxxj . Ac pontificatus prefati sanctissimi domini
nostri do . ini Sixti pape . .~
The two slips, now measuring each 7¼ × 1 inches, were originally about
11 × 2 inches. They are now in the British Museum.
NO. 44.--LETTERS OF INDULGENCE ISSUED IN 1481, ON THE AUTHORITY OF
POPE SIXTUS IV, FOR ASSISTANCE AGAINST THE TURKS. _Second
Edition. On Parchment. 1481._
The type is all No. 4. The lines are spaced to an even length. The
whole document is printed on one side of a slip of paper.
The only two copies known are pasted inside the “Royal Book” printed
by Caxton, and now in the Bedford Library, Bedford. They measure 8
× 6 inches. A slip of parchment containing four lines of the same
Indulgence was discovered by Mr. Bradshaw in the Library of King’s
College, Cambridge.
NO. 45.--THE CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND. _Folio. “Emprynted by me william
Caxton In thabbey of westmestre” October 8th, 1482. Second
Edition, with long commas._
COLLATION.--Prologue and title a 4n, signed ~ij~, ~iij~, and ~iiij~,
the first leaf being blank, ~a~ (~a j~ blank) ~b c d e f g h i k l m n
o p q r s t u x~ are 4ns; ~y~ is a 3. Total 182 leaves, of which two
are blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. Type No. 4 only is
used. There are forty lines to a full page. The lines are spaced out to
an even length, and measure 4¾ inches. The signatures are in lower-case
letters and Arabic numerals. Spaces left for the insertion of initials.
Without folios or catchwords.
The above collation and particulars are identical with those of the
first edition, described at page 247, _ante_.
Commencing with a blank leaf, the prologue follows on sig. ~ij~ recto,
the Text beginning with space for a 4-line initial,
~N the yere of thyncarnacyon of our lord Jhu crist M
CCCC / lxxx / And in the xx yere of the Regne of
~i~ kyng Edward the fourth / Atte request of dyuerse gen
tylmen J haue endeuyryd me to enprynte the Cro-
nycles of Englond / as in this book shal by the suffraunce
of god~
The Text ends on the sixth recto of sig. ~y~, the verso being blank,
~Thus endeth this present book of the Cronycles of
Englond / Enprynted by me William Caxton Jn thabbey
of westmestre by london / Fynysshed / and accomplysshyd
the / viij / day of Octobre / The yere of the Incarnacyon of
our lord God / M / CCCC / lxxxij And in the xxij yere of
the regne of kyng Edward the fourth~
Copies are in the British Museum (2) and Oxford, with three in private
libraries.
NO. 46.--POLYCRONICON. _Folio. “Imprinted and set in forme by me
William Caxton.” Without Place or Date. Translation ended 2nd
July, 1482._
COLLATION.--~a b~ are 4ns, with the first leaf of ~a~ blank; ~C~ is a
2n; sigs. 1 to 28 are 4ns, the first and 5th leaves of sig. 1 being
blank; sig. 28 is followed by an unsigned single sheet, of which but
one leaf is printed, the other being blank; 29 to 48 are 4ns; 49 a 2n;
50 to 55 are 4ns, with the last leaf of 55 blank; sig. 50 is followed
by 52, sig. 51 being accidentally omitted = 450 leaves, of which five
are blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is all No.
4. The lines, which measure 4¾ inches, are fully spaced out, and forty
make a full page. Space is left at the beginning of the chapters for
the insertion of initials. The first gatherings have the signatures
in Roman numerals, but all the rest are signed with Arabic numerals.
After the introductory matter folios are introduced, although with many
errors.
The Text, preceded by a blank, begins on sig. ~a~ 2 recto, with space
for a 4-line initial,
~Prohemye~
~g~ ~Rete thankynges lawde & honoure we merytoryous-
ly ben bounde to yelde and offre vnto wryters of hys-
toryes / whiche gretely haue prouffyted oure mortal
lyf / that shewe vnto the reders and herers by the
ensamples of thynges passyd / what thynge is to be desyred /~
The Text ends on the recto of 55-7; the verso and 55-8 being blank.
~wrytynge / Ended the second day of Juyll the xxij yere
of the regne of kynge Edwardthe fourth & of the Jncar-
nacion of oure lord a thousand four honderd foure score
and tweyne /~
~Fynysshed per Caxton~
REMARKS.--Few of Caxton’s books have excited more interest and research
than the “Polycronicon.” It appears to have had its origin with Roger,
Monk of St. Werberg, in Chester, who, about the beginning of the
fourteenth century, made an extensive compilation in Latin from several
of the old chronicles and works on natural history then in existence.
Ralph Higden, of the same monastery, who died before 1360, amplified
this compilation, entitling his work, “Polycronicon;” and this, judging
from the numerous copies still extant, had a very extended popularity.
In 1387 Trevisa, chaplain to the Earl of Berkeley, translated the Latin
of Higden into English prose. An account of Trevisa, with a history
of his works, is given by Dr. Dibdin, in _Typ. Ant._ vol. i., page
140, who, however, has not included in his list Trevisa’s English
translation of the Gospel of Nicodemus (_Addit. MS._ 16165). Trevisa’s
translation of the Bible is expressly mentioned by Caxton in his
prologue. Nearly a century later, Caxton “a little embellished” the
antiquated text of Trevisa, which, together with a continuation of the
history to the year 1460, was finished on July 2nd, 1482, and printed
soon after: he entitled his continuation “Liber ultimus,” and it is
most interesting as being the only original work of any magnitude from
our printer’s pen.
Caxton tells us very little of the sources of his information. He
mentions two little works, “Fasciculus temporum” and “Aureus de
Vniverso,” from which, however, he certainly obtained but little
material for his “Liber ultimus,” which treats almost entirely of
English matters.
As a specimen of the alteration made by our printer, when he “a lytyl
embellyshed” the text as rendered by Trevisa, the following quotation
is given, in which the consequences of Man’s fall are graphically
described. The embellishment chiefly consists in modernising the old
English, although here and there Caxton added sentences to the text.
TREVISA’S TEXT, 1387.
(Harleian MS., No 1900, fol. 94_b_).
From that day forthward ye body y^t is corrupt by syne greuey y^e
soule / Ye flesche couetiy azenꝰ ye soule / and mānes wittes torney
& assentith liztlich to euel A mānes owne meynal wittes bey his owne
enemyes ℂ So y^t al a mānes lif is temptacion while he lyuey here in
erye Also man is eū failynge and aweyward . he may nouzt stidfastlich
abide he falliy liztliche bot he may nouzt lightlich arise . P’fite
is of birye sorrowe & care ī lyuyng/ and man mot nedes deye And thouz
alle oy^e yat bey made haue schelles · ryndes · skynnes · wolle.
heer. bristels · fethers · wynges other skales · man is y bore wiyout
eny helyng / naked & bar . anone at his birye he gyney forto wepe
atte bygynyng liche to a best . but his lymes failey hym & may nouzt
help hymself . But he is febler yan any oy^r beste · he kan noon
helpe · he may nouzt do of hymself but wepe wiy al his myzte. No best
hay lif more brutel and vnsiker. Noon hay sekenesse more greuous ·
noon more likynge to do oy^rwise than he sholde / noon is more cruwel
Also oy^r bestes louey eūeche oye of ye same kynde & woney to gedres
& bey nouzt cruwel but to bestes of other kynde y^t ben contrairie to
hem But man torney y^t maner doyng vpsodoū & is contr’ie to hym self
& cruel to oy^r men
CAXTON’S TEXT, 1483.
(Sig, 10 4 verso).
Fro that day forth the body that is corrupt by synne greueth the
soule The flesshe coueyteth ayenste the soule and mannes wyttes torne
and assente lightly to euyl A mannes oune meynal wyttes / be his owne
enemyes / so that al mannes lyf is in temptacion whyle he lyueth here
in erthe . & the disposipon of the soule ruleth meynteneth / helpeth
and conforteth the body / But ayeinward the wretched disposicion
of the bodye distourbeth the soule · Also man is euer fayllyng and
wayward he may not stydfastly abyde / he falleth lightly but he may
not lightly aryse / Profyt of byrth is sorow and care in lyuyng and
man must nedes dye And thaugh oll other that be made haue shelles
ryndes skynnes . wolle heer bristels feders wynges owther skals /
Man is born withoute ony helyng or keueryng nakede and bare / anone
at his birth . he gynneth for to wepe atte begynnyng lyke a beest
but his lymmes fayllen hym and maye not helpe hym self · but he is
febler than ony other beeste / he can noon helpe / he may nought doo
of hym self but wepe with al his myght No beest hath lyf more brutyl
& vnseker / None hath sekenesse more greuous noon more lykyng to do
otherwyse than he shuld . none is more cruel Also other bestes loue
eueryche other of the same kynde . and dwell to gyder and be not
cruel / but to beestes of other kynde that be contrary to hem / But
man torneth that maner doyng vp so downe and is contrary to hymself
and cruel to other men /
This is one of the most common of Caxton’s works, at least thirty
copies being known, of which half are in various public libraries.
NO. 47.--THE PILGRIMAGE OF THE SOUL. _“Emprynted at westmestre by
william Caxton, and fynysshed the sixth day of June,” 1483._
COLLATION.--An unsigned 2n, with the first leaf blank; ~a b c d e f g
h i k l m n~ are 4ns, with ~a j~ blank; ~o~ is a 3n, with the last
two leaves blank. Total 114 leaves, of which four are blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type
throughout is No. 4. The lines are of an equal length, and measure 4⅞
inches. A full page has forty lines. There is a running head to the
pages, and the leaves have printed folios, numbered very carelessly.
Space has been left for the insertion of 2, 3, and 6-line initials.
Commencing with a blank, the title and table follow on folio ~ij~,
which is unsigned.
The Text begins, on the second leaf, thus:--
~Folio ij~
~This book is intytled the pylgremage of the sowle / trans-
lated ‖ oute of Frensshe in to Englysshe / whiche book is
ful of deuonte ‖ maters touchyng the sowle / and many ques-
tyons assoyled to cau ‖ se a man to lyue the better in this
world / And it conteyneth fyue ‖ bookes / as it appereth her-
after by Chapytres~
The Text ends on the fourth leaf of sig. ~o~, and the verso of folio
~Cx~,
~Here endeth the dreme of pylgremage of the soule trans-
latid ‖ out of Frensshe in to Englysshe with somwhat of
addicions / the yere of our lord / M.CCCC / & thyrten /
and endeth in the Uigy ‖ le of seynt Bartholomew~
~Emprynted at westmestre by William Caxton / And
fynysshed ‖ the sixth day of Juyn / the yere of our lord /
M.CCCC ⸝ lxxxiij ‖ And the first yere of the regne of
kynge Edward the fyfthe / ‖~
This is the only book from the press of Caxton having the name of
Edward V in the colophon.
REMARKS.--The common custom among preachers of the Middle Ages of
engaging the attention of their hearers by _spiritualising_ tales and
even jests current among the people is well known. This practice seems
to have suggested to a monk named Guillaume de Deguilleville the idea
of _moralising_ the celebrated “Roman de la Rose.” His poem was divided
into three parts, and completed about 1335. It contains more than
36,000 lines, and its title is “Le Romant des trois Pelerinages.” These
three pilgrimages are “Le pelerinage de la vie humaine;” “Le pelerinage
de l’Ame;” and “Le pelerinage du Jesus Christ.” Brit. Mus. _Addit.
MS._ 22937 contains the three parts complete. None of these appear
to have been printed. Not satisfied, however, with the result of his
labours, Guillaume again set to work and recast the whole poem, with
many amplifications and additional verses. This, which was finished
about 1350, and of which a manuscript copy is in the _Bib. Imp. Paris_,
6988^2, is the text of which several editions were issued from the
early French press.
Nearly a century passed when another monk, Jehan de Gallopes,
transposed the rhymes of Deguilleville into French prose. This was
with the object of modernising the old language, or, as he says, “pour
esclaircir et entendre la matiere la contenue.” Gallopes, however,
apparently extended his labours no further than “The Pelerinage de
l’Ame,” and here we find the text used by the translator of “The
Pylgremage of the Sowle,” printed in 1483 by our William Caxton.
Manuscripts of the prose “Pelerinage de l’Ame” are very scarce, but a
perfect copy is in _Bib. Imp. Paris_, No. 7086.
Of the author and translators mentioned above, but little can be said.
Guillaume de Deguilleville was monk, and afterwards prior, of the Abbey
of Chalis; and this seems all that is known of him. His name appears
in the later manuscripts as Guillaume de Guilleville, and is mostly so
printed, but is spelt correctly in some of the early French printed
editions. In a fourteenth century manuscript, already noticed, the name
appears “de Deguilleville,” and that this is the true orthography is
placed beyond question by an acrostic, consisting of two “chansons”
in the French text. Here the author has veiled himself in the initial
letters of each line, and by putting these together we obtain his real
name, “Guillaume de Deguilleville.”
“Jean de Gallopes, dit le Galoys,” as we learn from the prologue to
his French prose version, was the “humble chapellain” to John, Duke of
Bedford and Regent of France, for whom the translation was undertaken.
It was, therefore, executed before the death of the Regent, in 1435,
and there seems reason to suppose that its author was an Englishman.
In the Imperial Library, Paris, is a manuscript, mentioned by M.
Paris (_Les Msc. Franç._, vol. v, page 132), entitled “Vie de Jesus
Christ,” which is attributed also to Gallopes, but which appears to be
a different work from the third “Pilgrimage” of Deguilleville.
To John Lydgate, monk, of Bury, is generally attributed the English
version of “The Pylgremage of the Sowle,” and probably with truth, as
some of the additional poems found here form a part also of Lydgate’s
well-known poem “The Life of our lady.” He is also supposed, from
internal evidence of style, to be the author of “The Pilgrimage of man”
(_Cotton MSS._, Vitel. C. XII), an English metrical translation of
Deguilleville’s “Pelerinage de la vie humaine.”
The numerous copies of the “Pilgrimages” still extant in our old
libraries prove that they must have attained a considerable amount
of popularity. In France there were several printed editions, but
in England, probably owing to the growth of the Reformation, “The
Pylgremage of the Sowle,” printed by Caxton, is the only known edition.
Copies are in the British Museum, St. John’s, Oxford, and Sion College,
London; also in the Althorpe and Britwell Libraries.
There is no connection whatever between this work and Bunyan’s
“Pilgrim’s Progress.” Caxton’s book treats of the journey and trial of
the soul _after_ death, the only point in common being that both are
supposed to happen in a dream. “The Pilgrimage of man” is nearer in
idea, but equally distinct in treatment.
NO. 48.--A VOCABULARY IN FRENCH AND ENGLISH. _Folio. Sine ullâ notâ.
1483?_
COLLATION.--Two 4ns, and one 5n, unsigned = 26 leaves, the first
being, doubtless, blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title of any sort. The type
is No. 4 throughout. 42 lines in double column (84 lines) make a full
page, and the long lines measure 2⅞ inches. The words “Frensshe”
and “Englissh” appear as head-lines to every page. Without folios,
catchwords, or initials.
The Text begins, in double column, on the 2nd recto, thus:--
~Frensshe Englissh~
~Cy commence la table Hier begynneth the table
De cest prouffytable doctrine Of this prouffytable lernynge
Pour trouuer tout par ordene For to fynde all by ordre
Ce que on vouldra aprendre That whiche wen wylle lerne~
The Text ends, with seven lines on the 26th recto, thus:--
~Frensshe Englissh~
~La Grace de sainct esperit The grace of the holy ghoost
Ueul enluminer les cures Wylle enlyghte the hertes
De ceulx qui le aprendront Of them that shall lerne it
Et nous doinst perseuerance And vs gyue perseueraunce
En bonnes operacions Jn good werkes
Et apres ceste vie transitorie And after this lyf transitorie
La pardurable ioye & glorie The euerlastyng ioye and glorie~
“A Book for Travellers” is the title given to this work in _Typ. Ant._
vol. i, page 315, but as there is no especial suitability in it for the
use of travellers, and as from its composition it appears to have been
formed with a scholastic aim, it has been thought advisable to change
so evident a misnomer.
No manuscript of this compilation in French or English is known to
exist, nor is there any clue to the author.
A copy is in each of the four following libraries--Ripon Cathedral,
Bamborough Castle, Earl Spencer, and Duke of Devonshire.
NO. 49.--THE FESTIAL (LIBER FESTIALIS). _First Edition. Folio.
“Emprynted at Westmynster by Wyllyam Caxton the laste day of
Juyn, 1483.”_
COLLATION.--~a b c d e f g h i k l m n~ are 4ns, ~a j~ being blank;
~o~ and ~p~ are 3ns = 116 leaves, of which one is blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title of any sort. The type
is entirely No. 4*, which here appears for the first time. The lines,
which are fully spaced out, measure 5 inches. A full page has 38 lines.
Without folios or catchwords. Space left for the insertion of 3 to
5-line initials, with director.
Commencing with a blank leaf, the sermon for the First Sunday in Advent
follows on sig. ~a ij~, space being left for the insertion of a 5-line
initial.
The Text begins thus:--
~His day is callyd the first sonday of aduent / that
is the sonday in cristys comyng / Therfore holy
~t~ chirche this day maketh mencion of ij comynges
The first comyng was to bye mankynde out of bon
dage of the deuyll and to brynge mannys sowle to
blysse / And this other comyng shal be at the day of dome~
The Text ends on the sixth recto of sig. ~p~,
~vs that for vs deyed on the rood tree / Qui cum deo patre &
spū ‖ sancto viuit et regnat deus AMEN /~
~Explicit~
~Enprynted at Westmynster by wyllyam Caxton the laste
day of Juyn Anno domini M CCCC Lxxxiij~
The compiler of “The Festial,” John Mirkus, was a canon of the
Monastery of Lilleshul, an old foundation in Shropshire, as we
learn from a MS. copy of his work in the Cottonian Library. He says
that, finding many priests, from incapacity, were, like himself,
unable to teach their parishioners properly, he had taken pains to
compile sermons for all the principal feasts of the year, which he
had extracted chiefly from the “Golden Legend.” The omission of the
prologue, by Caxton, as well as the final sermons on the Paternoster
and Burial of the dead, makes us suspect that our printer had a copy
imperfect at beginning and end. The subject of nearly every chapter in
“The Festial” may also be found in the “Golden Legend;” but, taking the
two books, as printed by Caxton, for comparison, it will be seen that
the sermons for the Moveable Feasts, with which each work commences,
have nothing in common but their subject, and that the histories of the
saints are treated very differently, and often disagree even in their
supposed historical facts. The “Gesta Romanorum” furnished many stories
for the “Golden Legends,” but in “The Festial” that mine of anecdotes
has contributed still more largely to the illustration and enforcement
of the preacher’s remarks. “The Festial” is yet further removed from
our Book of Common Prayer, with which it has been associated by some
writers. With the exception of the names in the calendar there is
nothing in common between them.
Although in Caxton’s edition of this work it is entirely without a
name, there seems no reason for giving it the Latin title by which it
is generally known, “Liber Festivalis.” John Mirkus, its compiler,
who wrote it in English, says, “I will and pray that it be called a
Festial;” and, accordingly, it was so called by Wynken de Worde in
several editions, by Rood of Oxford, and by other early printers.
Copies are at the British Museum, Bodleian, Lambeth, and Althorpe.
NO. 50.--FOUR SERMONS, ETC. (QUATUOR SERMONES, ETC.) _First Edition.
Folio. “Enprynted by Wylliam Caxton at Westmestre.” Without
Date. (1483?)_
COLLATION.--~a b c~ are 4ns, ~d a~ 3n = 30 leaves. No blanks.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title. The type is entirely No.
4*. The lines are fully spaced out, and measure 5 inches. A full page
has 38 lines. Without folios or catchwords. In this book we find, for
the first time, the paragraph mark ℂ used--a mark which never appears
in the early state of this type.
The Text begins on sig. ~a j~, with space for a 3-line initial, without
director,
~He mayster of sentence in the second booc and the
first ‖ dystynction / sayth that the souerayn cause /
why god made ‖ al creatures in henen erthe or water /
was his oune good- ‖ nes / by the whiche he wold that some of~
On sig. ~d iij.~ recto,
ℂ ~The Generalle Sentence.~
~Ood men and wymmen J do you to vnderstonde that
~g~ We that haue cure of your sowlys be commaumdyd of
our ordenaries and by the coystytucions and the laWe
of holy chirche to shewe to you foure tymes by the yere
in eche a quarter of the yere onys when the peple is most~
The Text ends on the sixth verso of sig. ~d~,
~resurrectionis gloria inter sanctos et electos tuos resussitati
respi ‖ rent / per xpristum dominm nostrum Amen /~
~Enprynted by wylliam Caxton at westmestre /~
REMARKS.--The name of the writer of these homilies is not known, nor
do they appear attached to any of the manuscripts of the Festial
above noticed. That they were, however, printed by Caxton at the
same time as the Festial appears evident from the identity of their
typographical arrangements, strengthened by the fact of their being, in
several instances, under the same cover. That Caxton also intended to
allow their separate use may, nevertheless, be deduced from the first
gathering having ~a~ for its signature, and from the existence of some
copies unaccompanied by the Festial. In the Lambeth copy the sermons
precede the Festial.
The four sermons are thus apportioned:--
1. On the Paternoster, the Creed, and the Ten Commandments.
2. The Seven Sacraments, the Seven Deeds of Mercy, and the Seven Deadly
Sins.
3. A continuation of the subject of Deadly Sins.
4. On Contrition, Confession, and Satisfaction.
After the sermons are “The General Sentence or Comminacion,” and two
forms of bidding prayer, called “The Bedes on Sondaye.”
Every priest was obliged by the Canon Law to read the “Modus
Fulminandi,” or Commination, and to preach at least one sermon every
three months. These homilies appear to have been written for this
purpose, and would probably meet with a good sale among the preaching
orders of the clergy.
Nine copies are known, of which two only are in private hands.
NO. 51.--SERVITIUM DE VISITATIONE B. MARIÆ VIRGINIS. _Quarto. Sine
ullâ notâ. (1481-3)._
COLLATION.--One 4n = 8 leaves, of which the last is blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--The type is entirely No. 4. The lines,
which are fully spaced out, measure 3¼ inches in length; there are 26
lines to a full page. Without signatures, folios, or catchwords.
The first leaf is wanting in the only copy known. The second recto
commences with space for a 2-line initial, with director,
~p~ ~Rima aut mihi tunc aurora refulsit &
horridis polo fugientibz vmbris celo ru
bescente die vtcunqz a nocte distinxi . tuc quo~
followed, on the same page, by--
~Lectio sexta~
On the verso is--
~Lectioties de Omel’ . p octauas prima die~
giving the lessons for the week. On the fourth recto is--
~Ad missam Jntroitus~
The sixth verso begins--
~Oratio sanctissimi . d. n. Sixti pape quarti~
The Text ends on the seventh verso, two lines short of a full page,
~et exultatioe ppetua renascamur . Per xpm
dominu nostru~
The only EXISTING COPY is in the British Museum (C. 21. c), and,
although wanting the first leaf, has the final blank. Measurement, 8⅜ ×
5⅝ inches.
NO. 52.--SEX PERELEGANTISSIMÆ EPISTOLÆ PER PETRUM CARMELIANUM
EMENDATÆ. _Quarto. Per Willelmum Caxton. In Westmonasterio.
(1483.)_
COLLATION.--~a b c~ are 4ns = 24 leaves, of which ~a j~ is blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The types used
are Nos. 4 and 4*. The lines, which are spaced to an even length,
measure 3¼ inches, and there are 26 to a page. Without catchwords or
folios. The whole appearance of the print is like the “Servitium de
Visitatione” and the “Order of Chivalry.”
The use of types 4 and 4* together points unmistakably to 1483 as
the period of issue; and this date, gathered from the typographical
particulars only, is completely verified by the letters themselves, the
dates of which range from December 11th, 1482, to February, 1483.
The Text begins on ~a ij~ recto, with an introduction which occupies
three pages.
~h~ ~Ercules dux Ferrarie in eo ducatu
venetoru armis constitutus paulo post
vetustissimus eorum violat immunitates /
init foedus cum Therdinando Rege Nea-
politano Mediolanensium duce / et floren-
tinorum repu / quod per veneta foedor’ no
licebat / Ueneti propria reposcunt ⸝ ille ter-
giuersari ⸝ Xystus pontifex quartus / relic-
Therdinadi foed &c.~
The six letters begin on sig. ~a iij~ verso. On ~c~ 8 recto is the
following colophon:--
~Finiunt sex p’elegantissime epistole /
quarum tris a summo Pontifice Sixto
Quarto et Sacro Cardinalium Collegio
ad Jllustrissimum Uenetiarum ducem
Joannem Mocenigum totidemqz ab ipso
Duce ad eundem Pontificem et Cardina-
les / ob Ferrariense bellum susceptum / con-
scripte sunt / Jmpresse per willelmum Cax-
ton / et diligenter emendate per Petrum
Camelianu Poetar’ Laureatum in West-
monasterio~
Beneath this is a Latin quatrain, beginning
~Eloquii cultor,~
followed by
~Jnterpretatio magnarum litterarum punctatarum parua-
rumque.~
The Text ends with 23 lines on the verso of the same leaf.
REMARKS.--These six letters passed between the Sacred College of
Cardinals on one side and the Doge of Venice on the other, the subject
being the necessity of closing the war with the City of Ferrara.
Petrus Carmelianus, the editor of these letters, is noticed by Mr.
Gairdner, in his preface to the “Memorials of King Henry the Seventh,”
published in 1858, for the Master of the Rolls, as having been in
England from the time of Edward the Fourth. He may, therefore, have
personally employed Caxton to print his “Sex Epistolæ.” The title
“Brixiensis” sometimes attached to his name shows that he was a
native of the town of Brescia. He seems to have taken an interest in
educational matters, as verses by him to John Anwykyl and to William
Waynflete, Bishop of Winchester, are prefixed to the “Compendium
totius grammaticæ,” printed at Oxford about 1482-83. Some more of his
poetry is printed in the Oxford “Phalaris” of 1485. Tanner assigns
to Carmelianus the following promotions--Rector of St. George’s,
Southwark, 1490; Prebend of York, 1498; Archdeacon of Gloucester,
1511; Prebend of London, 1519. Being in such favour, no wonder that
he waxed rich, and that when, in 1522, “an annual grant was made by
the Spirituality for the King’s personal expenses in France for the
recovery of the Crown,” the name of “Mr. Petrus Carmelianus” appears
among the “Spiritual Persons” for the handsome sum of £333 6_s._ 8_d._
In the Calendar of State Papers, where he is called “Latin Secretary
of King Henry the Seventh,” mention is made of a letter sent to him
from Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain, thanking him for his services,
and promising him favour and reward. On the projected marriage of
Prince Charles of Castile with the Princess Mary of England he wrote
a poem in Latin, printed by Pynson about 1514, of which a unique copy
is in the Grenville Library (see _Archæologia_, vol. xviii.) In the
same library is a manuscript poem on the birth of the Prince of Wales
(1486), another copy, beautifully illuminated, being among the royal
MSS. in the British Museum. Both are evidently in the handwriting of
Carmelianus, the latter being his presentation copy to the king. The
argument of this poem is so characteristic of the age that it is worth
noting. Almighty God, compassionating the miserable state of England
lacerated with civil war, convoked a meeting of the Saints in Heaven
to ask their opinions as to how the long-standing dispute between the
Houses of York and Lancaster might be composed. The saints reply that,
if the Omniscient Deity cared for any of their counsels, no one was
better qualified to state how the wars might be terminated than King
Henry the Sixth (already in heaven), who knew the country and the
causes of dissension, and they recommended that he should be appealed
to. Henry is accordingly called upon to reply to the Supreme Being, and
proposes that the two houses should be united so as to be one house,
for which an opportunity then offered by the marriage of the Earl of
Richmond with the Princess Elizabeth. The Deity approves and decrees
its execution, the marriage takes place, and the poem terminates
with an exhortation to England to rejoice on account of the prince’s
birth. Carmelianus died August 18th, 1527; John de Giglis, Bishop of
Worcester, in 1497, his contemporary and countryman, also employed
Caxton to print Indulgences.
A manuscript, “Carmen de Vere,”[18] in the British Museum, which is
dedicated to Edward Prince of Wales (afterwards Edward V), dated April
1482, affords some information from the pen of Carmelian himself. He
says that for the previous ten years he had been travelling about
the world, having very lately arrived in England, with the intention
of proceeding to Germany and Switzerland; but, captivated by the
pleasantness of the country, he had been unable to leave it. He adds
that his poem was written to gain the favour of the prince. Whence his
dignity of Poeta laureatus was obtained is not known.
The only copy known of this tract was discovered in the year 1874 by
Dr. G. Könnecke, archivist of Marburg, in an old volume of seventeenth
century divinity, in the Hecht-Heinean Library at Halberstadt. It was
described in the “Neuer Anzeiger” of Dr. Julius Petzholdt for October
1874; also in the Athenæum for February 27th, 1875.
NO. 53.--CONFESSIO AMANTIS. _Large Folio. “Enprynted at Westmestre
by me Willyam Caxton the ij day of Septembre / a thousand / CCCC
lxxxxiij (a typographical error for lxxxiij)”._
COLLATION.--A 4n, signed ~ij~, ~iij~, ~iiij~, the first and eighth
leaves being blank, followed by a 4n, signed on the second leaf only 1
2, the first leaf being blank; then ~b c d e f g h i k l m n o p q r s
t u x y z & A B~ all 4ns; ~C~ a 3n, with the sixth leaf blank. In all
222 leaves, of which four are blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. Type No. 4 is used
for sigs. ~1~ to ~x~; sigs. ~&~ to ~C~, as well as the introductory
matter, are in type No. 4*, while sigs. ~y~ and ~z~ are partly in one
and partly in the other. Where type No. 4 is used there are 46 lines
to a column, and 44 lines of type No. 4*. On sig. ~z iiij~ recto the
two types appear in the same page, the first column being in No. 4 and
the second in No. 4*. Without catchwords or folios. Space left for
inserting 2 to 6-line initials, with director. The signatures at the
beginning of the volume are irregularly printed, and show the want
of a settled plan in the printer’s mind. The first 4n, which, as it
includes the index, must have been printed last, is properly signed;
but, on beginning the book, it appears as if the compositor thought
there could be no use for signatures if every leaf had a printed
folio, and accordingly they were omitted except on the second sheet,
which is signed in Arabic numerals only. The inconvenience of this
being seen, the folios were omitted, and the signatures printed in
the second 4n, ~b~; while in sig. ~c~ both plans are united, and we
have signatures and folios too to the end of the book--the latter,
however, with continual errors. The introductory 4n is not included
in the enumeration of the folios. Note that sig. ~b~ 4 is printed
2 4, and that from sig. ~p~ to the end the Arabic numerals used in
the signatures give place to Roman numerals. The book is in double
column throughout. The date in the colophon is printed a thousand CCCC
lxxxxiij, a typographical error, which would have led to some confusion
had not the regnal year, “the first year of the reign of King Richard
the third,” been also added, fixing the right date as 1483.
Commencing with a blank leaf, the paragraph title and table follow on
sig. ~ij~, space being left for a 3-line initial, with director.
The Text begins thus:--
~His book is intituled how the world was first of
~t~ confes- ‖ sio amantis / golde / & ‖ after alwey werse
that is to saye ‖ in & werse folio bj ‖
englysshe the confessyon of ‖
the louer maad and com-
pyled by ‖ Johan Gower
squyer borne in walys ‖ Thus endeth the prologue~
The Text ends on the verso of sig. ~C~ 5, ~Folio CCxj~ with colophon in
first column,
~Enprynted at westmestre
by me ‖ Willyam Caxton
and fynysshed the ij ‖ day of
Septembre the fyrst yere of
the ‖ regne of Kyng Richard
the thyrd / the ‖ yere of our
lord a thousand / CCCC / ‖
lxxxxiij /~
REMARKS.--The life and poetical writings of the “moral” Gower have
received frequent illustrations from modern critics. His chief work,
the “Confessio Amantis,” appears to have been begun about 1386 and
completed in 1392-3. It was originally dedicated to Richard II, but, on
the wane of that monarch’s power, Gower suited himself to the changing
times, and recast his prologue. The copies made after this version are
termed Lancastrian. The Latin verses and the marginal index are in some
manuscripts, as in Caxton’s printed edition, included in the text. They
were, Dr. Pauli believes, the original composition of Gower, abounding,
like his other poetry, in instances of false prosody and even bad
grammar. The verses are imitations in the manner of Boethius, but often
unintelligible.
Seventeen copies are extant. British Museum (3); Cambridge; Pembroke
College, Cambridge; Hereford Cathedral; Lambeth; Queens’ College and
All Souls, Oxford; and eight in private libraries.
NO. 54.--THE BOOK WHICH THE KNIGHT OF THE TOWER MADE TO THE
“ENSEYGNEMENT” AND TEACHING OF HIS DAUGHTERS. _Folio. “Emprynted
at Westmynstre the laste day of Januer the fyrst yere of the
regne of Kynge Rychard the thyrd.” (i.e. 1484.)_
COLLATION.--A 2n, signed on second leaf only ~ij~; ~a b c d e f g h i
k l m~ are 4ns; ~n~ a 3n, with the last two leaves blank. In all
106 leaves, of which two are blank.
NOTE--sig. ~c iiij~ is wrongly printed ~d iiij~, and the first leaf of
~d~ is without any signature.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type, as far
as sig. ~f~, is No. 4, and forty lines, each 4⅞ inches long, make a
full page. From sig. ~f j~ to the end the type is No. 4*, with 38
lines, each 4⅝ inches long, to the page. The lines are fully spaced
out. Without folios or catchwords. Space is left for 3, 4, and 6-line
initials, with directors.
The Text commences with the prologue on an unsigned leaf, with space
for a 3-line initial ~A~,
~Lle vertuouse doctryne & techynge had & lerned of
~a~ suche ‖ as haue endeuoured them to leue for a remem-
braunce~
On sig. ~a j~ recto,
~Here begynneth the book whiche the knyght of the toure
made / And speketh of many fayre ensamples and then-
sygnementys and techyng of his doughters~
The Text ends on the fourth verso of sig. ~n~,
~Here fynysshed the booke ⸝ whiche the knyght of the Toure
ma ‖ de to the enseygnement and techyng of his doughters
transla ‖ ted oute of Frenssh in to our maternall Englysshe
tongue by ‖ me William Caxton / whiche book was ended
& fynysshed the ‖ fyrst day of Juyn / the yere of oure lord
M CCCC lxxxiij
And enprynted at westmynstre the last day of Janyuer the
fyrst yere of the regne of Kynge Rychard the thyrd~
REMARKS.--In the department of “Maine et Loire,” between Chollet and
Vezins, may still be seen the ruins of an ancient château, called
“Latour-Landry.” Archæologists ascribe the structure to the twelfth
century. The place originally bore the name of “La Tour” only, the
old family name of the owners being “Landry;” but eventually the two
were combined, and “De la Tour Landry” became the patronymic of a long
race of knights. The earliest instance of the double name is found
in a document dated 1200. Passing over the history of the family, we
will confine ourselves to Geoffrey and his book, “pour l’enseignment
de ses filles.” The date of neither his birth nor death is known. He
was at the siege of Aiguillon in 1346, when he must be supposed to be
at least of the age of twenty years. He tells us he wrote his book
in 1371, which would make him, at the youngest, 45 years old, though
he was probably older. In all the illuminated copies of his work he
is represented as discoursing with his three daughters, for whose
instruction in their journey through life it was written, as the knight
himself in a preface informs us.
He had also sons, as we learn that a similar work had previously been
undertaken for their instruction, “as hit is reherced in the booke
of my two sonnes, and also in an Euangely.” (See Caxton’s edition,
sig. ~n~ 4.) It is interesting to note here, as an instance of the
entire disappearance of books once well known, that neither of these
compositions of the knight are known now to exist. We also learn that
in the compilation of this work he called to his aid two priests, who
read to him the Bible, the “Gesta,” and various chronicles of France,
England, and other countries. To this may, perhaps, be attributed the
predominance of the ecclesiastical element in this book. The knight
originally intended to write the whole work in verse, but finding that
method necessitated a less concise narration, he soon changed his
composition into prose. In the original French, however, a considerable
portion of the introduction, though prose to the eye, will be found to
have retained its metrical form.
Several writers have denounced the work as obscene, and more fitted
for the corruption than the instruction of youth; while others, taking
into consideration the manners of that age, have arrived at the very
opposite conclusion. At any rate, it is plain our Caxton thought
highly of it: he says in his preface, “I advise every gentleman or
woman having children, desiring them to be virtuously brought forth,
to get and have this book, to the end that they may learn to govern
them virtuously in this present life.” He tells us also the occasion of
his translating and printing it, which was “at the request of a noble
lady which hath brought forth many noble and fair daughters, which he
virtuously nourished.” An interesting article upon this work appeared
in the _Retrospective Review_: New Series, 1827; vol. i, part ii, page
177. See also, _Le Livre du Chevalier de la Tour Landry_, par M Anatole
de Montaiglon. 12mo. Paris, 1854.
We must here notice that, although the anonymous English translation
(_Harl. 1764_) preceded that by Caxton, a comparison of the two
versions makes it evident that our printer owed nothing to his
predecessor. M. Montaiglon, indeed, from a literary point of view,
gives a decided preference to the earlier text.
The following amusing extract is suggestive of Shakspere’s “Taming of
the Shrew.” Act V, Scene II.
How a woman sprange vpon the table · Capitulo xviij.
N a tyme it happed that Marchauntes of Fraunce cam from certayn
J Fayres / where as they sought Draperye / and as they cam with
Marchaundyse fro Roan / that one of them said / it is a moche
fayre thynge a man to haue a wif obeysaunt in alle thynges to her
husbond / Verayly sayde that one / my wyf obeyeth me well / And the
second said. J trowe / that my wyf obeye me better / ye sayd the
thyrd / lete laye a wager / that whiche wyf of vs thre that obeyeth
best her husbond / and doeth sonnest his commaundement that he wynne
the wager / wherupon they waged a Jewele / and accorded al thre to
the same / & sworen that none shold aduertyse his wyf of this bargayn
/ sauf only to saye to her / doo that whiche J shall commaunde what
soeuer it be / After when they cam to the first mans hows / he sayd
to his wyf Sprynge in to this bacyne / and she answerd / wherfore
or what nede is it. And he said by cause it playsyth me so / and J
wyll that thou do so / Truly said she J shall knowe fyrst wherfor J
shall sprynge / And soo she wold not doo it · And her husbond waxe
moche angry and felle / and gafe her a buffet / After thys they cam
to the second marchauntes hows / and he saide to his wyf lyke as
that other saide / that she wold doo his commaundement / And it was
not long after that he said to her Sprynge in to the basyn / And she
demaunded hym wherfore / And at the last ende for ought that he dyde
/ she dyd it not / wherfore she was beten as that other was / Thenne
cam they to the thyrd mans hous And there was the table couered ·
and mete set theron And the marchaunt said to thother marchauntes in
theyr eres / that after dyner he wold commaunde her to sprynge in
to the bacyn / And the husbond sayd to his wyf / that what someuer
he commaunded her she shold do it / his wyf whiche that moche louyd
hym and dred hym herd wel the word. And it was so that they bygan to
ete / and there was no salt vpon the table / And the goodman sayd
to his wyf / Sail sur table And the good wyf whiche hadde fere to
disobeye hym / sprang vpon the table and ouerthrewe table ⸝ mete
/ wyn / and platers to the ground / How said the good man / is this
the manere / Cōne ye none other playe but this / are ye mad or oute
of youre wyt. Syre said she / J haue done your commaūdement / haue ye
not said that youre commaundement shold be done what someur it was.
Certaynly J haue it done to my power how be it that it is youre harme
and hurte as moche as myn. For ye sayd to me that J shold spryge on
the table ⸝ J said he /J sayd ther lacked salt vpon the table /
Jn good feyth J vnderstode said she for to spryng / thene was ther
laughter ynouz & al was taken for a bourd and a mocquerye / Thenne
the other two Marchauntes said it was no nede to late her sprynge in
the basyn / For she had done ynough / And that her husband had wonne
the wager.... And thus ought euery good woman to fere and obeye her
lord & husbonde and to do his commaundement is hit right or wrong /
yf the commaundement be not ouer outrageous / And yf ther be vyce
therin / she is not to blame / but the blame abydeth vppon her lord
and husbonde.
There are two copies in the British Museum, one at Cambridge, one at
Oxford, and two in private libraries.
NO. 55.--CATON. _Folio. Without Printer’s Name, Place, or Date.
“Translated ... by William Caxton in thabbey of Westmynstre the
yere of our lord M CCCC lxxxiij.” (1484?)_
COLLATION.--The prologues and table a 3n, signed ~ij~ and ~iij~ on the
second and third rectos, the first and last leaves being blank: then ~a
b c d e f g h~ are 4ns; ~i~ a 5n; ~a j~ and ~i~ 10 being blank. In all
eighty leaves, of which four are blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. Two sizes of type
are used: No. 2 for the Latin headings, and No. 4* for the Text. The
lines, which are fully spaced out, measure 4⅝ inches, and there are 38
to a full page. Without folios or catchwords. Space is left for the
insertion of 3-line initials, sometimes with and sometimes without
directors.
Commencing with a blank leaf, Caxton’s short prologue and his
dedication to the City of London follow on sig. ~ij~.
The Text begins thus:--
~ℂ Here begynneth the prologue or prohemye of the book
callid ‖ Caton / whiche booke hath ben translated in to En-
glysshe by ‖ Mayster Benet Burgh / late Archedeken of
Colchestre and ‖ hye chanon of saint stephens at westmestre /
which ful craftly ‖ hath made it in balade ryal for the erudi-
cion of my lord Bou- ‖ sher / Sone & heyr at that tyme to my
lord the erle of Estsex ‖ And by cause of late cam to my
hand a book of the said Caton ‖ in Frensshe / whiche
reherceth many a fayr lernynge and nota ‖ ble ensamples /
J haue translated it oute of frensshe in to En ‖ glysshe /
as al along here after shalle appiere / which J presente
unto the Cyte of london /~
~Nnto the noble auncyent and renomed Cyte / the
~v~ Cyte ‖ of london in Englond / J William Caxton
Cytezeyn ‖ & coniurye of the same / & of the frater-
nyte and felauship ‖ of the mercerye owe of ryght my
seruyse & good wyll / and of~
The table follows, making, with the introductory matter, eight printed
pages, the whole concluding on the fifth verso, with the sixth blank
leaf. After another blank is the Gloss, headed by a quotation of seven
lines of Latin in type No. 3, with ~a ij~ for the signature.
The Text ends on the ninth recto of sig. ~i~, the tenth leaf being
blank,
~thynge men may intytule this lytell book the myrour of the
re ‖ gyme & gouernement of the body and of the sowle /~
~Here fynyssheth this present book whiche is sayd or
called ‖ Cathon translated oute of Frensshe in to Englysshe
by Will- ‖ iam Caxton in thabbey of westmynstre the yere
of oure lord ‖ M CCCC lxxxiij / And the fyrst yere of the
regne of kynge ‖ Rychard the thyrd the xxiij day of decembre~
REMARKS.--In his prologue Caxton says, “To the end that the histories
and examples that be contained in this little book may be lightly found
... they shall be set and entitled by manner of Rubrics ... and they
shall be signed as that followeth of the number of leaves where they
shall be written.” Accordingly the numbers given in the table agree
with their proper folios, but these folios are not inserted, either
in print or manuscript, in the body of the work, rendering the table
almost useless.
Caxton says in his preface that he translated from a French copy,
“which rehearsed many a fair learning and notable example;” and some
portions of his own introductory matter suggest also a French original.
Were a manuscript to be found, its title would probably agree with
Caxton’s concluding description of the work--“the mirror of the regime,
and government of the body and of the soul.”
The year 1483 is usually assigned to the printing of this book; but as
the translation was not ended till December 23rd, it seems improbable
that it was printed till 1484.
As already noticed, this “Caton” is a very different work from the
composition known as “Catho Magnus,” the distichs of which serve here
only as a text whereon to hang an extensive gloss. A short notice of
“Mayster Benet Burgh” has already been given.
There are copies in the British Museum, Cambridge, Glasgow, Oxford,
Exeter College, Oxford, and seven in private hands.
NO. 56.--THE GOLDEN LEGEND. _Largest Folio. First Edition.
“Fynysshed at westmestre the twenty day of nouembre / the yere
of our lord M / CCCC / lxxxiij / By me Wyllyam Caxton.” (1484?)_
COLLATION.--An unsigned 3n, with first and sixth leaves blank; ~a b c
d e f g h i k l m n o p q r s t u x y z &~ are 4ns; 9 a 3n; ~A B C D
E F G H J K L M N O P Q R S T U~ are 4ns; ~X~ a 3n; ~Y~ is a single
sheet, followed by a single leaf, the back edge of which is sometimes
returned round ~Y~, and sometimes sewn separately; ~aa bb cc dd ee ff~
are 4ns; ~gg~ a 3n; ~hh ii~ 4ns; ~kk~ a 3n, ~kk~ 6 being blank. In all
449 leaves, of which three are blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. There are two sizes
of type, No. 3 being used for head-lines and headings to chapters,
while No. 4* is used for the text. The whole is in double columns, and
the lines, which are fully spaced out, measure three inches; 55 lines
in a column, and 110 to a full page. There are folios throughout, but
numbered very irregularly. Space is left for the insertion of 3 to
6-line initials, with directors. There are no catchwords. Woodcuts
are used throughout, apparently from the hand of the same artist who
engraved the cuts for the second edition of the “Chess Book.”
The first edition is principally distinguished by the use of Type No.
3 for head-lines, &c., and also by a variation in the signatures ~X~
and ~Y~. Both this and the second edition are printed upon very large
sheets of paper, larger indeed than Caxton ever used before or after.
The edition of 1493 is upon the usual size.
The first leaf is blank; on the second recto is a large woodcut of
Saints, 9 × 6½ inches, under which the Text begins thus, making a full
page:--
(_Woodcut of Saints._)
~He holy & blessed & accomplisshed dyuerse
~t~ doctour ‖ saynt Jerom werkys ‖ & hystoryes trans-
sayth thys aucto ‖ ryte / lated out of frensshe ‖ in to
do alweye somme good ‖ englysshe at the requeste of
werke / to thende that the cer- ‖ teyn lords / ladyes
deuyl fynde ‖ the not ydle / and gentylmen / ‖ as thy-
And the holy doctour ‖ saynt storye of the recuyel of
austyn sayth in the book Troye / ‖ the book of the
of the ‖ labour of monkes / chesse / the hystorye of ‖ Ja-
that no man stronge ‖ or son / The hystorye of the
myghty to laboure ought to myrrour ‖ of the world / the
be ydle ‖ for which cause xv bookes of Meta- ‖ mor-
when J had parfour- ‖ med pheseos in whyche been con-
teyned ‖~
This prologue finishes, half-way down the second column, on the verso
of the same leaf. On the third recto is another woodcut, 8 × 4½ inches,
of a horse galloping past a tree, bearing a label, ~My Truste Js~
(see a facsimile in Dibdin’s _Typ. Ant._, vol. i, page 186). This was
the device of William Fitzallan, Earl of Arundel, Caxton’s patron.
Underneath this commences Caxton’s own prologue, with space for a
3-line initial ~A~,
~Nd for as moche as also haue enprynted it in the
this ‖ sayd werke was moost best ‖ Wyse that J
grete & ouer charge- haue coude or myght / and ‖
able to me taccomplisshe ‖ J presente this sayd boook to
feryd me in the begynnyng his good & ‖ noble lordshyp ⸝~
This occupies the whole page. On the third verso the table is begun,
ending on the sixth recto, with sixteen lines in the first column, the
rest of the page being blank. It ends thus--
~Dues folio CCCC xxvij
Explicit~
On sig. ~a j~ the original Text is begun, space being left for a
6-line ~T~,
~He tyme of thaduet quysshid of ygnorance &
Jmpuissauce /‖ to y^e yf he
or comyng of our had so come to fore / pauen-
ture ‖ man myght saye y_{t} by
lord in to this world his owne merites ‖~
The Text ends on ~kk~ 5 recto, half-way down the second column,
~afore is made mencyon /
Whiche werke ‖ J haue
accomplisshed at the com-
maun-‖demente and requeste
of the noble and ‖ puyssaunte
erle / and my special good ‖
lord Wyllyam erle of aron-
del / & haue ‖ fynysshed it at
westmestre the twenty ‖ day
of nouembre / the yere of our
lord ‖ M / CCCC / lxxxiij /
& the fyrst yere ‖ of the reygne
of Kyng Rychard the ‖ thyrd
By me wyllyam Caxton~
In the latter half of the thirteenth century, Jacobus de Voragine,
Archbishop of Genoa, who died in 1298, compiled a book called “Legenda
Aurea,” in which the lives and miracles of numerous saints were
narrated. This was found very useful to the priests in their sermons,
and soon became so popular that it was translated into nearly every
European language. The Latin text of “Voragine” has been reprinted
from an early manuscript, and edited by Dr. Th. Graesse, 8vo, Lipsiæ,
1840. It has also received a modern French dress under the title “La
Légende dorée, par Jacques de Voragine, traduit du Latin, par M. G.
B., 8vo, Paris, 1843.” In the early part of the fourteenth century,
Jean Belet, an author but little known to modern bibliographers, though
often quoted by the writers of his age, translated the Latin of Jacobus
into French, not, however, without embellishing it with many new
additions. Shortly after the production of Belet, Jehan de Vignay, who
has been already noticed as translating the Book of Chess, undertook
a new version in French of “La Légende dorée,” which he accomplished
before 1380, as he dedicated it to “Jeane, royne de France.” His
translation, however, was founded on the previous labours of Belet,
which he amplified, adding about 44 new legends. About the middle of
the fifteenth century, certain “worthy Clerks and Doctors of Divinity”
compiled a “Book of the Life of Saints,” which they describe as “drawn
into English after the tenor of the Latin.” These worthy Clerks and
Doctors, however, would have given a much more true account of their
labours had they stated that, with the exception of some additional
fables not traceable in the original Latin, they owed the whole of
their compilation to “La Légende dorée” of Jehan de Vignay.
It is probable that in Caxton’s time the English version here noticed
was well known; indeed we may infer this from the account given by our
Printer of the origin of his own text: “Against me here might some
persons say, that this Legend hath been translated tofore, and truth it
is; but forasmuch as I had by me a Legend in French, another in Latin,
and the third in English, which varied in many and diverse places; and
also many histories were comprised in the two other books which were
not in the English book, therefore I have written one out of the said
three books.” Caxton, with his Latin, French, and English copies before
him, found a prologue ready to his hand in the version by Jehan de
Vignay. This, as was his wont, he translated literally, merely changing
two or three of the inapplicable proper names, and adding some personal
observations of his own. The bulk of his text comes also from the same
source, being nearly identical with that of the English manuscript
already noticed; although to Caxton may be given this praise, that in
several places where the “worthy doctours of divinite” had inserted in
their English version some stories more incredible or more filthy than
usual, he very discreetly considerably modified or altogether omitted
them. The reader curious in this matter may compare the tales about
Nero in the “Life of St. Peter,” as narrated in _Harl. 630_, with folio
202 in Caxton. How much he took from the Latin is impossible to say;
nor have I been able to trace to their origin the curious explanatory
derivations of the name of each saint, which form the first paragraph
in every “Life.” As in “The Festial,” many saints in the “Golden
Legend” have their lives illustrated or interwoven with tales from the
“Gesta Romanorum.”
This work may be considered the most laborious, as well as the most
extensive, of all Caxton’s literary and typographical labours. The
compilation of the text only must have been a most arduous task,
and the very extensive use of woodcuts must have been extremely
expensive and troublesome. Caxton, indeed, confesses that he was “in
a manner half desperate to have left it,” when the Earl of Arundel,
who apparently suggested the undertaking, sent John Stanney to him,
promising the Printer a small annuity, and to take a “reasonable
quantity” of copies when completed. The annuity was to be a buck
in summer and a doe in winter; but it is not improbable that these
presents were commuted into a fixed sum of money, as was certainly the
practice with the Gifts of Wine, which, in the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries, were so frequently bestowed as rewards for services
rendered. As a memorial of the Earl’s connection with the work, Caxton
placed the Arundel device, “My truste is,” after the preface.
Although, from the numerous copies still extant, it is evident that
this edition must have been larger than usual, no perfect copy has yet
been discovered. The Legend of St. Thomas of Canterbury has been a
special object of destruction, being, in nearly every instance, torn
out of the volume.
While making every allowance for the rudeness of the age and the
plain speaking then customary, the tendency of many of the “Lives”
here narrated is so immoral, that many persons have doubted whether
these legends were really read to congregations of men and women. But
the legacy of several copies of this work to the parish church of St.
Margaret’s, as already noticed (p. 159), and the following extract from
the will of Queen Margaret, prove that the “Golden Legend” was reckoned
among the Church Service Books:--“Item, I will that mine executors
purvey a complete Legend in one book, and an Antiphony in another book;
which books I will be given to abide there in the said church to the
worship of God as long as they may endure.” (Norf. and Norwich Arch.
Soc., Dec. 1850, fol. 163.)
This is one of the most common of the productions of Caxton’s press,
and probably a larger number than usual was printed. Of the thirty
known copies sixteen are divided between the British Museum, Cambridge,
Corpus and Pembroke, Cambridge, Oxford, Glasgow, Loganian Philadelphia,
King’s College, Aberdeen, Lincoln, Hereford and Bath Cathedrals,
Rawlett’s Library, Tamworth, others being in private libraries.
[Illustration: Plate XI.
_Portion of the “Death-bed Prayers,” 1484. Caxton’s Type, No. 3, and
Type, No. 4._]
NO. 57.--DEATH-BED PRAYERS. _A Folio Broadside. (1484?)_
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--Types No. 3 and 4* are used. The lines are
spaced to an even length. It is half a sheet of paper printed on one
side only.
From the language of these prayers it is evident that they were
intended for use by the death-bed. They were probably printed in this
portable form for priests, and others, to carry about with them.
Although short their interest is great, and the reader may not be
displeased to read them in the following more modern spelling than that
of the original.
O glorious Jesu! O meekest Jesu! O most sweetest Jesu! I pray thee
that I may have true confession, contrition, and satisfaction ere
I die; and that I may see and receive thy holy body, God and man,
Saviour of all mankind, Christ Jesu without sin. And that thou wilt
my Lord God forgive me all my sins, for thy glorious wounds and
passion. And that I may end my life in the true faith of all holy
church, and in perfect love and charity with my even[19] Christians
as thy creature. And I commend my soul into thy holy hands through
the glorious help of thy blessed mother of mercy, our lady Saint
Mary, and all the holy company of heaven. Amen. ¶ The holy body of
Christ Jesu be my salvation of body and soul. Amen. The glorious
blood of Christ Jesu bring my soul and body into the everlasting
bliss. Amen. I cry God, mercy! I cry God, mercy! I cry God, mercy!
Welcome my Maker! Welcome my Redeemer! Welcome my Saviour! I cry thee
mercy with heart contrite of my great unkindness that I have had unto
thee.