There are fisticuffs every day. When an assemblage remains quiet the

spectators take notice of it. In general "they fight,[4269] snatch bread

out of each other's hands; those who cannot get any forcing whoever gets

a loaf weighing four pounds to share it in small pieces. The women yell

frightfully.... Children sent by their parents are beaten," while the

weak are pitched into the gutter. "In distributing the meanest portions

of food[4270] it is force which decides," the strength of loins and

arms; "a number of women this morning came near losing their lives in

trying to get four ounces of butter.--More sensitive and more violent

than men, "they do not, or will not, listen to reason,[4271] they pounce

down like harpies" on the market wagons; they thrash the drivers, strew

the vegetables and butter on the ground, tumble over each other and are

suffocated through the impetuosity of the assault; some, "trampled upon,

almost crushed, are carried off half dead." Everybody for himself. Empty

stomachs feel that, to get anything, it is important to get ahead, not

to await for the distribution, the unloading or even the arrival of

the supplies.--"A boat laden with wine having been signaled, the crowd

rushed on board to pillage it and the boat sunk," probably along with a

good many of its invaders.[4272] Other gatherings at the barriers

stop the peasants' wagons and take their produce before they reach the

markets. Outside the barriers, children and women throw stones at the

milkmen, forcing them to get down from their carts and distribute milk

on the spot. Still further out, one or two leagues off on the highways,

gangs from Paris go at night to intercept and seize the supplies

intended for Paris. "This morning," says a watchman, "all the Faubourg

St. Antoine scattered itself along the Vincennes road and pillaged

whatever was on the way to the city; some paid, while others carried off

without paying.... The unfortunate peasants swore that they would not

fetch anything more," the dearth thus increasing through the efforts to

escape it.

In vain the government makes its requisitions for Paris as if in a

state of siege, and fixes the quantity of grain on paper which

each department, district, canton, and commune, must send to the

capital.--Naturally, each department, district, canton and commune

strives to retain its own supplies, for charity begins at home.[4273]

Especially in a village, the mayor and members of a municipality,

themselves cultivators, are lukewarm when the commune is to be starved

for the benefit of the capital. They declare a less return of grain

than there really is; they allege reasons and pretexts. They mystify or

suborn the commissioner on provisions, who is a stranger, incompetent

and needy; they make him drink and eat, and, now and then, fill his

pocket book. He slips over the accounts, he gives the village receipts

on furnishing three-quarters or a half of the demand, often in spoilt or

mixed grain or poor flour, while those who have no rusty wheat get it

of their neighbors. Instead of parting with a hundred quintals they part

with fifty, while the quantity of grain in the Paris markets is not

only insufficient, but the grain blackens or sprouts and the flour grows

musty. In vain the government makes clerks and depositaries of butchers

and grocers, allowing them five or ten per cent. profit on retail sales

of the food it supplies them with at wholesale, and thus creates in

Paris, at the expense of all France, an artificial drop in prices.

Naturally, the bread[4274] which, thanks to the State, costs three sous

in Paris, is furtively carried out of Paris into the suburbs, where six

sous are obtained for it. There is the same furtive leakage for other

food furnished by the State on the same conditions to other dealers; the

tax is a burden which forces them to go outside their shops. Food finds

its level like water, not alone outside of Paris, but in Paris itself.

* Naturally, "the grocers peddle their goods" secretly, "sugar, candles,

soap, butter, dried vegetables, meat pies and the rest," amongst private

houses, in which these articles are bought at any price.

* Naturally, the butcher keeps his large pieces of beef and choice

morsels for the large eating houses, and for rich customers who pay him

whatever profit he asks.

* Naturally, whoever is in authority, or has the power, uses it to

supply himself first, largely, and in preference; we have seen the

levies of the revolutionary committees, superintendents and agents; as

soon as rations are allotted to all mouths, each potentate will have

several rations delivered for his mouth alone; in the meantime[4275] the

patriots who guard the barriers appropriate all provisions that arrive,

and the next morning, should any scolding appear in the orders of the

day, it is but slight.

Such are the two results of the system: not only is the food which is

supplied to Paris scant and poor, but the regular consumers of it, those

who take their turn to get it, obtain but a small portion, and that

the worst.[4276] A certain inspector, on going to the corn market for

a sample of flour, writes "that it cannot be called flour;[4277] it is

ground bran," and not a nutritive substance; the bakers are forced to

take it, the markets containing for the most part no other supply than

this flour."--Again, three weeks later, "Food is still very scarce and

poor in quality. The bread is disagreeable to the taste and produces

maladies with which many citizens are suffering, like dysentery and

other inflammatory ailments." The same report, three months later during

the month of Nivôse: "Complaints are constantly made of the poor quality

of flour, which, it is said, makes a good many people ill; it causes

severe pain in the intestines, accompanied with a slow fever.--During

Ventôse, "the scarcity of every article is extremely great,"[4278]

especially of meat. Some women in the Place Maubert, pass six hours in

a line waiting for it, and do not get the quarter of a pound; in many

stalls there is none at all, not "an ounce" being obtainable to make

broth for the sick. Workmen do not get it in their shops and do without

their soup; they live on "bread and salted herrings." A great many

people groan over "not having eaten bread for a fortnight;" women say

that "they have not had a dish of meat and vegetables (pot au feu) for

a month." Meanwhile "vegetables are astonishingly scarce and excessively

dear.... two sous for a miserable carrot, and as much for two small

leeks." Out of two thousand women who wait at the central market for a

distribution of beans, only six hundred receive any. Potatoes increase

in price in one week from two to three francs a bushel, and oatmeal and

ground peas triple in price. "The grocers have no more brown sugar,

even for the sick," and sell candles and soap only by the half pound.--A

fortnight later candles are wholly wanting in certain quarters, except

in the section storehouse, which is almost empty, each person being

allowed only one. A good many households go to rest at sundown for lack

of lights and do not cook any dinner for lack of coal. Eggs, especially,

are "honored as invisible divinities," while the absent butter "is a

god."[4279] "If this lasts," say the workmen, "we shall have to cut each

other's throats, since there is nothing left to live on."[4280] "Sick

women,[4281] children in their cradles, lie outstretched in the sun," in

the very heart of Paris, in rue Vivienne, on the Pont-Royal, and remain

there "late in the night, demanding alms of the passers-by." "One is

constantly stopped by beggars of both sexes, most of them healthy and

strong," begging, they say, for lack of work. Without counting

the feeble and the infirm who are unable to stand in a line, whose

sufferings are visible, who gradually waste away and die without

a murmur at home, "one encounters in the streets and markets" only

famished and eager visages, "an immense crowd of citizens running

and dashing against each other," crying out and weeping, "everywhere

presenting an image of despair."[4282]

V. Revolutionary Remedies.

Revolutionary remedies.--Rigor against the refractory.

--Decrees and orders rendering the State the only depositary

and distributor of food.--Efforts made to establish a

conscription of labor.--Discouragement of the Peasant.--He

refuses to cultivate.--Decrees and orders compelling him to

harvest.--His stubbornness.--Cultivators imprisoned by

thousands.--The Convention is obliged to set them at

liberty.--Fortunate circumstances which save France from

extreme famine.

This penury only exists, say the Jacobins, because the laws against

monopoly, and sales above the "maximum" prices are not being obeyed to

the letter of the law. The egoism of the cultivator and the cupidity of

dealers are not restrained by fear and delinquents escape too frequently

from the legal penalty. Let us enforce this penalty rigorously; let us

increase the punishment against them and their instruments; let us

screw up the machine and give them a new wrench. A new estimate and

verification of the food supply takes place, domiciliary searches,

seizures of special stores regarded as too ample,[4283] limited rations

for each consumer, a common and obligatory mess table for all prisoners,

brown, égalité bread, mostly of bran, for every mouth that can chew,

prohibition of the making of any other kind, confiscation of boulters

and sieves,[4284] the "individual," personal responsibility of every

administrator who allows the people he directs to resist or escape

providing the demanded supplies, the sequestration of his property,

imprisonment, fines, the pillory and the guillotine to hurry up

requisitions, or stop free trading,--every terrifying method is driven

to the utmost against the farmers and cultivators of the soil.

After April, 1794,[4285] crowds of this class are found filling the

prisons to overflowing; the Revolution has struck them also. They stroll

about in the court yard, and wander through the corridors with a sad,

stupefied expression, no longer comprehending the way things are going

on in the world. In vain are efforts made to explain to them that

"their crops are national property and that they are simply its

depositaries;"[4286] never had this new principle entered into, nor will

it enter, their rude brains; always, through habit and instinct, will

they work against it.--Let them be spared the temptation. Let us (the

Jacobins) relieve them from, and, in fact, take their crops; let the

State in France become the sole depositary and distributor of grain;

let it solely buy and sell grain at a fixed rate. Consequently, at

Paris,[4287] the Committee of Public Safety first puts "in requisition

all the oats that can be found in the Republic; every holder of oats

is required to deposit his stock on hand within eight days, in the

storehouse indicated by the district administration "at the maximum"

price; otherwise he is "a 'suspect' and must be punished as such." In

the meantime, through still more comprehensive orders issued in the

provinces, Paganel in the department of Tarn, and Dartigoyte in those

of Gers and the Upper-Garonne,[4288] enjoin each commune to establish

public granaries. "All citizens are ordered to bring in whatever produce

they possess in grain, flour, wheat, maslin, rye, barley, oats, millet,

buckwheat" at the "maximum" rate. Nobody shall keep on hand more than

one month's supply, fifty pounds of flour or wheat for each person;

in this way, the State, which holds in its hands the keys of the

storehouses, may "carry out the salutary equalization of provisions"

between department and department, district and district, commune and

commune, individual and individual. A storekeeper will look after each

of these well filled granaries; the municipality will itself deliver

rations and, moreover, "take suitable steps to see that beans and

vegetables, as they mature, be economically distributed under its

supervision," at so much per head, and always at the rate of the

"maximum." Otherwise, dismissal, imprisonment and prosecution "in the

extraordinary criminal tribunal. "-This being accomplished, and the

fruits of labor duly allotted, there remains only the allotment of labor

itself. To effect this, Maignet,[4289] in Vaucluse, and in the Bouches

du Rhône, prescribes for each municipality the immediate formation

of two lists, one of day laborers and the other of proprietors. "All

proprietors in need of a cultivator by the day," are to appear and ask

for one at the municipality, which will assign the applicant as many as

he wants, "in order on the list," with a card for himself and numbers

for the designated parties. The laborer who does not enter his name

on the list, or who exacts more than the "maximum" wages, is to be

sentenced to the pillory with two years in irons. The same sentence with

the addition of a fine of three hundred livres, is for every proprietor

who employs any laborer not on the list or who pays more than the

"maximum rate of wages.

After this, nothing more is necessary, in practice, than to

* draw up and keep in sight the new registries of names and figures

made by the members of thirty thousand municipal boards, who cannot keep

accounts and who scarcely know how to read and write;

* build a vast public granary, or put in requisition three or four barns

in each commune, in which half dried and mixed grain may rot;

* pay two hundred thousand incorruptible storekeepers and measurers

who will not divert anything from the depots for their friends or

themselves;

* add to the thirty five thousand employees of the Committee on

Provisions,[4290] five hundred thousand municipal scribes disposed

to quit their trades or ploughs for the purpose of making daily

distributions gratuitously; but more precisely, to maintain four or five

millions of perfect gendarmes, one in each family, living with it, to

help along the purchases, sales and transactions of each day and to

verify at night the contents of the locker.

In short, to set one half of the French people as spies on the other

half.--These are the conditions which secure the production and

distribution of food, and which suffice for the institution throughout

France of a conscription of labor and the captivity of grain.

Unfortunately, the peasant does not understand this theory, but he

understands business; he makes close calculations, and the

positive, patent, vulgar facts on which he reasons lead to other

conclusions:[4291]

"In Messidor last they took all my last years' oats, at fourteen francs

in assignats, and, in Thermidor, they are going to take all this year's

oats, at eleven francs in assignats. At this rate I shall not sow at

all. Besides, I do not need any for myself, as they have taken my horses

for the army wagons. To raise rye and wheat, as much of it as formerly,

is also working at a loss; I will raise no more than the little I want

for myself, and again, I suppose that this will be put in requisition,

even my supplies for the year! I had rather let my fields lie fallow.

Just see now, they are taking all the live three months' pigs! Luckily,

I killed mine be forehand and it is now in the pork barrel. But they are

going to claim all salt provisions like the rest. The new grabbers

are worse than the old ones. Six months more, and we shall all die

of hunger. It is better to cross one's arms at once and go to prison;

there, at least, we shall be fed and not have to work."

In effect, they allow themselves to be imprisoned, the best of the small

cultivators and proprietors by thousands, and Lindet,[4292] at the head

of the Commission on Provisions, speaks with dismay of the ground being

no longer tilled, of cattle in France being no more abundant than the

year before, and of nothing to be had to cut this year.

For a strange thing has happened, unheard of in Europe, almost

incredible to any one familiar with the French peasant and his love of

work. This field which he has ploughed, manured, harrowed and reaped

with his own hands, its precious crop, the crop that belongs to him and

on which he has feasted his eyes for seven months, now that it is ripe,

he will not take the trouble to gather it; it would be bothering himself

for some one else. As the crop that he sees there is for the government,

let the government defray the final cost of getting it in; let it do the

harvesting, the reaping, the putting it in sheaves, the carting and

the thrashing in the barn.--Thereupon, the representatives on mission

exclaim, each shouting in a louder or lower key, according to his

character.

"Many of the cultivators," writes Dartigoyte,[4293] "affect a supreme

indifference for this splendid crop. One must have seen it, as I have,

to believe how great the neglect of the wheat is in certain parts,

how it is smothered by the grass.... Draft, if the case requires it, a

certain number of inhabitants in this or that commune to work in another

one.... Every man who refuses to work, except on the 'decade' day, must

be punished as an ill-disposed citizen, as a royalist."--

"Generous friends of nature," writes Ferry,[4294] introduce amongst you,

perpetuate around you, the habit of working in common and begin with the

present crop. Do not spare either indolent women or indolent men, those

social parasites, many of whom you doubtless have in your midst. What!

allow lazy men and lazy women where we are! Where should we find a

Republican police?... Immediately on the reception of this present order

the municipal officers of each commune will convoke all citoyennes in

the Temple of the Eternal and urge them, in the name of the law, to

devote themselves to the labors of harvesting. Those women who fail in

this patriotic duty, shall be excluded from the assemblies, from the

national festivals, while all good citoyennes are requested to repel

them from their homes. All good citizens are requested to give to this

rural festivity that sentimental character which befits it."

--And the programme is carried out, here in idyllic shape and there

under compulsion. Around Avignon,[4295] the commanding officer, the

battalions of volunteers, and patriotic ladies, "the wives and daughters

of patriots," inscribe themselves as harvesters. Around Arles, "the

municipality drafts all the inhabitants; patrols are sent into the

country to compel all who are engaged on other work to leave it and do

the harvesting." The Convention, on its side, orders[4296] the

release, "provisionally, of all ploughmen, day-laborers, reapers, and

professional artisans and brewers, in the country and in the market

towns and communes, the population of which is not over twelve hundred

inhabitants, and who are confined as 'suspects.' "--In other terms,

physical necessity has imposed silence on the inept theory; above all

things, the crop must be harvested, and indispensable arms be restored

to the field of labor. The governors of France are compelled to put on

the brake, if only for an instant, at the last moment, at sight of the

yawning abyss, of approaching and actual famine; France was then gliding

into it, and, if not engulfed, it is simply a miracle.

Four fortunate circumstances, at the last hour, concur to keep her

suspended on the hither brink of the precipice.--The winter chances

to be exceptionally mild.[4297] The vegetables which make up for the

absence of bread and meat provide food for April and May, while

the remarkably fine harvest, almost spontaneous, is three weeks in

advance.--Another, and the second piece of good fortune, consists in the

great convoy from America, one hundred and sixteen vessels loaded with

grain, which reached Brest on the 8th of June, 1794, in spite of English

cruisers, thanks to the sacrifice of the fleet that protected it and

which, eight days previously, had succumbed in its behalf. The third

stroke of fortune is the entry of a victorious army into the enemies

country and feeding itself through foreign requisitions, in Belgium,

in the Palatinate and on the frontier provinces of Italy and

Spain.--Finally, most fortunate of all, Robespierre, Saint Just and

Couthon, the Paris commune and the theorist Jacobins, are guillotined

on the 23rd of July, and with them falls despotic socialism. Henceforth,

the Jacobin edifice crumbles, owing to great crevices in its walls. The

"maximum," in fact, is no longer maintained, while the Convention, at

the end of December, 1794, legally abolishes it. The farmers now sell as

they please and at two prices, according as they are paid in assignats

or coin; their hope, confidence and courage are restored; in October and

November, 1794, they voluntarily do their own plowing and planting, and

still more gladly will they gather in their own crops in July, 1795.

Nevertheless, we can judge by the discouragement into which they had

been plunged by four months of the system, the utter prostration into

which they would have fallen had the system lasted an indefinite time.

It is very probable that cultivation at the end of one or two years

would have proved unproductive or have ceased altogether. Already,

subject to every sort of exhortation and threat, the peasant had

remained inert, apparently deaf and insensible, like an overloaded beast

of burden which, so often struck, grows obstinate or sinks down and

refuses to move. It is evident that he would have never stirred again

could Saint-Just, holding him by the throat, have bound him hand and

foot, as he had done at Strasbourg, in the multiplied knots of his

Spartan Utopia. We should have seen what labor and the stagnation

it produces comes to, when managed through State maneuvers by

administrative manikins and humanitarian automatons. This experiment

had been tried in China, in the eleventh century, and according to

principles, long and regularly, by a well manipulated and omnipotent

State, on the most industrious and soberest people in the world, and men

died in myriads like flies. If the French, at the end of 1794 and during

the following years did not die like flies, it was because the Jacobin

system was relaxed too soon.[4298]

VI. Relaxation.

Relaxation of the Revolutionary system after Thermidor.

--Repeal of the Maximum.--New situation of the peasant.--He

begins to cultivation again.--Requisition of grain by the

State.--The cultivator indemnifies himself at the expense of

private persons.--Multiplication and increasing decline of

Assignats. The classes who have to bear the burden.--Famine

and misery during year III, and the first half of year IV.

--In the country.--In the small towns.--In large towns and

cities.

But, if the Jacobin system, in spite of its surviving founders,

gradually relaxes after Thermidor; if the main ligature tied around the

man's neck, broke just as the man was strangling, the others that still

bind him hold him tight, except as they are loosened in places; and, as

it is, some of the straps, terribly stiffened, sink deeper and deeper

into his flesh.--In the first place, the requisitions continue there is

no other way of provisioning the armies and the cities; the gendarme is

always on the road, compelling each village to contribute its portion

of grain, and at the legal rate. The refractory are subject to keepers,

confiscations, fines and imprisonment; they are confined and kept in the

district lock ups "at their own expense," men and women, twenty two on

Pluviôse 17, year III., in the district of Bar-sur-Aube; forty five,

Germinal 7, in the district of Troyes; forty-five, the same day, in the

district of Nogent-sur-Seine, and twenty others, eight days later, in

the same district, in the commune of Traine alone.[4299]--The condition

of the cultivator is certainly not an easy one, while public authority,

aided by the public force, extorts from him all it can at a rate of its

own; moreover, it will soon exact from him one half of his contributions

in kind, and, it must be noted, that at this time, the direct

contributions alone absorb twelve and thirteen sous on the franc of the

revenue. Nevertheless, under this condition, which is that of laborers

in a Muslim country, the French peasant, like the Syrian or Tunisian

peasant, can keep himself alive; for, through the abolition of the

"maximum," private transactions are now free, and, to indemnify himself

on this side, he sells to private individuals and even to towns,[42100]

by agreement, on understood terms, and as dear as he pleases; all the

dearer because through the legal requisitions the towns are half empty,

and there are fewer sacks of grain for a larger number of purchasers;

hence his losses by the government are more than made up by his gains

on private parties; he gains in the end, and that is why he persists in

farming.

The weight, however, of which he relieves himself falls upon the

overburdened buyer, and this weight, already excessive, goes on

increasing, through another effect of the revolutionary institution,

until it becomes ten-fold and even a hundred-fold.--The only money, in

fact, which private individuals possess melts away in their hands,

and, so to say, destroys itself. When the guillotine stops working, the

assignat, losing its official value, falls to its real value. In August,

1794, the loss on it is sixty six per cent., in October, seventy two per

cent., in December, seventy eight per cent., in January, 1795, eighty

one per cent., and after that date the constant issues of enormous

amounts, five hundred millions, then a billion, a billion and a half,

and, finally, two billions a month, hastens its depreciation.[42101]

The greater the depreciation of the assignats the greater the amount the

government is obliged to issue to provide for its expenses, and the more

it issues the more it causes their depreciation, so that the decline

which increases the issue increases the depreciation, until, finally,

the assignat comes down to nothing. On March II, 1795, the louis d'or

brings two hundred and five francs in assignats, May 11, four hundred

francs, June 12, one thousand francs, in the month of October, one

thousand seven hundred francs, November 13, two thousand eight hundred

and fifty francs, November 21 three thousand francs, and six months

later, nineteen thousand francs. Accordingly, an assignat of one hundred

francs is worth in June, 1795, four francs, in August three francs,

in November fifteen sous, in December ten sous, and then five sous.

Naturally, all provisions rise proportionately in price. A pound of

bread in Paris, January 2, 1796, costs fifty francs, a pound of meat

sixty francs, a pound of candles one hundred and eighty francs, a bushel

of potatoes two hundred francs, a bottle of wine one hundred francs.

The reader may imagine, if he can, the distress of people with small

incomes, pensioners and employees, mechanics and artisans in the towns

out of work,[42102] in brief, all who have nothing but a small package

of assignats to live on, and who have nothing to do, whose indispensable

wants are not directly supplied by the labor of their own hands in

producing wine, candles, meat, potatoes and bread.

Immediately after the abolition of the "maximum,"[42103] the cry of

hunger increases. From month to month its accents become more painful

and vehement in proportion to the increased dearness of provisions,

especially in the summer of 1795, as the harvesting draws near, when

the granaries, filled by the crop of 1794, are getting empty. And these

hungering cries go up by millions: for a good many of the departments in

France do not produce sufficient grain for home consumption, this

being the case in fertile wheat departments, and likewise in certain

districts; cries also go up from the large and small towns, while in

each village numbers of peasants fast because they have no land

to provide them with food, or because they lack strength, health,

employment and wages. "For a fortnight past," writes a municipal body in

Seine-et-Marne,[42104] "at least two hundred citizens in our commune are

without bread, grain and flour; they have had no other food than bran

and vegetables. We see with sorrow children deprived of nourishment,

their nurses without milk, unable to suckle them; old men falling down

through inanition, and young men in the fields too weak to stand up to

their work." And other communes in the district "are about in the same

condition." The same spectacle is visible throughout the Ile-de-France,

Normandy, and in Picardy. Around Dieppe, in the country,[42105]

entire communes support themselves on herbs and bran. "Citizen

representatives," write the administrators, "we can no longer maintain

ourselves. Our fellow citizens reproach us with having despoiled them of

their grain in favor of the large communes."--"All means of subsistence

are exhausted," writes the district of Louviers;[42106] "we are reduced

here for a month past to eating bran bread and boiled herbs, and even

this rude food is getting scarce. Bear in mind that we have seventy-one

thousand people to govern, at this very time subject to all the horrors

of famine, a large number of them having already perished, some with

hunger and others with diseases engendered by the poor food they live

on. "--In the Caen district,[42107] "the unripe peas, horse peas, beans,

and green barley and rye are attacked;" mothers and children go after

these in the fields in default of other food; "other vegetables in the

gardens are already consumed; furniture, the comforts of the well to do

class, have become the prey of the farming egoist; having nothing more

to sell they consequently have nothing with which to obtain a morsel of

bread."

"It is impossible," writes the representative on mission, "to wait for

the crop without further aid. As long as bran lasted the people ate

that; none can now be found and despair is at its height. I have not

seen the sun since I came. The harvest will be a month behind. What

shall we do? What will become of us?"--"In Picardy," writes the Beauvais

district, "the great majority of people in the rural communes search the

woods" to find mushrooms, berries and wild fruits.[42108] "They think

themselves lucky," says the Bapaume district, "if they can get a share

of the food of animals." "In many communes," the district of Vervier

reports, "the inhabitants are reduced to living on herbage." "Many

families, entire communes," reports the Laon commissary, "have been

without bread two or three months and live on bran or herbs.... Mothers

of families, children, old men, pregnant women, come to the (members of

the) Directory for bread and often faint in their arms.

And yet, great as the famine is in the country it is worse in the towns;

and the proof of it is that the starving people flock into the country

to find whatever they can to live on, no matter how, and, generally

speaking, in vain.--"Three quarters of our fellow citizens," writes

the Rozoy municipality,[42109] "are forced to quit work and overrun the

country here and there, among the farmers, to obtain bread for specie,

and with more entreaty than the poorest wretches; for the most part,

they return with tears in their eyes at not being able to find, not

merely a bushel of wheat, but a pound of bread." "Yesterday," writes

the Montreuil-sur-Mer municipality,[42110] "more than two hundred of

our citizens set out to beg in the country," and, when they get nothing,

they steal. "Bands of brigands[42111] spread through the country and

pillage all dwellings anywise remote. ... Grain, flour, bread, cattle,

poultry, stuffs, etc., all come in play. Our terrified shepherds are

no longer willing to sleep in their sheep pens and are leaving us." The

most timid dig Carrots at night or, during the day, gather dandelions;

but their town stomachs cannot digest this food. "Lately," writes the

procureur--syndic of Saint-Germain,[42112] "the corpse of a father of a

family, found in the fields with his mouth still filled with the grass

he had striven to chew, exasperates and arouses the spirit of the poor

creatures awaiting a similar fate."

What then, do people in the towns do in order to survive?--In small

towns or scattered villages, each municipality, using what gendarmes it

has, makes legal requisitions in its vicinity, and sometimes the commune

obtains from the government a charitable gift of wheat, oats, rice or

assignats. But the quantity of grain it receives is so small, one asks

how it is that, after two months, six months or a year of such a system,

that half of the inhabitants are not in the grave yard. I suppose that

many of them live on what they raise in their gardens, or on their small

farms; others are helped by their relations, neighbors and companions;

in any event, it is clear that the human body is very resistant, and a

few mouthfuls suffice to keep it going a long time.--At Ervy,[42113]

in Aube, "not a grain of wheat has been brought in the last two market

days." "To morrow,[42114] Prairial 25, in Bapaume, the main town of the

district, there will be only two bushels of flour left (for food of

any sort)." "At Boulogne-sur-Mer, for the past ten days, there has been

distributed to each person only three pounds of bad barley, or maslin,

without knowing whether we can again distribute this miserable ration

next decade." Out of sixteen hundred inhabitants in Brionne, "twelve

hundred and sixty[42115] are reduced to the small portion of wheat they

receive at the market, and which, unfortunately, for too long a time,

has been reduced from eight to three ounces of wheat for each person,

every eight days." For three months past, in Seine et Marne,[42116]

in "the commune of Meaux, that of Laferté, Lagny, Daumartin, and other

principal towns of the canton, they have had only half a pound per

head, for each day, of bad bread." In Seine et Oise, "citizens of the

neighborhood of Paris and even of Versailles[42117] state that they

are reduced to four ounces of bread." At Saint-Denis,[42118] with a

population of six thousand, "a large part of the inhabitants, worn

out with suffering, betake themselves to the charity depots. Workmen,

especially, cannot do their work for lack of food. A good many women,

mothers and nurses, have been found in their houses unconscious, without

any sign of life in them, and many have died with their infants at their

breasts." Even in a larger and less forsaken town, Saint-Germain,[42119]

the misery surpasses all that one can imagine. "Half-a-pound of flour

for each inhabitant," not daily, but at long intervals; "bread at

fifteen and sixteen francs the pound and all other provisions at

the same rate; a people which is sinking, losing hope and perishing.

Yesterday, for the fête of the 9th of Thermidor, not a sign of

rejoicing; on the contrary, symptoms of general and profound depression,

tottering specters in the streets, mournful shrieks of ravaging hunger

or shouts of rage, almost every one, driven to the last extremity of

misery, welcoming death as a boon."

Such is the aspect of these huge artificial agglomerations, where the

soil, made sterile by habitation, bears only stones, and where twenty,

thirty, fifty and a hundred thousand suffering stomachs have to obtain

from ten, twenty and thirty leagues off their first and last mouthful of

food. Within these close pens long lines of human sheep huddle together

every day bleating and trembling around almost empty troughs, and

only through extraordinary efforts do the shepherds daily succeed

in providing them with a little nourishment. The central government,

strenuously appealed to, enlarges or defines the circle of their

requisitions; it authorizes them to borrow, to tax themselves; it lends

or gives to them millions of assignats;[42120] frequently, in cases

of extreme want, it allows them to take so much grain or rice from its

storehouses, for a week's supply.--But, in truth, this sort of life is

not living, it is only not dying. For one half, and more than one half

of the inhabitants simply subsist on rations of bread obtained by long

waiting for it at the end of a string of people and delivered at

a reduced price. What rations and what bread!"It seems," says the

municipality of Troyes, "that[42121] the country has anathematized the

towns. Formerly, the finest grain was brought to market; the farmer kept

the inferior quality and consumed it at home. Now it is the reverse,

and this is carried still further, for, not only do we receive no wheat

whatever, but the farmers give us sprouted barley and rye, which they

reserve for our commune; the farmer who has none arranges with those who

have, so as to buy it and deliver it in town, and sell his good wheat

elsewhere. Half a pound per day and per head, in Pluviôse, to the

thirteen thousand or fourteen thousand indigent in Troyes; then a

quarter of a pound, and, finally, two ounces with a little rice and some

dried vegetables, "which feeble resource is going to fail us."[42122]

Half a pound in Pluviôse, to the twenty thousand needy in Amiens, which

ration is only nominal, for "it often happens that each individual gets

only four ounces, while the distribution has repeatedly failed three

days in succession,'' and this continues. Six months later, Fructidor

7, Amiens has but sixty nine quintals of flour in its market storehouse,

"an insufficient quantity for distribution this very day; to morrow, it

will be impossible to make any distribution at all, and the day after

to morrow the needy population of this commune will be brought down

to absolute famine."--"Complete desperation! There are already "many

suicides."[42123] At other times, rage predominates and there are riots.

At Evreux,[42124] Germinal 21, a riot breaks out, owing to the delivery

of only two pounds of flour per head and per week, and because three

days before, only a pound and a half was delivered. There is a riot at

Dieppe,[42125] Prairial 14 and 15, because "the people are reduced here

to three or four ounces of bread." There is another at Vervins, Prairial

9, because the municipality which obtains bread at a cost of seven and

eight francs a pound, raises the price from twenty-five to fifty

sous. At Lille, an insurrection breaks out Messidor 4, because the

municipality, paying nine francs for bread, can give it to the poor only

for about twenty and thirty sous.--Lyons, during the month of Nivôse,

remains without bread "for five full days."[42126] At Chartres,

Thermidor 15,[42127] the distribution of bread for a month is only eight

ounces a day, and there is not enough to keep this up until the 20th of

Thermidor. On the fifteenth of Fructidor, La Rochelle writes that "its

public distributions, reduced to seven or eight ounces of bread, are on

the point of failing entirely." For four months, at Painboeuf, the ration

is but the quarter of a pound of bread.[42128] And the same at Nantes,

which has eighty-two thousand inhabitants and swarms with the wretched;

"the distribution never exceeded four ounces a day," and that only

for the past year. The same at Rouen, which contains sixty thousand

inhabitants; and, in addition, within the past fortnight the

distribution has failed three times. In other reports, those who are

well-off suffer more than the indigent because they take no part in the

communal distribution, "all resources for obtaining food being, so

to say, interdicted to them."--Five ounces of bread per diem for four

months is the allowance to the forty thousand inhabitants of Caen

and its district.[42129] A great many in the town, as well as in the

country, live on bran and wild herbs." At the end of Prairial, "there is

not a bushel of grain in the town storehouses, while the requisitions,

enforced in the most rigorous and imposing style, produce nothing or

next to nothing." Misery augments from week to week: "it is impossible

to form any idea of it; the people of Caen live on brown bread and the

blood of cattle. ... Every countenance bears traces of the famine...

Faces are of livid hue.... It is impossible to await the new crop, until

the end of Fructidor."--Such are the exclamations everywhere. The object

now, indeed, is to cross the narrowest and most terrible defile; a

fortnight more of absolute fasting and hundreds of thousands of lives

would be sacrificed.[42130] At this moment the government half opens the

doors of its storehouses; it lends a few sacks of flour on condition

of re-payment,--for example, at Cherbourg a few hundreds of quintals

of oats; by means of oat bread, the poor can subsist until the coming

harvest. But above all, it doubles its guard and shows its bayonets.

At Nancy, a traveler sees[42131] "more than three thousand persons

soliciting in vain for a few pounds of flour." They are dispersed with

the butt-ends of muskets.--Thus are the peasantry taught patriotism and

the townspeople patience. Physical constraint exercised on all in the

name of all; this is the only procedure which an arbitrary socialism can

resort to for the distribution of food and to discipline starvation.

VII. Misery at Paris.

Famine and misery at Paris.--Steps taken by the government

to feed the capital.--Monthly cost to the Treasury.--Cold

and hunger in the winter of 1794-1795.--Quality of the

bread.--Daily rations diminished.--Suffering, especially of

the populace.--Excessive physical suffering, despair,

suicides, and deaths from exhaustion in 1795.--Government

dinners and suppers.--Number of lives lost through want and

war.--Socialism as applied, and its effects on comfort,

well-being and mortality.

Anything that a totalitarian government may do to ensure that the

capital is supplied with food is undertaken and carried out by this

one, for here is its seat, and one more degree of dearth in Paris

would overthrow it. Each week, on reading the daily reports of its

agents,[42132] it finds itself on the verge of explosion; twice, in

Germinal and Prairial, a popular outbreak does overthrow it for a few

hours, and, if it maintains itself, it is on the condition of

either giving the needy a piece of bread or the hope of getting it.

Consequently, military posts are spaced out around Paris, up to eighteen

leagues off, on all the highways; permanent patrols in correspondence

with each other to urge on the wagoners and draft relays of horses

on the spot. Escorts dispatched from Paris to meet convoys;[42133]

requisition "all the carts and all the horses whatever to effect

transportation in preference to any other work or service." All communes

traversed by a highway are ordered to put rubble and manure on the bad

spots and cover the whole way with a layer of soil, so that the horses

may drag their loads in spite of the slippery road. The national agents

are ordered to draft the necessary number of men to break the ice

around the water-mills.[42134] A requisition is made for "all the

barley throughout the length and breadth of the Republic, "this must be

utilized to produce "the mixture for making bread," while the brewers

are forbidden to use barley in the manufacture of beer; the starch

makers are forbidden to convert potatoes into starch, with penalty of

death against all offenders "as destroyers of alimentary produce;" the

breweries and starch-factories[42135] are to be closed until further

notice. Paris must have grain, no matter of what kind, no matter how,

and at any cost, not merely in the following week, but to-morrow, this

very day, because hunger chews and swallows everything, and it will not

wait.--Once the grain is obtained, a price must be fixed which people

can pay. Now, the difference between the selling and cost price is

enormous; it keeps on increasing as the assignat declines and it is

the government which pays this. "You furnish bread at three sous,"

said Dubois-Crancé, Floréal 16, year III,[42136] "and it costs you four

francs. Paris consumes 8,000 quintals of meal daily, which expenditure

alone amounts to 1,200 millions per annum." Seven months later, when

a bag of flour brings 13,000 francs, the same expenditure reaches

546 millions per month.--Under the ancient régime, Paris, although

overgrown, continued to be an useful organism; if it absorbed much, it

elaborated more; its productiveness compensated for what it consumed,

and, every year, instead of exhausting the public treasury it poured

77 millions into it. The new régime has converted it into a monstrous

canker in the very heart of France, a devouring parasite which, through

its six hundred thousand leeches, drains its surroundings for a distance

of forty leagues, consumes one-half the annual revenue of the State,

and yet still remains emaciated in spite of the sacrifices made by the

treasury it depletes and the exhaustion of the provinces which supply it

with food.

Always the same alimentary system, the same long lines of people waiting

at, and before, dawn in every quarter of Paris, in the dark, for a long

time, and often to no purpose, subject to the brutalities of the strong

and the outrages of the licentious! On the 9th of Thermidor, the daily

trot of the multitude in quest of food has lasted uninterruptedly for

seventeen months, accompanied with outrages of the worst kind because

there is less terror and less submissiveness, with more obstinacy

because provisions at free sale are dearer, with greater privation

because the ration distributed is smaller, and with more sombre despair

because each household, having consumed its stores, has nothing of its

own to make up for the insufficiencies of public charity.--And to cap

it all, the winter of 1794-1795 is so cold[42137] that the Seine freezes

and people cross the Loire on foot. Rafts no longer arrive and, to

obtain fire-wood, it is necessary "to cut down trees at Boulogne,

Vincennes, Verrières, St. Cloud, Meudon and two other forests in the

vicinity." Fuel costs "four hundred francs per cord of wood, forty sous

for a bushel of charcoal, twenty sous for a small basket. The needy are

seen in the streets sawing the wood of their bedsteads to cook with and

to keep from freezing." On the resumption of transportation by water

amongst the cakes of ice "rafts are sold as fast as the raftsmen can

haul the wood out of the water, the people being obliged to pass three

nights at the landing to get it, each in turn according to his number."

"On Pluviôse 3 at least two thousand persons are at the Louviers

landing," each with his card allowing him four sticks at fifteen sous

each. Naturally, there is pulling, hauling, tumult and a rush; "the

dealers take to flight for fear, and the inspectors come near being

murdered;" they get away along with the police commissioner and

"the public helps itself." Likewise, the following day, there is "an

abominable pillage;" the gendarmes and soldiers placed there to maintain

order, "make a rush for the wood and carry it away together with the

crowd." Bear in mind that on this day the thermometer is sixteen degrees

below zero, that one hundred, two hundred other lines of people likewise

stand waiting at the doors of bakers and butchers, enduring the same

cold, and that they have already endured it and will yet endure it a

month and more. Words are wanting to describe the sufferings of these

long lines of motionless beings, during the night, at daybreak, standing

there five or six hours, with the blast driving through their rags and

their feet freezing.--Ventôse is beginning, and the ration of bread is

reduced to a pound and a half;[42138] Ventôse ends, and the ration of

bread, kept at a pound and a half for the three hundred and twenty-four

laborers, falls to one pound; in fact, a great many get none at all,

many only a half and a quarter of a pound. Germinal follows and the

Committee of Public Safety, finding that its magazines are giving out,

limits all rations to a quarter of a pound. Thereupon, on the 12th

of Germinal, an insurrection of workmen and women breaks out; the

Convention is invaded and liberated by military force. Paris is declared

in a state of siege and the government, again in the saddle, tightens

the reins. Thenceforth, the ration of meat served out every four or five

days, is a quarter of a pound; bread averages every day, sometimes

five, sometimes six and sometimes seven ounces, at long intervals eight

ounces, often three, two and one ounce and a half, or even none at all;

while this bread, black and "making mischief," becomes more and more

worthless and detestable.[42139] People who are well off live on

potatoes, but only for them, for, in the middle of Germinal, these cost

fifteen francs the bushel and, towards the end, twenty francs; towards

the end of Messidor, forty-five francs; in the first month of the

Directory, one hundred and eighty francs, and then two hundred

and eighty-four francs, whilst other produce goes up at the same

rates.--After the abolition of the "maximum" the evil springs not from

a lack of provisions, but from their dearness: the shops are well

supplied. Whoever comes with a full purse gets what he wants[42140]: The

former rich, the property owners and large capitalists, may eat on the

condition that they hand their bundles of assignats over, that they

withdrawing their last louis from its hiding-place, that they sell

their jewelry, clocks, furniture and clothes. And the nouveaux rich,

the speculators, the suppliers, the happy and extravagant robbers, spend

four hundred, one thousand, three thousand, then five thousand francs

for their dinner, and revel in the great eating establishments on fine

wines and exquisite cheer: the burden of the scarcity is transferred to

other shoulders.--At present, the class which suffers, and which suffers

beyond all bounds of patience is, together with employees and people

with small incomes,[42141] the crowd of workmen, the City plebeians, the

low Parisian populace

* which lives from day to day,

* which is Jacobin at heart,

* which made the Revolution in order to better itself,

* which finds itself worse off,

* which gets up one insurrection more on the 1st of Prairial,

* which forcibly enters the Tuileries yelling "Bread and the

Constitution of '93,"

* which installs itself as sovereign in the Convention,

* which murders the Representative Féraud,

* which decrees a return to Terror, but which, put down by the National

Guard, disarmed and forced back into lasting obedience, has only to

submit to the consequences of its own outrages, the socialism it has

itself instituted and the economical system it itself has organized.

Because the workers of Paris have been usurpers and tyrants they are

now beggars. Owing to the ruin brought on proprietors and capitalists by

them, individuals can no longer employ them. Owing to the ruin they

have brought on the Treasury, the State can provide them with only the

semblance of charity, and hence, while all are compelled to go hungry, a

great many die, and many commit suicide.

* On Germinal 6th, "Section of the Observatory,"[42142] at the

distribution, "forty-one persons had been without bread; several

pregnant women desired immediate confinement so as to destroy their

infants; others asked for knives to stab themselves."

* On Germinal 8th," a large number of persons who had passed the night

at the doors of the bakeries were obliged to leave without getting any

bread."

* On Germinal 24th, "the police commissioner of the Arsenal section

states that many become ill for lack of food, and that he buries quite

a number.... The same day, he has heard of five or six citizens, who,

finding themselves without bread, and unable to get other food, throw

themselves into the Seine."

* Germinal 27, "the women say that they feel so furious and are in such

despair on account of hunger and want that they must inevitably commit

some act of violence.... In the section of 'Les Amis de la Patrie,' one

half have no bread.... Three persons tumbled down through weakness on

the Boulevard du Temple."

* Floréal 2, "most of the workmen in the 'République' section are

leaving Paris on account of the scarcity of bread."

* Floréal 5, "eighteen out of twenty-four inspectors state that patience

is exhausted and that things are coming to an end."

* Floréal 14, "the distribution is always unsatisfactory on account of

the four-ounce ration; two thirds of the citizens do without it. One

woman, on seeing the excitement of her husband and her four children who

had been without bread for two days, trailed through the gutter tearing

her hair and striking her head; she then got up in a state of fury and

attempted to drown herself."

* Floréal 20, "all exclaim that they cannot live on three ounces of

bread, and, again, of such bad quality. Mothers and pregnant women fall

down with weakness."

* Floréal 21, "the inspectors state that they encounter many persons in

the streets who have fallen through feebleness and inanition."

* Floréal 23, "a citoyenne who had no bread for her child tied it to her

side and jumped into the river. Yesterday, an individual named Mottez,

in despair through want, cut his throat."

* Floréal 25, "several persons, deprived of any means of existence,

gave up in complete discouragement, and fell down with weakness and

exhaustion.... In the 'Gravilliers' section, two men were found dead

with inanition.... The peace officers report the decease of several

citizens; one cut his throat, while another was found dead in his bed."

Floréal 28, "numbers of people sink down for lack of something to eat;

yesterday, a man was found dead and others exhausted through want."

* Prairial 24, "Inspector Laignier states that the indigent are

compelled to seek nourishment in the piles of garbage on the corners."

* Messidor 1,[42143] "the said Picard fell through weakness at ten

o'clock in the morning in the rue de la Loi, and was only brought to

at seven o'clock in the evening; he was carried to the hospital on a

hand-barrow."

* Messidor 11, "There is a report that the number of people trying to

drown themselves is so great that the nets at St. Cloud scarcely suffice

to drag them out of the water."

* Messidor 19, "A man was found on the corner of a street just dead with

hunger."

* Messidor 27, "At four o'clock in the afternoon, Place Maubert, a man

named Marcelin, employed in the Jardin des Plantes, fell down through

starvation and died while assistance was being given to him." On the

previous evening, the anniversary of the taking of the Bastille, a

laborer on the Pont-au-Change, says "I have eaten nothing all day.

''Another replies: "I have not been home because I have nothing to give

to my wife and children, dying with hunger." About the same date, a

friend of Mallet-Dupan writes to him "that he is daily witness to people

amongst the lower classes dying of inanition in the streets; others, and

principally women, have nothing but garbage to live on, scraps of refuse

vegetables and the blood running out of the slaughter houses. Laborers,

generally, work on short time on account of their lack of strength and

of their exhaustion for want of food."[42144]--

Thus ends the rule of the Convention. Well has it looked out for the

interests of the poor! According to the reports of its own inspectors,

"famished stomachs on all sides cry vengeance, beat to arms and sound

the tocsin of alarm[42145].... Those who have to dwell daily on the

sacrifices they make to keep themselves alive declare that there is

no hope except in death." Are they going to be relieved by the new

government which the Convention imposes on them with thunders of

artillery and in which it perpetuates itself?[42146]--

* Brumaire 28, "Most of the workmen in the 'Temple' and 'Gravilliers'

sections have done no work for want of bread."

* Brumaire 24, "Citizens of all classes refuse to mount guard because

they have nothing to eat."

* Brumaire 25, "In the 'Gravilliers' section the women say that

they have sold all that they possessed, while others, in the

'Faubourg-Antoine' section, declare that it would be better to be shot

down."

* Brumaire 30, "A woman beside herself came and asked a baker to kill

her children as she had nothing to give them to eat."

* Frimaire 1, 2, 3, and 4, "In many of the sections bread is given out

only in the evening, in others at one o'clock in the morning, and of

very poor quality.... Several sections yesterday had no bread."

* Frimaire 7, the inspectors declare that "the hospitals soon will not

be vast enough to hold the sick and the wretched."

* Frimaire 14, At the central market a woman nursing her child sunk down

with inanition." A few days before this, "a man fell down from weakness,

on his way to Bourg l'Abbé."

"All our reports," say the district administrators, "resound with

shrieks of despair." People are infatuated; "it seems to us that a crazy

spirit prevails universally, we often encounter people in the street

who, although alone, gesticulate and talk to themselves aloud." "How

many times," writes a Swiss traveller,[42147] who lived in Paris during

the latter half of 1795, "how often have I chanced to encounter men

sinking through starvation, scarcely able to stand up against a post,

or else down on the ground and unable to get up for want of strength!"

A journalist states that he saw "within ten minutes, along the street,

seven poor creatures fall on account of hunger, a child die on its

mother's breast which was dry of milk, and a woman struggling with a dog

near a sewer to get a bone away from him."[42148] Meissner never leaves

his hotel without filling his pockets with pieces of the national bread.

"This bread," he says, "which the poor would formerly have despised,

I found accepted with the liveliest gratitude, and by well educated

persons;" the lady who contended with the dog for the bone was a former

nun, without either parents or friends and everywhere repulsed." "I

still hear with a shudder," says Meissner, "the weak, melancholy voice

of a well-dressed woman who stopped me in the rue du Bac, to tell me in

accents indicative both of shame and despair: 'Ah, Sir, do help me! I am

not an outcast. I have some talent--you may have seen some of my works

in the salon. I have had nothing to eat for two days and I am crazy for

want of food.'" Again, in June, 1796, the inspectors state that despair

and despondency have reached the highest point, only one cry being

heard-misery!.... Our reports all teem with groans and complaints.. ..

Pallor and suffering are stamped on all faces.... Each day presents a

sadder and more melancholy aspect." And repeatedly,[42149] they sum up

their scattered observations in a general statement:

* "A mournful silence, the deepest distress on every countenance;

* the most intense hatred of the government in general developed in all

conversations;

* contempt for all existing authority;

* an insolent luxuriousness, insulting to the wretchedness of the poor

rentiers who expire with hunger in their garrets, no longer possessing

the courage to crawl to the Treasury and get the wherewithal to prolong

their misery for a few days;

* the worthy father of a family daily deciding what article of furniture

he will sell to make up for what is lacking in his wages that he may buy

a half-pound of bread;

* every sort of provision increasing in price sixty times an hour;

* the smallest business dependent on the fall of assignats;

* intriguers of all parties overthrowing each other only to get offices;

* the intoxicated soldier boasting of the services he has rendered

and is to render, and abandoning himself shamelessly to every sort of

debauchery;

* commercial houses transformed into dens of thieves;

* rascals become traders and traders become rascals; the most sordid

cupidity and a mortal egoism--such is the picture presented by

Paris."[42150]

One group is wanting in this picture, that of the governors who preside

over this wretchedness, which group remains in the background; one might

say that it was so designed and composed by some great artist, a lover

of contrasts, an inexorable logician, whose invisible hand traces human

character unvaryingly, and whose mournful irony unfailingly depicts

side by side, in strong relief, the grotesqueness of folly and the

seriousness of death. How many perished on account of this misery?

Probably more than a million persons.[42151]--

Try to take in at a glance the extraordinary spectacle presented on

twenty-six thousand square leagues of territory:

* The immense multitude of the starving in town and country,

* the long lines of women for three years waiting for bread in all the

cities,

* this or that town of twenty-three thousand souls in which one-third of

the population dies in the hospitals in three months,

* the crowds of paupers at the poor-houses,

* the file of poor wretches entering and the file of coffins going out,

* the asylums deprived of their property, overcrowded with the sick,

unable to feed the multitude of foundlings pining away in their cradles

the very first week, their little faces in wrinkles like those of old

men,

* the malady of want aggravating all other maladies, the long suffering

of a persistent vitality amidst pain and which refuses to succumb, the

final death-rattle in a garret or in a ditch.

Contrast this with this the small, powerful, triumphant group of

Jacobins which, having understood how to place themselves in the good

places, is determined to stay there at any cost.--About ten o'clock in

the morning,[42152] Cambacérès, president of the Committee of Public

Safety, is seen entering its hall in the Pavillon de l'Egalité. He is

a large, cautious and shrewd personage who will, later on, become

arch-chancellor of the Empire and famous for his epicurean inventions

and other peculiar tastes revived from antiquity. Scarcely seated, he

orders an ample pat-au-feu to be placed on the chimney hearth and, on

the table, "fine wine and fine white bread; three articles," says a

guest, "not to be found elsewhere in all Paris." Between twelve and two

o'clock, his colleagues enter the room in turn, take a plate of soup

and a slice of meat, swallow some wine, and then proceed, each to his

bureau, to receive his coterie, giving this one an office and compelling

another to pay up, looking all the time after his own special interests.

At this moment, especially, towards the close of the Convention, there

are no public interests, all interests being private and personal.--In

the mean time, the deputy in charge of provisions, Roux de la Haute

Marne, an unfrocked Benedictine, formerly a terrorist in the provinces,

subsequently the protégé and employee of Fouché, with whom he is to be

associated in the police department, keeps the throng of women in

check which daily resorts to the Tuileries to beg for bread. He is well

adapted for this duty, being tall, chubby, ornamental, and with vigorous

lungs. He has taken his office in the right place, in the attic of the

palace, at the top of long, narrow and steep stairs, so that the line

of women stretching up between the two walls, piled one above the other,

necessarily becomes immovable. With the exception of the two or three at

the front, no one has her hands free to grab the haranguer by the throat

and close the oratorical stop-cock. He can spout his tirades accordingly

with impunity, and for an indefinite time. On one occasion, his sonorous

jabber rattles away uninterruptedly from the top to the bottom of the

staircase, from nine o'clock in the morning to five o'clock in the

afternoon. Under such a voluble shower, his hearers become weary and end

by going home.--About nine or ten o'clock in the evening, the Committee

of Public Safety reassembles, but not to discuss business. Danton and La

Révellière preach in vain; each is too egoistic and too worn-out; they

let the rein slacken on Cambacérès. As to him, he would rather keep

quiet and drag the cart no longer; but there are two things necessary

which he must provide for on pain of death.--"It will not do," says he

in plaintive tones, "to keep on printing the assignats at night which we

want for the next day. If that lasts, ma foi, we run the risk of being

strung up at a lantern...Go and find Hourier-Eloi, as he has charge of

the finances, and tell him that we entreat him to keep us a-going for

a fortnight or eighteen days longer, when the executive Directory will

come in and do what it pleases." "But food--shall we have enough for

to-morrow?

"Aha, I don't know--I'll send for our colleague Roux, who will post us

on that point." Roux enters, the official spokesman, the fat, jovial

tamer of the popular dog. "Well, Roux, how do we stand about supplying

Paris with food?" "The supply, citizen President, is just as abundant as

ever, two ounces per head,--at least for most of the sections." "Go to

the devil with your abundant supply! You'll have our heads off!" All

remain silent, for this possible dénouement sets them to thinking. Then,

one of them exclaims: "President, are there any refreshments provided

for us? After working so hard for so many days we need something to

strengthen us!" "Why, yes; there is a good calf's-tongue, a large

turbot, a large piece of pie and some other things." They cheer up,

begin to eat and drink champagne, and indulge in drolleries. About

eleven or twelve o'clock the members of other Committees come in;

signatures are affixed to their various decrees, on trust, without

reading them over. They, in their turn, sit down at the table and the

conclave of sovereign bellies digests without giving itself further

trouble about the millions of stomachs that are empty.

*****

[Footnote 4201: On the other more complicated functions, such as the

maintenance of roads, canals, harbors, public buildings, lighting,

cleanliness, hygiene, superior secondary and primary education,

hospitals, and other asylums, highway security, the suppression of

robbery and kindred crimes, the destruction of wolves, etc., see

Rocquam, "Etat de la France au 18 Brumaire," and the "Statistiques des

Departements," published by the prefets, from years IX. to XIII.--These

branches of the service were almost entirely overthrown; the reader will

see the practical results of their suppression in the documents referred

to.]

[Footnote 4202: "St. John de Crêvecoeur," by Robert de Crêvecoeur, p.216.

(Letter of Mdlle. de Gouves, July, 1800.) "We are negotiating for the

payment of, at least, the arrearages since 1789 on the Arras property."

(M. de Gouves and his sisters had not emigrated, and yet they had had no

income from their property for ten years.)]

[Footnote 4203: Cf. "The Revolution," vol. I., 254-261, 311-352; vol.

II., 234-272.]

[Footnote 4204: Cf. "The Revolution," II., 273-276.]

[Footnote 4205: Buchez et Roux, XXII., 178. (Speech by Robespierre in

the Convention, December 2, 1792.)--Mallet-Dupan, "Mémoires." I., 400.

About the same date, "a deputation from the department of Gard expressly

demands a sum of two hundred and fifty millions, as indemnity to the

cultivator, for grain which it calls national property."--This fearful

sum of two hundred and fifty millions, they add, is only a fictive

advance, placing at its disposal real and purely national wealth, not

belonging in full ownership to any distinct member of the social body

any more than the pernicious metals minted as current coin."]

[Footnote 4206: Buchez et Roux, XXVI., 95. (Declaration of Rights

presented in the Jacobin Club, April 21, 1793.)]

[Footnote 4207: Decrees in every commune establishing a tax on the rich

in order to render the price of bread proportionate to wages, also in

each large city to raise an army of paid sans-culottes, that will keep

aristocrats under their pikes, April 5-7.--Decree ordering the forced

loan of a billion on the rich, May 20-25--Buchez et Roux, XXV., 156.

(Speech by Charles, March 27.--Gorsas, "Courrier des Départements," No.

for May I5, 1793. (Speech by Simon in the club at Annecy.)--Speech by

Guffroy at Chartres, and of Chalier and associates at Lyons, etc.]

[Footnote 4208: Report by Minister Claviéres, February 1, 1793, p.

27.--Cf. Report of M. de Montesquiou, September 9, 1791, p. 47. "During

the first twenty-six months of the Revolution the taxes brought in three

hundred and fifty-six millions less than they should naturally have

done."--There is the same deficit in the receipts of the towns,

especially on account of the abolition of the octroi. Paris, under this

head, loses ten millions per annum.]

[Footnote 4209: Report by Cambon, Pluviôse 3, year III. "The Revolution

and the war have cost in four years five thousand three hundred and

fifty millions above the ordinary expenses." (Cambon, in his estimates,

purposely exaggerates ordinary expenses of the monarchy. According to

Necker's budget, the expenditure in 1759 was fixed at five hundred and

thirty-one millions and not, as Cambon states, seven hundred millions.

This raises the expenses of the Revolution and of the war to seven

thousand one hundred and twenty-one millions for the four and a half

years, and hence to one thousand five hundred and eighty-one millions

per annum, that is to say, to triple the ordinary expenses.) The

expenses of the cities are therefore exaggerated like those of the State

and for the same reasons.]

[Footnote 4210: Schmidt, "Pariser Zustände," I. 93, 96. "During the

first half of the year 1789 there were seventeen thousand men at twenty

sous a day in the national workshops at Montmartre. In 1790, there were

nineteen thousand. In 1791, thirty-one thousand costing sixty thousand

francs a day. In 1790, the State expends seventy-five millions for

maintaining the price of bread in Paris at eleven sous for four

pounds.--Ibid., 113. During the first six months of 1793 the State pays

the Paris bakers about seventy-five thousand francs a day to keep bread

at three sous the pound.]

[Footnote 4211: Ibid. I., 139-144.]

[Footnote 4212: Decree of September 27, 1790. "The circulation of

assignats shall not extend beyond one billion two hundred millions....

Those which are paid in shall be destroyed and there shall be no other

creation or emission of them, without a decree of the Corps Legislatif,

always subject to this condition that they shall not exceed the value

of the national possessions nor obtain a circulation above one billion two

hundred millions.]

[Footnote 4213: Schmidt, ibid., I., 104, 138, 144.]

[Footnote 4214: Felix Rocquam, "L'Etat de la France au 18 Brumaire,"

p.240. (Report by Lacuée, year IX.--Reports by préfets under the

Consulate (Reports of Laumont, préfet of the Lower-Rhine, year X.;

of Coichen, préfet of the Moselle, year XI., etc.)--Schmidt, Pariser

Zustände," III., 205. ("The rate of interest during the Revolution was

from four to five per cent. per month; in 1796 from six to eight per

cent. per month, the lowest rate being two per cent. per month with

security.")]

[Footnote 4215: Arthur Young, "Voyage en France," II., 360. (Fr.

translation.) "I regard Bordeaux as richer and more commercial than any

city in England except London."]

[Footnote 4216: Ibid., II., 357. The statistics of exports in France

in 1787 give three hundred and forty-nine millions, and imports three

hundred and forty millions (leaving out Lorraine. Alsace, the three

Evéchés and the West Indies).-Ibid., 360. In 1786 the importations from

the West Indies amounted to one hundred and seventy-four millions, of

which St. Domingo furnished one hundred and thirty-one millions; the

exports to the West Indies amounted to sixty-four millions, of which St.

Domingo had forty-four millions. These exchanges were effected by

five hundred and sixty-nine vessels carrying one hundred and sixty-two

thousand tons, of which Bordeaux provided two hundred and forty-six

vessels, carrying seventy-five thousand tons.--On the ruin of

manufactures cf. the reports of préfets in the year X., with details

from each department.--Arthur Young (II., 444) states that the

Revolution affected manufactures more seriously than any other branch of

industry.]

[Footnote 4217: Reports of préfets. (Orme, year IX.) "The purchasers

have speculated on the profits for the time being, and have exhausted

their resources. Many of them have destroyed all the plantations, all

the enclosures and even the fruit trees."--Felix Rocquam, ibid., 116.

(Report by Fourcroy on Brittany.) "The condition of rural structures

everywhere demands considerable capital. But no advances, based on any

lasting state of things, can be made."--Ibid., 236. (Report of Lacuée

on the departments around Paris.) "The doubtful owners of national

possessions cultivate badly and let things largely go to ruin."]

[Footnote 4218: Reports by préfets, years X. and XI. In general,

the effect of the partition of communal possessions was disastrous,

especially pasture and mountain grounds.--(Doubs.) "The partition of the

communal property has contributed, in all the communes, rather to

the complete ruin of the poor than to any amelioration of their

fate."--(Lozére.) "The partition of the communal property by the law

of June 10, 1792, has proved very injurious to cultivation." These

partitions were numerous. (Moselle.) "Out of six hundred and eighty-six

communes, one hundred and seven have divided per capitum, five hundred

and seventy-nine by families, and one hundred and nineteen have remained

intact."]

[Footnote 4219: Ibid. (Moselle.) Births largely increase in 1792. "But

this is an exceptional year. All kinds of abuses, paper-money, the

non-payment of taxes and claims, the partition in the communes, the sale

for nothing of national possessions, has spread so much comfort among

the people that the poorer classes, who are the most numerous, have had

no dread of increasing their families, to which they hope some day to

leave their fields and render them happy."]

[Footnote 4220: Mallet-Dupan, "Memoires," II., 29. (February 1, 1794.)

"The late crop in France was generally good, and, in some provinces, it

was above the average... I have seen the statements of two returns

made from twenty-seven departments; they declare an excess of fifteen,

twenty, thirty and thirty-five thousand bushels of grain. There is no

real dearth."]

[Footnote 4221: Schmidt, ibid., I., 110, and following pages.--Buchez

et Roux, XX., 416. (Speeches of Lequinio, November 27, 1792.)--Moniteur,

XVII., 2. (Letter by Clement, Puy-de-Dome, June 15, 1793.) "For the past

fifteen days bread has been worth sixteen and eighteen sous the pound.

There is the most frightful distress in our mountains. The government

distributes one-eighth of a bushel to each person, everybody being

obliged to wait two days to take his turn. One woman was smothered and

several were wounded."]

[Footnote 4222: Cf. "La Revolution," I., 208; II., 294, 205,

230.--Buchez et Roux, XX., 431. (Report of Lecointe-Puyraveau, Nov. 30,

1792.) (Mobs of four, five and six thousand men in the departments of

Eure-et-Loire, Eure, Orme, Calvados, Indre-et-Loire, Loiret, and Sarthe

cut down the prices of produce. The three delegates of the Convention

disposed to interfere have their lives saved only on condition of

announcing the rate dictated to them.--Ibid., 409. (Letter of Roland,

Nov.27, 1792.)--XXI., 198. (Another letter by Roland, Dec. 6,

1792.) "All convoys are stopped at Lissy, la Ferté, Milan, la

Ferté-sous-Jouarre... Carts loaded with wheat going to Paris have been

forced to go back near Lonjumeau and near Meaux."]

[Footnote 4223: Archives Nationales, F. 7, 3265. (Letter of David,

cultivator, and administrator of the department of Seine-Inférieure,

Oct.11, 1792; letter of the special committee of Rouen, Oct.22; letter

of the delegates of the executive power, Oct.20, etc.) "Reports from all

quarters state that the farmers who drive to market are considered and

treated in their parishes as aristocrats..... Each department keeps to

itself: they mutually repel each other."]

[Footnote 4224: Buchez et Roux, XX., 409. (Letter of Roland, Nov. 271

1792.) "The circulation of grain has for a long time encountered

the greatest obstacles; scarcely a citizen now dares to do that

business."--Ibid., 417. (Speech by Lequinio.) "The monopoly of wheat

by land-owners and farmers is almost universal. Fright is the cause of

it.... And where does this fear come from? From the general agitation,

and threats, with the bad treatment in many places of the farmers,

land-owners and traffickers in wheat known as bladiers."--Decrees of

Sep.16, 1792, and May 4, 1793.]

[Footnote 4225: Buchez et Roux, XIX. (Report by Cambon, Sep.22, 1792.)

"The taxes no longer reach the public treasury, because they are used

for purchasing grain in the departments." Ibid., XIX., 29. (Speech by

Cambon, Oct.12, 1792.) "You can bear witness in your departments to the

sacrifices which well-to-do people have been obliged to make in helping

the poor class. In many of the towns extra taxes have been laid for the

purchase of grain and for a thousand other helpful measures."]

[Footnote 4226: Buchez et Roux, XX., 409. (Letter of Roland, Nov.29,

1792)--XXI., 199. (Deliberations of the provisional executive council,

Sep. 3, 1792.)--Dauban, "La Demagogie en 1793," p. 64. (Diary kept by

Beaulieu.) Ibid., 152.)]

[Footnote 4227: Schmidt, I., 110-130.--Decrees against the export of

coin or ingots, Sep. 5 and 15, 1792.-Decree on stocks or bonds payable

to bearer, Aug.14, 1792.]

[Footnote 4228: We might today call this sentiment a desire to acquire

and retain. (Sentiment of acquisiton). (SR.)]

[Footnote 4229: Taine's remark in a footnote. (SR.)]

[Footnote 4230: Archives Nationales, D., 55, I., file 2. (Letter by

Joifroy, national agent in the district of Bar-sur-Aube, Germinal 5,

year III.) "Most of the farmers, to escape the requisition, have sold

their horses and replaced them with oxen."--Memoirs (in ms.) of M.

Dufort de Cheverney (communicated by M. Robert de Crévecoeur). In June,

1793, "the requisitions fall like hail, every week, on wheat, hay,

straw, oats, etc.," all at prices fixed by the contractors, who make

deductions, postpone and pay with difficulty. Then come requisitions for

hogs. "This was depriving all the country folks of what they lived

on." As the requisitions called for live hogs, there was a hog St.

Bartholomew. Everybody killed his pig and salted it down." (Environs

of Blois.) In relation to refusing to gather in crops, see further

on.--Dauban, "Paris in 1794, p.229. (Ventose 24, general orders by

Henriot.) "Citizen Guillon being on duty outside the walls, saw with

sorrow that citizens were cutting their wheat to feed rabbits with."]

[Footnote 4231: Decree of Messidor 23, year II., on the consolidation

with the national domain of the assets and liabilities of hospitals and

other charitable institutions. (See reports of prefets on the effect of

this law, on the ruin of the hospitals, on the misery of the sick, of

foundlings and the infirm, from years IX. to XIII.)--Decrees of August

8 and 12, 1793, and July 24, 1794, on academies and literary

societies.--Decree of August 24, 1793, P 29, on the assets and

liabilities of communes.]

[Footnote 4232: Schmidt, I., 144. (Two billions September 27, 1793;

one billion four hundred millions June 19, 1794.)--Decree of August 24,

September 13, 1793, on the conversion of title-deeds and the formation

of the Grand Ledger.--Decrees of July 31, August 30 and September 5,

on calling in the assignats à face royale.--Decrees of August 1 and

September 5, 1793, on the refusal to accept assignats at par.]

[Footnote 4233: Archives Nationales, F.7, 4421. (Documents on the

revolutionary taxes organized at Troyes, Brumaire 11, year II.) Three

hundred and seventy-three persons are taxed, especially manufacturers,

merchants and land-owners; the minimum of the tax is one hundred francs,

the maximum fifty thousand francs, the total being one million seven

hundred and sixty-two thousand seven hundred francs. Seventy-six

petitions attached to the papers show exactly the situation of things in

relation to trade, manufactures and property, the state of fortunes and

credit of the upper and lower bourgeois class.]

[Footnote 4234: Mallet-Dupan, "Mémoires," II., 17. "I have seen the

thirty-second list of émigrés at Marseilles, merely of those whose

possessions have been confiscated and sold; there are twelve thousand

of them, and the lists were not finished."--Reports of préfets. (Var by

Fanchet, year IX.) "The emigration of 1793 throws upon Leghorn and

the whole Italian coast a very large number of Marseilles and Toulon

traders. These men, generally industrious, have established (there) more

than one hundred and sixty soap factories and opened a market for the

oil of this region. This event may be likened to the Revocation of the

Edict of Nantes."--Cf. the reports on the departments of the Rhône,

Aude, Lot and Garonne, Lower Pyrenees, Orme, etc.]

[Footnote 4235: Archives des Affaires Étrangères, vol. 332. (Letter of

Désgranges, Bordeaux, Brumaire 12, year II.) "Nobody here talks about

trade any more than if it had never existed."]

[Footnote 4236: Dr. Jaïn, "Choix de documents et lettres privées

trouvees dans des papiers de famille," p.144. (Letter of Gédëon

Jaïn, banker at Paris, November 18, 1793.) "Business carried on with

difficulty and at a great risk occasion frequent and serious losses,

credit and resources being almost nothing."]

[Footnote 4237: Archives Nationales, F.7, 2475. (Letters of Thullier,

procureur-syndic of the Paris department, September 7 and 10,

1793.--Report by a member of the Piques section, September 8 and 10,

1793.--Cf. the petitions of traders and lawyers imprisoned at Troyes,

Strasbourg, Bordeaux, etc.--Archives Nationales, AF.,II., 271. Letter

of Francastel: "At least three thousand monopolist aristocrats have been

arrested at Nantes.... and this is not the last purification."]

[Footnote 4238: Decrees of May 4, 15, 19, 20 and 23, and of August 30,

1793.--Decrees of July 26, August 15, September II, 1793, and February

24, 1794.--Camille Boursier, "Essai sur la Terreur en Anjou," p.

254. (Letter of Buissart to his friend Maximilian Robespierre, Arras,

Pluviose 14, year II.) "we are dying with starvation in the midst of

abundance; I think that the mercantile aristocracy ought to be killed

out like the nobles and priests. The communes, with the help of a

storehouse of food and goods must alone be allowed to trade. This idea,

well carried out, can be realized; then, the benefits of trade will turn

to the advantage of the Republic, that is to say, to the advantage of

buyer and seller."]

[Footnote 4239: Archives Nationales, AF., II., 49. (Documents on the

levy of revolutionary taxes, Belfort, Brumaire 30, year II.) "Verneur,

sr., taxed at ten thousand livres, for having withheld goods deposited

with him by his sister, in order to save them from the coming taxation."

Campardon I., 292. (Judgments of the revolutionary commission at

Strasbourg.)--"The head-clerk in Hecht's apothecary shop is accused of

selling two ounces of rhubarb and manna at fifty-four sous; Hecht, the

proprietor, is condemned to a fine of fifteen thousand livres. Madeleine

Meyer, at Rosheim, a retailer, is accused of selling a candle for ten

sous and is condemned to a fine of one thousand livres, payable in three

days. Braun, butcher and bar-keeper, accused of having sold a glass of

wine for twenty sous, is condemned to a fine of forty thousand francs,

to be imprisoned until this is paid, and to exposure in the pillory

before his own house for four hours, with this inscription: debaser

of the national currency."--"Recueil de Pieces, etc., at Strasbourg,"

(supplement, pp. 21, 30, 64). "Marie Ursule Schnellen and Marie

Schultzmann, servant, accused of monopolising milk. The former is

sentenced to the pillory for one day under a placard, monopoliser of

milk, and to hold in one hand the money and, in the other, the milk-pot;

the other, a servant with citizen Benner. ... he, the said Benner,

is sentenced to a fine of three hundred livres, payable in three

days."--"Dorothy Franz, convicted of having sold two heads of salad at

twenty sous, and of thus having depreciated the value of assignats, is

sentenced to a fine of three thousand livres, imprisonment for six weeks

and exposure in the pillory for two hours."--Ibid., I., 18. "A grocer,

accused of having sold sugar-candy at lower than the rate, although not

comprised in the list, is sentenced to one hundred thousand livres fine

and imprisonment until peace is declared."--Orders by Saint-Just and

Lebas, Nivose 3, year II. "The criminal court of the department of the

Lower-Rhine is ordered to destroy the house of any one convicted of

having made sales below the rates fixed by the maximum," consequently,

the house of one Schauer, a furrier, is torn down, Nivose 7.]

[Footnote 4240: Archives des Affaires Étrangères, vol. 322. (Letter by

Haupt, Belfort, Brumaire 3, year II.) "On my arrival here, I found the

law of the maximum promulgated and in operation... (but) the necessary

steps have not been taken to prevent a new monopoly by the country

people, who have flocked in to the shops of the dealers, carried off all

their goods and created a factitious dearth."]

[Footnote 4241: Archives Nationales, F.7, 4421. (Petitions of merchants

and shop-keepers at Troyes in relation to the revolutionary tax,

especially of hatters, linen, cotton and woollen manufacturers, weavers

and grocers. There is generally a loss of one-half, and sometimes of

three-fourths of the purchase money.)]

[Footnote 4242: Archives des Affaires étrangères, vol.330. (Letter of

Brutus, Marseilles, Nivose 6, year II.) "Since the maximum everything is

wanting at Marseilles."--Ibid. (Letter by Soligny and Gosse, Thionville,

Nivose 5, year II.) "No peasant is willing to bring anything to

market... They go off six leagues to get a better price and thus the

communes which they once supplied are famishing.. According as they are

paid in specie or assignats the difference often amounts to two hundred

per cent., and nearly always to one hundred per cent."--"Un Sejour en

France," pp. 188-189.--Archives Nationales, D.. P I., file 2. (Letter of

Representative Albert, Germinal 19, year II., and of Joffroy,

national agent, district of Bar-sur-Aube, Germinal 5, year III.

"The municipalities have always got themselves exempted from the

requisitions, which all fall on the farmers and proprietors unable to

satisfy them.... The allotment among the tax-payers is made with

the most revolting inequality.... Partiality through connections of

relatives and of friendship."]

[Footnote 4243: Decrees of September 29, 1793 (articles 8 and 9); of

May 4 and 20, and June 26, 1794.--Archives Nationales, AF., II., 68-72.

(Orders of the Committee of Public Safety, Prairial 26, year II.) "The

horses and wagons of coal peddlers, the drivers accustomed to taking

to Paris by law a portion of the supply of coal used in baking in the

department of Seine-et-Marne, are drafted until the 1st of Brumaire

next, for the transportation of coal to Paris. During this time they

cannot be drafted for any other service." (A good many orders in

relation to provisions and articles of prime necessity may be found in

these files, mostly in the handwriting of Robert Lindet.)]

[Footnote 4244: Cf. "The Revolution," II., 69.--Dauban, "Paris en

1794." (Report by Pouvoyeur, March 15, 1794.) "A report has been long

circulated that all the aged were to be slaughtered; there is not a

place where this falsehood is not uttered."]

[Footnote 4245: Archives Nationales, F.7, 4435, file 10, letters of

Collot d'Herbois, Brumaire 17 and 19, year II.--De Martel, "Fouché,"

340, 341. Letters of Collot d'Herbois, November 7 and 9, 1793.]

[Footnote 4246: De Martel, ibid., 462. (Proclamation by Javogues,

Pluviose 13, year II.)]

[Footnote 4247: Archives des Affaires étrangères, vol. 330. (Letter of

Brutus, political agent, Nivôse 6.)]

[Footnote 4248: Archives Nationales, AF., II., 116. (Orders of Taillefer

and Marat-Valette, and Deliberations of the Directory of Lot, Brumaire

20, year II.)]

[Footnote 4249: Archives des Affaires étrangères, vol. 331. (Letter of

the agent Bertrand, Frimaire 3.)]

[Footnote 4250: Ibid., vol. 1332. (Letter of the agent Chépy, Brumaire

2.)]

[Footnote 4251: Ibid., vol.1411. (Letter of Blessmann and Hauser,

Brumaire 30.)--Ibid. (Letter of Haupt, Belfort, Brumaire 29.) "I believe

that Marat's advice should be followed here and a hundred scaffolds be

erected; there are not guillotines enough to cut off the heads of the

monopolists. I shall do what I can to have the pleasure of seeing one of

these damned bastards play hot cockles."]

[Footnote 4252: Ibid., vol.333. (Letter of Garrigues, Pluviôse 16.)]

[Footnote 4253: "Souvenirs et Journal d'un Bourgeois d'Evreux,"

pp.83-85. (June and July, 1794.)--Ibid., at Nantes.--Dauban, "Paris en

1794," p.194, March 4.]

[Footnote 4254: Archives des Affaires étrangères, vols. 331 and 332.

(Letters of Désgranges, Frimaire 3 and 8 and 10.) "Many of the peasants

have eaten no bread for a fortnight. Most of them no longer work."

Buchez et Roux, XVIII., 346. (Session of the convention, Brumaire 14,

Speech by Legendre.)]

[Footnote 4255: Moniteur, xix., 671. (Speech by Tallien, March 12,

1794.) Buchez et Roux, XXXII., 423. (Letter of Jullien, June 15, 1794.)]

[Footnote 4256: Archives Nationales, AF., II., 111. (Letters of Michaud,

Chateauroux, Pluviôse 18 and 19, year II.)]

[Footnote 4257: Dauban, "Paris en 1794," 410, 492, 498. (Letters frora

the national agent of the district of Sancoins, Thermidor 9, year II.;

from the Directory of Allier, Thermidor 9; from the national agent of

the district of Villefort, Thermidor 9.)--Gouverneur Morris, April 10,

1794, says in a letter to Washington that the famine in many places is

extremely severe. Men really die of starvation who have the means to buy

bread if they could only get it.]

[Footnote 4258: Volney, "Voyage en Orient," II., 344. "When

Constantinople lacks food twenty provinces are starved for its supply."]

[Footnote 4259: Archives Nationales, AF., II, 46, 68. (Decree of

committee of Public Safety.) The Treasury pays over to the city of Paris

for subsistence, on Aug. 2, 1793, two millions, August 14, three, and

September 2nd, one million; September 8, 16, and 23, one million each,

and so on.... Between August 7, 1793 and Germinal '9, year II., the

Treasury paid over to Paris, thirty one millions.]

[Footnote 4260: Ibid, AF., II., 68. Decrees of Brumaire 14, Nivôse 7 and

Germinal 22 on the departments assigned to the supply of Paris. Buchez

et Roux, XXVIII., 489. (Speech by Danton in Jacobin club, Aug.28, '793.)

"I constantly asserted that it was necessary to give all to the mayor of

Paris if he exacted it to feed its inhabitants.. .. Let us sacrifice one

hundred and ten millions and save Paris and through it, the Republic."]

[Footnote 4261: Archives des Affaires étrangères, vols. 1410 and 1411.

Reports of June 20 and 21, 1793, July 21, 22, 28, 29 and 31, and every

day of the months of August and September, 1793. Schmidt, "Tableaux de

la Revolution Française," vol. II., passim--Dauban, "Paris in 1794,"

(especially throughout Ventôse, year II.).--Archives Nationales, F.7,

31167. (Reports for Nivôse, year II.)]

[Footnote 4262: Dauban, "Paris en 1794,". (Report of Ventôse 2.)]

[Footnote 4263: Mercier, "Paris Pendant la Revolution," I., 355.]

[Footnote 4264: Archives des Affaires étrangères, 141 I. (Reports of

August 1 and 2, 1763.) "At one o'clock in the morning, we were surprised

to find men and women lying along the sides of the houses patiently

waiting for the shops to open."--Dauban, 231. (Report of Ventôse 24.) To

obtain the lights of a hog, at the slaughter house near the Jardin des

Plantes, at the rate of three francs ten sous, instead of thirty sous as

formerly, women "were lying on the ground with little baskets by their

side and waiting four and five hours."]

[Footnote 4265: Archives Nationales, F.7, 31167. (Reports of Nivôse 9

and 28.) "The streets of Paris are always abominable; they are certainly

afraid to use those brooms." Dauban, 120. (Ventôse 9.) "The rue St.

Anne is blocked up with manure. In that part of it near the Rue Louvois,

heaps of this stretch along the walls for the past fortnight."]

[Footnote 4266: Archives des Affaires étrangères, vol.1411. (Reports of

August 9, 1793.) Mercier, I., 353.--Dauban, 530. (Reports of Fructidor

27, year II. "There are always great gatherings at the coal depots. They

begin at midnight. one, two o'clock in the morning. Many of the habitués

take advantage of the obscurity and commit all sorts of indecencies."]

[Footnote 4267: Schmidt, "Tableaux de la Revolution Française,"

II., 155. (Reports of Ventôse 25.)--Dauban, 188. (Reports of Ventôse

19).--Ibid., (Reports of Ventôse 2.) Ibid., 126. (Reports of Ventôse

10.)--Archives Nationales, F. 7, 31167. (Reports of Nivôse 28, year II.)

The women "denounce the butchers and pork sellers who pay no attention

to the maximum law, giving only the poorest meat to the poor." Ibid.,

(Reports of Nivôse 6.) "It is frightful to see what the butchers give

the people."]

[Footnote 4268: Mercier, 363. "The women struggled with all their might

against the men and contracted the habit of swearing. The last on the

row knew how to worm themselves up to the head of it." Buchez et Roux,

XXVIII., 364. ("Journal de la Montague," July 28, 1793. "One citizen was

killed on Sunday, July 21, one of the Gravilliers (club) in trying

to hold on to a six pound loaf of bread which he had just secured for

himself and family. Another had a cut on his arm the same day in the Rue

Froid-Manteau. A pregnant woman was wounded and her child died in her

womb."]

[Footnote 4269: Archives des Affaires étrangères, vol.1410. (Reports of

August 6 and 7, 1793.)]

[Footnote 4270: Dauban, 144. (Reports of Ventôse 19.)]

[Footnote 4271: Dauban, 199. (Reports of Ventôse 19.)--Dauban, "La

Demagogie en 1793," p. 470. "Scarcely had the peasants arrived when

harpies in women's clothes attacked them and carried off their goods....

Yesterday, a peasant was beaten for wanting to sell his food at the

'maximum' rate." (October 19, 1793.)--Dauban, "Paris en 1794," 144,

173, 199. (Reports of Ventôse 13, 17 and 19.)--Archives des Affaires

étrangères, vol. 1410. (Reports of June 26 and 27, 1793.) Wagons and

boats are pillaged for candles and soap.]

[Footnote 4272: Dauban, 45. (Reports of Pluviôse 17.) 222. (Reports of

Ventôse 23.)--160. (Reports of Ventôse 15.)--340. (Reports of Germinal

28.)--87. (Reports of Ventôse 5.)]

[Footnote 4273: Archives Nationales, AF., II., 116. (Order of Paganel,

Castres, Pluviôse 6 and 7, year II. "The steps taken to obtain returns

of food have not fulfilled the object.... The statements made are either

false or inexact.") Cf., for details, the correspondence of the other

representatives on mission.--Dauban," Paris en 1794." 190. (Speech by

Fouquier-Tinville in the Convention, Ventôse 19.) "The mayor of Pont St.

Maxence has dared to say that 'when Paris sends us sugar we will then

see about letting her have our eggs and butter.'"]

[Footnote 4274: Archives des Affaires étrangères, vol. 1411. (Reports

of August 7 and 8, 1793.) "Seven thousand five hundred pounds of bread,

about to be taken out, have been stopped at the barriers."--Dauban, 45.

(Orders of the day. Pluviôse 17.) Lamps are set up at all the posts,

"especially at la Greve and Passy, so as to light up the river and

see that no eatables pass outside."--Mercier, I., 355.--Dauban, 181.

(Reports of Ventôse 18.)--210. (Reports of Ventôse 21.)--190. Speech by

Fouquier, Ventôse 19.) "The butchers in Paris who cannot sell above the

maximum carry the meat they buy to the Sèvres butchers and sell it at

any price they please. "--257. (Reports of Ventôse 27.) "You see, about

ten o'clock in the evening, aristocrats and other egoists coming to

the dealers who supply Egalité's mansion (the Duke of Orleans) and

buy chickens and turkeys which they carefully conceal under their

overcoats."]

[Footnote 4275: Dauban, 255. (Orders of the day by Henriot, Ventôse 27.)

"I have to request my brethren in arms not to take any rations whatever.

This little deprivation will silence the malevolent who seek every

opportunity to humble us."--Ibid.,359. "On Floreal 29, between five and

six o'clock in the morning, a patrol of about fifteen men of the Bonnet

Rouge section, commanded by a sort of commissary, stop subsistences on

the Orleans road and take them to their section."]

[Footnote 4276: Dauban, 341. (Letter of the Commissioner on

Subsistences, Germinal 23.) "The supplies are stolen under the people's

eyes, or what they get is of inferior quality." The commissioner is

surprised to find that, having provided so much, so little reaches the

consumers.]

[Footnote 4277: Archives des Affaires étrangères, vol.1411. (Reports

of August 11-12 and 31, and Sept. 1, 1793.)--Archives Nationales, F. 7,

31167.) (Reports of Nivôse 7 and 12, year II.)]

[Footnote 4278: Dauban, "Paris" en 1794, 60, 68, 69, 71, 82, 93, 216,

231.--Schmidt, "Tableaux de Paris," 187, 190.--Archives Nationales, F.

7, 31167. (Report of Leharivel, Nivôse 7.)--The gunsmiths employed by

the government likewise state that they have for a long time had nothing

to eat but bread and cheese.]

[Footnote 4279: Dauban, 231. (Report of Perriére, Ventôse 24.) "Butter

of which they make a god."]

[Footnote 4280: Ibid., 68. (Report of Ventôse 2.)]

[Footnote 4281: Archives Nationales, F.7, 31167. (Report of Nivôse

28.)--Dauban, 144. (Report of Nivôse 14.)]

[Footnote 4282: Dauban, 81. (Report of Latour-Lamontagne, Ventôse 4.)]

[Footnote 4283: "Souvenirs et Journal d'un Bourgeois d'Evreux," 83.

"Friday, June 15, 1794, a proclamation is made that all who have any

provisions in their houses, wheat, barley, rye, flour and even bread,

must declare them within twenty four hours under penalty of being

regarded as an enemy of the country and declared 'suspect,' put under

arrest and tried by the courts."--Schmidt, "Tableaux de la Revolution

Française," II.. 214. A seizure is made at Passy of two pigs and forty

pounds of butter, six bushels of beans, etc., in the domicile of

citizen Lucet who had laid in supplies for sixteen persons of his own

household.]

[Footnote 4284: Archives Nationales, AF., II., 68. Orders of the

Committee of Public Safety, Pluviôse 23, referring to the law of

Brumaire 25, forbidding the extraction of more than fifteen pounds of

bran from a quintal of flour. Order directing the removal of bolters

from bakeries and mills; he who keeps or conceals these on his property

"shall be treated as 'suspect' and put under arrest until peace is

declared."--Berryat Saint Prix, 357, 362. At Toulouse, three persons are

condemned to death for monopoly. At Montpelier, a baker, two dealers

and a merchant are guillotined for having invoiced, concealed and kept a

certain quantity of gingerbread cakes intended solely for consumption by

anti-revolutionaries.]

[Footnote 4285: "Un Séjour en France," (April 22, 1794).]

[Footnote 4286: Ludovic Sciout, IV., 236. (Proclamation of the

representatives on mission in Finisterre.) "Magistrates of the people

tell all farmers and owners of land that their crops belong to the

nation and that they are simply its depositaries." Archives Nationales,

AF., II., 92. (Orders by Bô, representative in Cautal, Pluviôse 8.)

"Whereas, as all citizens in a Republic form one family.... all those

who refuse to assist their brethren and neighbors under the specious

pretext that they have not sufficient supplies must be regarded as

'suspect' citizens."]

[Footnote 4287: Archives Nationales, AF., II., 68. (Orders of the

Committee of Public Safety, Prairial 28.) The maximum price is fourteen

francs the quintal; after Messidor 30, it is not to be more than eleven

francs.]

[Footnote 4288: Ibid., AF., II., 116 and 106, orders of Paganel,

Castres, Pluviôse 6 and 7. Orders of Dartigoyte, Floréal 23, 25, and

29.]

[Footnote 4289: Ibid., AF., II., 147. (Orders of Maignet, Avignon,

Prairial 2.)]

[Footnote 4290: Moniteur, XXIII., 397 (Speech by Dubois-Crancé, May

5, 1795.) "The Committee on Commerce (and Supplies) had thirty-five

thousand employees in its service."]

[Footnote 4291: Archives Nationales, AF., II., 68. (Orders of the

Committee of Public Safety, Prairial 28.) Decret of Messidor 8, year II.

"All kinds of grain and the hay of the present crop are required by the

government." A new estimate is made, each farmer being obliged to state

the amount of his crop; verification, confiscation in case of inaccurate

declarations, and orders to thrash out the sheaves.--Dauban, 490.

(Letter of the national agent of Villefort, Thermidor 19.) Calculations

and the reasoning of farmers with a view to avoid sowing and planting:

"Not so much on account of the lack of hands as not to ruin oneself by

sowing and raising an expensive crop which, they say, affords them

small returns when they sell their grain at so low a price." Archives

Nationales, AF., II. 106. (Letter of the national agent in Gers and

Haute-Garonne, Floréal 25.) "They say here, that as soon as the crop is

gathered, all the grain will be taken away, without leaving anything to

live on. It is stated that all salt provisions are going to be taken and

the agriculturists reduced to the horrors of a famine."]

[Footnote 4292: Moniteur, XXII., 21. (Speech by Lindet, September 7,

1794.) "We have long feared that the ground would not be tilled, that

the meadows would be covered with cattle while the proprietors and

farmers were kept in prison." Archives Nationales, D., P I, No. I.

(Letter from the district of Bar-sur-Seine, Ventôse 14, year III.) "The

'maximum' causes the concealment of grain. The quit-claims ruined the

consumers and rendered them desperate. How many wretches, indeed, have

been arrested,--attacked, confiscated, fined and ruined for having

gone off fifteen or twenty leagues to get grain with which to feed their

wives and children?"]

[Footnote 4293: AF., II., 106. (Circular by Dartigoyte, Floréal

25.) "You must apply this rule, that is, make the municipal officers

responsible for the non cultivation of the soil." "If any citizen

allows himself a different kind of bread, other than that which all the

cultivators and laborers in the commune use, I shall have him brought

before the courts conjointly with the municipality as being the first

culprit guilty of having tolerated it... Reduce, if necessary, three

fourths of the bread allowed to non laboring citizens because muscadins

and muscadines: have resources and, besides, lead an idle life."]

[Footnote 4294: AF., II., III. (Letters of Ferry, Bourges, Messidor 23,

to his "brethren in the popular club," and "to the citoyennes (women) of

Indre-et-Cher.")]

[Footnote 4295: Moniteur, XXI., 171. (Letter from Avignon, Messidor 9,

and letter of the Jacobins of Arles.]

[Footnote 4296: Moniteur, XXI., 184. (Decree of Messidor 21.)]

[Footnote 4297: Gouverneur Morris. (correspondence with Washington.

Letters of March 27 and April 10, 1794.) He says that there is no record

of such an early spring. Rye has headed out and clover is in flower. It

is astonishing to see apricots in April as large as pigeons' eggs.

In the south, where the dearth is most severe, he has good reason to

believe that the ground is supplying the inhabitants with food. A frost

like that of the year before in the month of May (1793) would help the

famine more than all the armies and fleets in Europe.]

[Footnote 4298: Stalin was to test the system and prove Taine right.

(SR.)]

[Footnote 4299: Archives Nationales, AF., II., 73. (Letter by the

Directory of Calvados, Prairial 26, year III.) "We have not a grain

of wheat in store, and the prisons are full of cultivators." Archives

Nationales, D., p 1, file No.3. (Warrants of arrest issued by

Representative Albert, Pluviôse 19, year III., Germinal 7 and 16.)

On the details of the difficulties and annoyances attending the

requisitions, cf. this file and the five preceding or following files.

(Letter of the National agent, district of Nogent-sur-Seine, Germinal

13.) "I have had summoned before the district court a great many

cultivators and proprietors who are in arrears in furnishing the

requisitions made on them by their respective municipalities.... A large

majority declared that they were unable to furnish in full even if their

seed were taken. The court ordered the confiscation of the said grain

with a fine equal to the value of the quantity demanded of those called

upon.. It is now my duty to execute the sentence. But, I must observe to

you, that if you do not reduce the fine, many of them will be reduced

to despair. Hence I await your answer so that I may act accordingly."

(Another letter from the same agent, Germinal 9.) "It is impossible

to supply the market of Villarceaux; seven communes under requisition

prevented it through the district of Sozannes which constantly keeps

an armed force there to carry grain away as soon as thrashed."--It is

interesting to remark the inquisitorial sentimentality of the official

agents and the low stage of culture. (Proces verbal of the Magincourt

municipality, Ventôse 7.) Of course I am obliged to correct the spelling

so as to render it intelligible. The said Croiset, gendarme, went with

the national agent into the houses of citizens in arrears, of whom,

amongst those in arrears, nobody refused but Jean Mauchin, whom we could

not keep from talking against him, seeing that he is wholly egoist and

only wants for himself. He declared to us that, if, the day before his

harvesting he had any left, he would share it with the citizens that

needed it.. .. Alas, yes, how could one refrain from shutting up such

an egoist who wants only for himself to the detriment of his fellow

citizens? A proof of the truth is that he feeds in his house three dogs,

at least one hundred and fifty chickens and even pigeons, which uses

up a lot of grain, enough to hinder the satisfaction of all the

requisitions. He might do without dogs, as his court is enclosed he

might likewise content himself with thirty chickens and then be able

to satisfy the requisitions." This document is signed "Bertrand,

Agen."--Mauchin, on the strength of it, is incarcerated at Troyes "at

his own expense."]

[Footnote 42100: Ibid. Letter from the district of Bar sur Seine,

Ventôse 14, year III. Since the abolition of the "maximum," "the

inhabitants travel thirty and forty leagues to purchase wheat." (Letter

from the municipality of Troyes, Ventôse 15.) "According to the price

of grain, which we keep on buying, by agreement, bread will cost fifteen

sous (the pound) next decade."]

The French Revolution - Volume 3 · 第 9 / 11 章