Accordingly, several members of the Committee themselves oversee

executions and lend a hand in the massacres.--One of these, Goullin, a

creole from St. Domingo, sensual and nervous, accustomed to treating a

Negro as an animal and a Frenchman as a white Negro, a Septembriseur

on principle, chief instigator and director of the "drownings," goes in

person to empty the prison of Bouffay, and, verifying that death, the

hospital or releases, had removed the imprisoned for him, adds, of

his own authority, fifteen names, taken haphazard, to reach his

figures.--Joly, a commissioner on the Committee, very expert in the

art of garroting, ties the hands of prisoners together two and two and

conducts them to the river.[33162]--Grand-maison, another member of

the Committee, a former dancing-master, convicted of two murders

and pardoned before the Revolution, strikes down with his saber

the imploring hands stretched out to him over the planks of the

lighter.[33163]--Pinard, another Committee-commissioner, ransoms, steals

off into the country and himself kills, through preference, women and

children.[33164] Naturally, the three bands which operate along with

them, or under their orders, comprise only men of their species. In the

first one, called the Marat company, each of the sixty members swears,

on joining it, to adopt Marat's principles and carry out Marat's

doctrine. Goullin,[33165] one of the founders, demands in relation to

each member, "Isn't there some one still more rascally? For we must have

that sort to bring the aristocrats to reason!"[33166] After Frimaire

5 "the Maratists" boast of their arms being "tired out" with striking

prisoners with the flat of their sabers to make them march to the

Loire,[33167] and we see that, notwithstanding this fatigue, the

business suited them, as their officers tried to influence Carrier to be

detailed on the "drowning" service and because it was lucrative. The men

and women sentenced to death, were first stripped of their clothes down

to the shirt, and even the shift; it would be a pity to let valuable

objects go to the bottom with their owners, and therefore the drowners

divide these amongst themselves; a wardrobe in the house of the adjutant

Richard is found full of jewelry and watches.[33168] This company of

sixty must have made handsome profits out of the four or five thousand

drowned.-The second band, called "the American Hussars," and who

operated in the outskirts, was composed of blacks and mulattos, numerous

enough in this town of privateers. It is their business to shoot women,

whom they first violate; "they are our slaves," they say; "we have won

them by the sweat of our brows." "Those who have the misfortune to be

spared, become in their hands mad in a couple of days; in any event they

are re-arrested shortly afterwards and shot.--The last band, which

is styled "The German Legion," is formed out of German deserters and

mercenaries speaking little or no French. They are employed by the

Military Commission to dispatch the Vendeans picked up along the

highways, and who are usually shot in groups of twenty five. "I came,"

says an eye-witness,[33169] "to a sort of gorge where there was a

semi-circular quarry; there, I noticed the corpses of seventy-five women

naked and lying on their backs." The victims of that day consisted of

girls from sixteen to eighteen years of age. One of them says to her

conductor, "I am sure you are taking us to die," and the German replies

in his broken jargon, probably with a coarse laugh," No, it is for a

change of air. They are placed in a row in front of the bodies of the

previous day and shot. Those who do not fall, see the guns reloaded;

these are again shot and the wounded dispatched with the butt ends of

the muskets. Some of the Germans then rifle the bodies, while others

strip them and "place them on their backs."--To find workmen for this

task, it is necessary to descend, not only to the lowest wretches in

France but, again, to the brutes of a foreign race and tongue, and yet

lower still, to an inferior race degraded by slavery and perverted by

license.

Such, from the top to the bottom of the ladder, at every stage of

authority and obedience, is the ruling staff of the revolutionary

government.[33170] Through its recruits and its work, through its morals

and modes of proceeding, it evokes the almost forgotten image of

its predecessors, for there is an image of it in the period from the

fourteenth to the seventeenth century. At that time also, society

was frequently overcome and ravaged by barbarians; dangerous nomads,

malevolent outcasts, bandits turned into soldiers suddenly pounced down

on an industrious and peaceful population. Such was the case in France

with the "Routiers" and the "Tard-venus," at Rome with the army of the

Constable of Bourbon, in Flanders with the bands of the Duke of Alba

and the Duke of Parma, in Westphalia and in Alsace, with Wallenstein's

veterans, and those of Bernard of Saxe-Weimar. They lived upon a town

or province for six months, fifteen months, two years, until the town

or province was exhausted. They alone were armed, master of the

inhabitants, using and abusing things and persons according to their

caprices. But they were declared bandits, calling themselves scorchers,

(ecorcheurs) riders and adventurers, and not pretending to be

humanitarian philosophers. Moreover, beyond an immediate and personal

enjoyment, they demanded nothing; they employed brutal force only to

satiate their greed, their cruelty, their lust.--The latter add

to private appetites a far greater devastation, the systematic and

gratuitous ravages enforced upon them by the superficial theory with

which they are imbued.

*****

[Footnote 3301: "The Revolution," II., pp. 298-304, and p. 351.]

[Footnote 3302: "The Revolution," II., pp.298-304, and p. 351. Should

the foregoing testimony be deemed insufficient, the following, by

those foreigners who had good opportunities for judging, may be added:

(Gouverneur Morris, letter of December 3, 1794.) "The French are plunged

into an abyss of poverty and slavery, a slavery all the more degrading

because the men who have plunged them into it merit the utmost

contempt."--Meissner, "Voyage à Paris," (at the end of 1795,) p. 160.

"The (revolutionary) army and the revolutionary committees were

really associations organized by crime for committing every species of

injustice, murder, rapine, and brigandage with impunity. The government

had deprived all men of any talent or integrity of their places

and given these to its creatures, that is to say, to the dregs of

humanity."--Baron Brinckmann, Chargé d'Affaires from Sweden. (Letter of

July 11, 1799.) "I do not believe that the different classes of society

in France are more corrupt than elsewhere; but I trust that no people

may ever be ruled by as imbecile and cruel scoundrels as those that have

ruled France since the advent of its new state of freedom... The dregs

of the people, stimulated from above by sudden and violent excitement,

have everywhere brought to the surface the scum of immorality."]

[Footnote 3303: Fleury, "Babeuf," 139, 150.--Granier de Cassagnac,

"Histoire du Directoire," II., 24-170.--(Trial of Babeuf, passim.) The

above quotations are from documents seized in Babeuf's house, also from

affidavits made by witnesses, and especially by captain Grizel.]

[Footnote 3304: Moniteur, session of September 5, 1793. "Since our

virtue, our moderation, our philosophic ideas, are of no use to us, let

us be brigands for the good of the people; let us be brigands!"]

[Footnote 3305: Babeuf, "Le Tribun du Peuple," No.40. Apologia for the

men of September, "who have only been the priests, the sacrificers of a

just immolation for public security. If anything is to be regretted it

is that a larger and more general Second of September did not sweep away

all starvers and all despoilers."]

[Footnote 3306: Granier de Cassagnac, II., 90. (Deposition of Grisel.)

Rossignol said, "That snuff-box is all I have left, here it is so that

I may exist."--"Massard owned a pair of boots which he could not collect

because he had no money with which to pay the shoemaker."]

[Footnote 3307: Archives Nationales, Cf. 31167. (Report of Robin,

Nivôse 9.): "The women always had a deliberative voice in the popular

assemblies of the Pantheon section," and in all the other clubs they

attended the meetings.]

[Footnote 3308: Moniteur, XIX., 103. (Meeting of the Jacobin club,

Dec. 28, 1793.) Dubois-Crancé introduces the following question to each

member who is subjected to the weeding-out vote: "What have you done

that would get you hung in case of a counter revolution?"]

[Footnote 3309: Ibid., XVII., 410. (Speech by Maribon-Montaut, Jacobin

club, Brumaire 21, year II.)]

[Footnote 3310: Dauban, "Paris in 1794," 142. (Police report of Ventôse

13, year II.)]

[Footnote 3311: Morellet, "Mémoires," II. 449.]

[Footnote 3312: Dauban, ib.,, 35. (Note drawn up in January, 1794,

probably by the physician Quêvremont de Lamotte.)--Ibid., 82.--Cf.

Morellet, II., 434-470. (Details on the issue of certificates of civism,

in September, 1793.)]

[Footnote 3313: Archives Nationales, F.7, 31167. (Report by

Latour-Lamontagne, Ventôse 1, year II.): "It is giving these

associations too much influence; it is destroying the jurisdiction of

the general assemblies (of the section.) We find accordingly, that

these are being deserted and that the plotters and intriguers succeed in

making popular clubs the centers of public business in order to control

affairs more easily."]

[Footnote 3314: Dauban, ibid., 203. (Report by Bacon-Tacon, Ventose 19.)

"In the general assembly of the Maison Commune section all citizens of

any rank in the companies have been weeded out. The slightest stain

of incivism, the slightest negligence in the service, caused their

rejection. Out of twenty-five who passed censorship-nineteen at least

were rejected....Most of them due to their trade such as eating-house

keeper, shoe-maker, cook, carpenter, tailor etc."]

[Footnote 3315: Ibid., 141. (Report by Charmont, Ventôse 12.)--Ibid,

140. "There is only one way, it is said at the Café des Grands Hommes,

on the boulevard, to keep from being arrested, and that is to scheme for

admission into the civil and revolutionary committees when there happens

to be a vacancy. Before salaries were attached to these places

nobody wanted them; since that, there are disputes as to who shall be

appointed."]

[Footnote 3316: Ibid., 307. (Report of Germinal 7.)]

[Footnote 3317: Wallon, "Histoire du Tribunal Revolutionaire," IV.,

129.]

[Footnote 3318: Archives Nationales, AF., II., 46. (Act of the Committee

of Public Safety, Prairial 15.): "Citizens Pillon, Gouste and Né,

members of the Revolutionary committee of the Marat section, are

removed. Their duties will be performed by citizens Martin, Majon and

Mirel. Mauvielle, rue de la Liberté, No. 32, is appointed on the said

Revolutionary Committee to complete it, as it was only composed of

eleven members."--And other similar acts.]

[Footnote 3319: Duverger, decree of Frimaire 14, year II. "The

application of revolutionary laws and measures of general security

and public safety is confided to the municipalities and revolutionary

committees." See, in chapter II., the extent of the domain thus defined.

It embraces nearly everything. It suffices to run through the registers

of a few of the revolutionary committees, to verify this enormous power

and see how they interfere in every detail of individual life]

[Footnote 3320: Archives Nationales, F.7, 31167. (Report, Nivôse 1, year

II., by Leharival.)]

[Footnote 3321: Dauban, "Paris en 1794," 307. (Report of March 29,

1794.) It here relates to the "Piques" Section, Place Vendome.]

[Footnote 3322: Dauban, ib., 308. (Note found among Danton's papers and

probably written by the physician, Quevremont de Lamotte.)]

[Footnote 3323: Dauban, ib., 125. (Report of Bérard, Ventôse 10.) In the

words of a woman belonging to the Bonne-Novelle section: "My husband has

been in prison four months. And what for? He was one of the first at the

Bastille; he has always refused places so that the good sans-culottes

might have them, and, if he has made enemies, it was because he was

unwilling to see these filled by ignoramuses or new-comers, who,

vociferating and apparently thirsting for blood, have created a barrier

of partisans around them."]

[Footnote 3324: Dauban, ibid., 307. (Report of March 29, 1794.)]

[Footnote 3325: Ibid., 150. (Report of Ventôse 14.)--Archives

Nationales, F.7, 31167. (Reports of Nivôse 9 and 25.): "A great many

citizens are found in the sections who are called out after the meeting,

to get forty sous. I notice that most of them are masons, and even a few

coach drivers belonging to the nation, who can do without the nation's

indemnity, which merely serves them for drink to make them very

noisy."--"The people complain, because the persons to whom the forty

sous are given, to attend the section assemblies do nothing all day,

being able to work at different trades.... and they relay upon these

forty sous."]

[Footnote 3326: Dauban, ibid., 312. (Note by Quevremont.)--Moniteur,

XVIII., 568, (Meeting of the commune, Frimaire 11, year II.): "The

Beaurepaire section advertises that wishing to put a stop to the

cupidity of the wine-dealers of the arrondissement, it has put seals on

all their cellars."]

[Footnote 3327: Dauban, ibid., 345. (Order of the day by Henriot,

Floreal 9.)]

[Footnote 3328: Mallet-Dupan, II., 56. (March, 1794.)]

[Footnote 3329: Buchez et Roux, XXVII., 10. (Speech by Barbaroux, May

14, 1793.)--Report on the papers found in Robespierre's apartment

by Courtois, 285. (Letter by Collot d'Herbois Frimaire 3, year II.,

demanding that Paris Jacobins be sent to him at Lyons.) "If I could have

asked for our old ones I should have done... but they are necessary at

Paris, almost all of them having been made mayors."]

[Footnote 3330: Meissner, "Voyage à Paris," (at the end of 1795,) 160.

"Persons who can neither read nor write obtain the places of accountants

of more or less importance."? Archives des Affaires étrangères,

vol. 324. (Denunciations of Pio to the club, against his

colleagues.)--Dauban, ibid., 35. (Note by Quevremont, Jan., 1794.):

"The honest man who knows how to work cannot get into the ministerial

bureaux, especially those of the War and Navy departments, as well as

those of the Commune and of the Departments, without having a lump in

his throat.--Offices are mostly filled by creatures of the Commune who

very often have neither talent nor integrity. Again, the denunciations,

always welcomed, however frivolous and baseless they may be, turn

everything upside down."]

[Footnote 3331: Moniteur, XXIV., 397 (Speech of Dubois-Crancé in the

Convention Floréal 16, year III.)--Archives Nationales, F.7, 31167.

(Report by Rolin, Nivôse 7, year II.) "The same complaints are heard

against the civil Commissioners of the section, most of whom are

unintelligent, not even knowing how to read."]

[Footnote 3332: Archives des Affaires étrangères, vol. 1411. (August,

1793.) "Plan adopted" for the organization of the Police, "excepting

executive modifications." In fact, some months later, the number of

claqueurs, male and female, is much greater, and finally reaches a

thousand. (Beaulieu, "Essais," V., l10.)--The same plan comprehends

fifteen agents at two thousand four hundred francs, "selected from the

frequenters of the clubs," to revise the daily morning lists; thirty at

one thousand francs, for watching popular clubs, and ninety to twelve

hundred francs for watching the section assemblies.]

[Footnote 3333: Archives Nationales, F.7, 4436. (Letter of Bouchotte,

Minister of war, Prairial 5, year II.) "The appointment of Ronsin, as

well as of all his staff, again excited public opinion. The Committee,

to assure itself, sent the list to the Jacobin club, where they were

accepted."--Ibid., AF.,II., 58. "Paris, Brumaire II, year II., club of

the Friends of Liberty and Equality, in session at the former Jacobin

club, rue St. Honoré. List of the citizens who are to set out for Lyons

and act as national commissioners. (Here follow their names.) All the

citizens designated have undergone the inspection of the said club, at

its meeting this day." (Here follow the signatures of the President and

three secretaries.)--"Journal des Débats et Correspondence de la Société

des Jacobins, No.543, 5th day of the 3rd month of the year II.--In

relation to the formation of a new Central club, "Terrasson is of

opinion that this club may become liberticide, and demands a committee

to examine into it and secure its extinction. The committee demanded by

Terrasson is appointed."--It is evident that they hold on energetically

to this monopoly.--Cf. Moniteur, XIX., 637. (Ventôse 13.) Motion adopted

in the Jacobin club, obliging the ministers to turn out of office any

individual excluded from the club.]

[Footnote 3334: Dauban, ibid., 307. (Report of Germinal 9.)]

[Footnote 3335: Moniteur, XXII. 353. (Session of Brumaire 20, year III.

Reclamation made by M. Bélanger at the bar of the Convention.)]

[Footnote 3336: Archives Nationales, AF., II., 40. (Acts passed by the

Committee of Public Safety at the dates indicated.) Beaulieu, "Essais,"

v., 200. (Ibid.) The registers of the Committee of Public Safety contain

a number of similar gratuities paid to provincial clubs and patriots,

for instance, AF., II. 58, (Brumaire 8), fifty thousand francs to

Laplanche, and, (Brumaire 9), fifty thousand francs to Couthon, "to

maintain public spirit in Calvados, to revive public spirit in Lyons,

to aid, as required, the less successful patriots who zealously devote

their time to the service of their country."]

[Footnote 3337: Dauban, ibid., 171, (report of Ventôse 17), and 243,

(report of Ventôse 25), on the civil-committees and revolutionary

committees, who order meat served to them before serving it to the sick,

and who likewise serve the good friends of their wives.? Ibid., 146.

(Report of Ventôse 10.)... Archives Nationales F.7, 2475. (Register of

the deliberations of the revolutionary committee of the Piques sections,

Brumaire 27, year II.) "The Committee orders that the two-horse cab

belonging to Lemarche be henceforth at the service of the section and

of the Committee when measures of security are concerned." In this

register, and others of the same series, we clearly see the inside of

a committee and its vast despotism. Style and orthography, with almost

all, are of the same low order.]

[Footnote 3338: Archives des Affaires étrangères, vol. 1411. (Report of

Aug.21 and 22, 1793.) "General Henriot sent me several.... who made use

of the authority of the Committee of Public Safety and General Security,

as well as of that which he delegated to me, to make domiciliary visits

at the houses of individuals who were not assured patriots; but that did

not warrant their receiving money and even abstracting it."]

[Footnote 3339: Dauban, ibid., 36 and 48. (Case of the Notary,

Brichard.)]

[Footnote 3340: Cf. "The Revolution," II., 302, 303.--Mercier, "Paris

pendant la Revolution," I., 151.--Moniteur, XVIII., 660. (Session of

Frimaire 24, speech by Lecomtre in the Convention.)--On robberies and

the bribes paid, see, among other documents, "Mémoires sur les Prisons,"

I., 290. (Eighty thousand francs of bribes given to the head of the

police force by Perisial, keeper of an eating-house, for the privilege

of feeding prisoners in St. Lazare.)]

[Footnote 3341: Buchez et Roux, XXXV., 77. (Trial of Fouquier-Tinville.)

Testimony of Robillard: "Another day, in the general assembly, he struck

a citizen with his saber."]

[Footnote 3342: Buchez et Roux, XXXV., 407. (Lists in Robespierre's

handwriting.)]

[Footnote 3343: Miot de Melito, "Mémoires," I., 46-51.-Buchot is not

the only one of his species in the ministry of Foreign Affairs. In the

archives of this ministry, vol. 324, may be found the sayings and

doings of a certain Pio, an Italian refugee who slipped into the place,

simulating poverty, and displaying patriotism, and who denounces his

chief and colleagues.-The ex-notary Pigeot, condemned to twenty years

in irons and put in the pillory, Frimaire 9, year III., will come to

the surface; he is encountered under the Directory as introducer

of ambassadors.-Concerning one of the envoys of the Directory to

Switzerland, here is a note b~ Mallet-Dupan. ("Anecdotes manuscrites,"

October, 1797.) "The Directonal ambassador, who has come to exact from

the Swiss the expulsion of the body-guard, is named Mingot, of Belfort,

a relation of Reubell's, former body-guard to M. le Comte d'Artois.-He

came to Zurich with a prostitute, a seamstress of Zurich, established in

Berne. He was living with her at the expense of the Zurich government.

Having invited the family of this creature, that is to say a common

horse-driver with his wife and some other persons, to dinner, they drank

and committed such excesses that the driver's wife, who was big with

child, gave birth to it in the midst of the banquet. This creature gave

Mingot a disease which has laid him up at Basle."]

[Footnote 3344: "The Revolution," II., 338, 348, 354.]

[Footnote 3345: Martel, "Types Révolutionnaires," 136-144.--The

Minister of War appoints Henriot brigadier-general, July 3, 1793,

and major-general on the 19th of September, and says in a postscript,

"Please communicate your service record to me," unknown in the ministry

because they were of no account.--On the orgies at Choisy-sur-Seine, V.

(Archives, W2, 500-501), see investigation of Thermidor 18 and 19,

year II., made at Boisy-sur-Seine by Blache, agent of the committee

of General Security. Boulanger, brigadier-general, and Henriot's first

lieutenant, was an ex-companion jeweller.]

[Footnote 3346: Archives des Affaires étrangères, vol. 1411. Orders of

the day by Henriot, September 16, Vendémiaire 29, year II., and Brumaire

19, year II. Many of these orders of the day are published in Dauban,

("Paris en 1794"), p. 33. "Let our enemies pile up their property, build

houses and palaces, let them have them, what do we care, we republicans,

we do not want them! All we need to shelter us is a cabin, and as for

wealth, simply the habits, the virtues and the love of our country.

Headquarters, etc."--P. 43: "Yesterday evening a fire broke out in the

Grand Augustins.... Everybody worked at it and it was put out in a very

short time. Under the ancient regime the fire would have lasted for

days. Under the system of freemen the fire lasted only an hour. What a

difference!.. Headquarters, etc."]

[Footnote 3347: Wallon, "Histoire du Tribunal Révolutionnaire de Paris,"

V.252, 420. (Names and qualifications of the members of the Commune

of Paris, guillotined Thermidor 10 and 11.) The professions and

qualifications of some of its members are given in Lymery's

Biographical Dictionary, in Morellet's Memoirs and in Arnault's

Souvenirs.??Moniteur?? XVI., 719. (Verdicts of the Revolutionary

Tribunal, Fructidor 15, year II.) Forty-three members of the civil

or revolutionary committees, sectional commissioners, officers of

the National Guard and of the cannoneers, signed the list of the

council-general of the commune as present on the 9th of Thermidor and

are put on trial as Robespierre's adherents. But they promptly withdrew

their signatures, all being acquitted except one. They are leaders in

the Jacobin quarter and are of the same sort arid condition as their

brethren of the Hôtel-de-ville. One only, an ex-collector of rentes,

may have had an education; the rest are carpenters, floor-tilers,

shoemakers, tailors, wine-dealers, eating-house keepers, cartmen,

bakers, hair-dressers, and joiners. Among them we find one

ex-stone-cutter, one ex-office runner, one ex-domestic and two sons of

Samson the executioner.]

[Footnote 3348: Morellet, "Mémoires," I., 436-472.]

[Footnote 3349: On the ascendancy of the talkers of this class see

Dauban ("Paris en 1794," pp. 118-143). Details on an all-powerful

clothes-dealer in the Lombards Section. If we may believe the

female citizens of the Assembly "he said everywhere that whoever was

disagreeable to him should be turned out of the popular club." (Ventôse

13, year II.)]

[Footnote 3350: Arnault, "Souvenirs d'un Sexagénaire," III., 111.

Details on another member of the commune, Bergot, ex-employee at the

Halle-aux-Cuirs and police administrator, may be found in "Mémoires des

Prisons," I., 232, 239, 246, 289, 290. Nobody treated the prisoners more

brutally, who protested against the foul food served out to them, than

he. "It is too good for bastards who are going to be guillotined."....

"He got drunk with the turnkeys and with the commissioners themselves.

One day he staggered in walking, and spoke only in hiccoughs: he would

go in that condition. The house-guard refused to recognize him; he was

arrested" and the concierge had to repeat her declarations to make the

officer of the post "give up the hog."]

[Footnote 3351: "Mémoires sur les Prisons," I., 211. (" Tableau

Historique de St. Lazare.") The narrator is put into prison in the rue

de Sèvres in October, 1793.--II., 186. ("An historical account of the

jail in the rue de Sèvres.") The narrator was confined there during the

last months of the Reign of Terror.]

[Footnote 3352: A game of chance.]

[Footnote 3353: "Un Séjour en France de 1792 à 1795," 281. "We had an

appointment in the afternoon with a person employed by the committee on

National Domains; he was to help my friend with her claims. This man

was originally a valet to the Marquise's brother; on the outbreak of the

Revolution he set up a shop, failed and became a rabid Jacobin, and, at

last, member of a revolutionary committee. As such, he found a

way.... to intimidate his creditors and obtain two discharges of his

indebtedness without taking the least trouble to pay his debts.".... "I

know an old lady who was kept in prison three months for having demanded

from one of these patriots three hundred livres which he owed her."

(June 3, 1795.) "I have generally noticed that the republicans are

either of the kind I have just indicated, coffee-house waiters, jockeys,

gamblers, bankrupts, and low scribblers, or manual laborers more earnest

in their principles, more ignorant and more brutal, all spending what

they have earned in vulgar indulgence."]

[Footnote 3354: Schmidt, "Tableaux Historiques de la Revolution

Française," II., 248, 249. (Agent's reports, Frimaire 8, year 111.)

"The prosecution of Carrier is approved by the public, likewise

the condemnation of the former revolutionary committee called the

"BonnetRouge." Ten of its members are condemned to twenty years in

irons. The public is overjoyed."--Ibid., (Frimaire 9), "The people

rushed in crowds to the square of the old commune building to see

the members of the former revolutionary committee of the Bonnet-Rouge

sections, who remained seated on the bench until six o'clock, in the

light of flambeaux. They had to put up with many reproaches and much

humiliation."--"Un Sejour en France," 286, (June 6, 1795). "I have just

been interrupted by a loud noise and cries under my window; I heard the

names Scipio and Solon distinctly pronounced in a jeering and insulting

tone of voice. I sent Angelique to see what was the matter and she

tells me that it is a crowd of children following a shoemaker of the

neighborhood who was member of a revolutionary committee... and had

called himself Scipio Solon. As he had been caught in several efforts at

stealing he could no longer leave his shop without being reviled for his

robberies and hooted at under his Greek and Roman names."]

[Footnote 3355: Barère, "Mémoires," II., 324.]

[Footnote 3356: Montieur, XXII., 742. (Report by Cambon, Frimaire 6,

year II.) Ibid., 22.--Report by Lindet, September 20, 1794): "The land

and navy forces, war and other services, deprive agricultural pursuits

and other professions of more than one million five hundred thousand

citizens. It would cost the Republic less to support six million men

in all the communes."--"Le Departement des Affaires étrangères," by Fr.

Masson, 382. (According to "Paris à la fin du dix-huitieme siecle," by

Pujoulx, year IX.): "At Paris alone there are more than thirty thousand

(government) clerks; six thousand at the most do the necessary writing;

the rest cut away quills, consume ink and blacken paper. In old times,

there were too many clerks in the bureaux relatively to the work; now,

there are three times as many, and there are some who think that there

are not enough."]

[Footnote 3357: "Souvenirs de M. Hua," a parliamentary advocate, p.96.

(A very accurate picture of the small town Coucy-le-Chateau, in Aisne,

from 1792 to 1794.)--"Archives des Affaires étrangères," vol.334.

(Letter of the agents, Thionville, Ventôse 24, year II.) The district of

Thionville is very patriotic, submits to the maximum and requisitions,

but not to the laws prohibiting outside worship and religious

assemblies. "The apostles of Reason preached in vain to the people,

telling them that, up to this time, they had been deceived and that

now was the time to throw off the yoke of prejudice: 'we are willing to

believe that, thus far, we have been deceived, but who will guarantee us

that you will not deceive us in your turn?'"]

[Footnote 3358: Lagros: "La Révolution telle qu'elle est." (Unpublished

correspondence of the committee of Public Safety, I., 366. Letter of

Prieur de la Marne.) "In general, the towns are patriotic; but the rural

districts are a hundred leagues removed from the Revolution.. ..

Great efforts will be necessary to bring them up to the level of the

Revolution."]

[Footnote 3359: According to the statistics of 1866 (published in 1869)

a district of one thousand square kilometres contains on an average,

thirty-three communes above five hundred souls, twenty-three from five

hundred to one thousand, seventeen bourgs and small towns from one

thousand to five thousand, and one average town, or very large one,

about five thousand. Taking into account the changes that have taken

place in seventy years, one may judge from these figures of the

distribution of the population in 1793. This distribution explains why,

instead of forty-five thousand revolutionary committees, there were only

twenty-one thousand five hundred.]

[Footnote 3360: "Souvenirs des M. Hua," 179. "This country

(Coucy-le-Chateau) protected by its bad roads and still more by its

nullity, belonged to that small number in which the revolutionary

turmoil was least felt."]

[Footnote 3361: Among other documents of use in composing this picture

I must cite, as first in importance, the five files containing all the

documents referring to the mission of the representative Albert, in

Aisne and Marne. (Ventôse and Germinal, year III.) Nowhere do we find

more precise details of the sentiments of the peasant, of the common

laborer and of the lower bourgeois from 1792 to 1795. (Archives

Nationales, D. PP 2 to 5.)]

[Footnote 3362: Daubari, "La Demagogie en 1793," XII. (The expression

of an old peasant, near Saint-Émilion, to M. Vatel engaged in collecting

information on the last days of Petion, Guadet and Buzot.)]

[Footnote 3363: Archives Nationales, D. p I., 5. (Petition of Claude

Defert, miller, and national agent of Turgy.) Numbers of mayors,

municipal officers, national agents, administrators and notables of

districts and departments solicit successors, and Albert compels many of

them to remain in office.--(Joint letter of the entire municipality of

Landreville; letter of Charles, stone-cutter, mayor of Trannes; Claude

Defert, miller, national agent of Turgy; of Elegny, meat-dealer; of a

wine-grower; municipal official at Merrex, etc.) The latter writes: "The

Republic is great and generous; it does not desire that its children

should ruin themselves in attending to its affairs; on the contrary,

its object is to give salaried (emolumentaires) places to those who have

nothing to live on."--Another, Mageure, appointed mayor of Bar-sur-Seine

writes, Pluviôse 29, year III.: "I learned yesterday that some persons

of this community would like to procure for me the insidious gift of the

mayoralty," and he begs Albert to turn aside this cup.]

[Footnote 3364: "Souvenirs de M. Hua," 178-205. "M. P..., mayor of

Crépy-au-Mont, knew how to restrain some low fellows who would have

been only too glad to revolutionize his village.... And yet he was a

republican.... One day, speaking of the revolutionary system, he said:

'They always say that it will not hold on; meanwhile, it sticks like

lice.' "--"A general assembly of the inhabitants of Coucy and its

outskirts was held, in which everybody was obliged to undergo an

examination, stating his name, residence, birth-place, present

occupation, and what he had done during the Revolution." Hua avoids

telling that he had been a representative in the Legislative Assembly,

a recognized fact in the neighborhood: "Not a voice was raised to

compromise me."--Ibid., 183. (Reply of the Coucy Revolutionary Committee

to that of Meaux.)]

[Footnote 3365: "Frochot," by Louis Passy, 175. (Letter of Pajot,

member of the Revolutionary committee of Troyes, Vendémiaire, year

III.)--Archives Nationales, F.7, 4421. (Register of the Revolutionary

committee of Troyes.) Brumaire 27, year II. Incarceration of various

suspects, among others of "Lerouge, former lawyer, under suspicion of

having constantly and obstinately refused revolutionary offices." Also,

a person named Corps, for "having refused the presidency of the

district tribunal at the time of its organization, under the pretext

of consulting the Chambre des Comptes; also for being the friend of

suspects, and for having accepted office only after the Revolution had

assumed an imposing character."]

[Footnote 3366: Marcelin Boudet, "Les conventionnels d'Auvergne," 161.

(Justification of Etienne Bonarmé, the last months of 1794.)]

[Footnote 3367: Pans, "Histoire de Joseph Lebon," II., 92. (Declaration

by Guérard, lawyer, appointed judge at Cambrai, by the Cambrai

Revolutionary committee.)--Ibid., 54. (Declaration by Lemerre, appointed

juryman without his knowledge, in the Cambrai court.) "What was my

surprise, I, who never was on a jury in my life! The summons was brought

to me at a quarter to eleven (à onze heur moin un car--specimen of

the orthography) and I had to go at eleven without having time to say

good-by to my family."]

[Footnote 3368: Report by Courtois on the papers found in Robespierre's

domicile, 370. (Letter of Maignet to Payan, administrator of the

department of Drôme, Germinal 20, year II.) "You know the dearth of

subjects here. .. Give me the names of a dozen outspoken republicans...

. If you cannot find them in this department (Vaucluse) hunt for them

either in the Drôme or the Isère, or in any other. I should like those

adapted to a revolutionary tribunal. I should even like, in case of

necessity, to have some that are qualified to act as national agents."]

[Footnote 3369: Archives des Affaires étrangères, vols. 322 to 334,

and 1409 to 1411.--These agents reside in Nîmes, Marseilles, Toulouse,

Tarbes, Bordeaux, Auch, Rochefort, Brest, Bergues, Givet, Metz,

Thionville, Strasbourg, Colmar, Belfort and Grenoble, and often betake

themselves to towns in the vicinity.--The fullest reports are those

of Chepy, at Grenoble, whose correspondence is worthy of publication;

although an ultra Jacobin, he was brought before the revolutionary

Tribunal as a moderate, in Ventôse, year II. Having survived (the

Revolution) he became under the Empire a general commissary of Police at

Brest. Almost all of them are veritable Jacobins, absolutist at bottom,

and they became excellent despotic tools.]

[Footnote 3370: Buchez et Roux, XXX., 425.--Twenty-four commissioners,

drawn by lot from the Jacobins of Paris, are associated with Collot

d'Herbois. One of them, Marino, becomes president of the temporary

Committee of Surveillance, at Lyons. Another, Parrien, is made president

of the Revolutionary Committee.--Archives Nationales, AF., II., 59.

(Deliberations in the Paris Jacobin club, appointing three of their

number to go to Tonnerre and request the Committee of Public Safety "to

give them the necessary power, to use it as circumstances may require,

for the best good of the Republic." Frimaire 6, year II.)--"Order of the

Committee of Public Safety, allowing two thousand francs to the

said parties for their traveling expenses."--Archives des Affaires

Étrangères, vol. 333. The agents sent to Marseilles affix their

signatures, "sans-culottes, of Paris," and one of them, Brutus, becomes

president of the Marseilles revolutionary tribunal.]

[Footnote 3371: Archives Nationales, AF., II., 49. Papers relating to

the revolutionary tax of Belfort, giving all the amounts and names.

(Brumaire 30, year II.) Here is the formula: "citizen X... (male or

female) will pay in one hour the sum of--, under penalty of being

considered suspect and treated as such."--"Recueil des Pièces

Authentiques concernant la Révolution à Strasbourg," I., 128, 187.

(Expressions of the representative Baudot in a letter dated Brumaire 29,

year II.)]

[Footnote 3372: Archives Nationales: the acts and letters of the

representatives on mission are classed by departments.--On the delegates

of the representatives on mission, I will cite but one text. (Archives

des Affaires étrangères, vol. 333, letter of Garrigues, Auch, Pluviôse

24, year II.): "A delegate of Dartigoyte goes to l'Isle and, in the

popular club, wants the curé of the place to get rid of his priestly

attributes. The man answers, so they tell me, that he would cheerfully

abstain from his duties, but that, if, in addition to this, they

used force he would appeal to the convention, which had no idea of

interfering with freedom of opinion. 'Very well,' replied Dartigoyte

emissary, 'I appeal to a gendarme,' and he at once ordered his arrest."]

[Footnote 3373: Lallier, "Une commission D'énquete et de Propagande,"

p.7. (It is composed of twelve members, selected by the club of Nantes,

who overrun the district of Ancenis, six thousand francs of fees being

allowed it.)--Babeau, II., 280. (Dispatch of sixty commissioners, each

at six francs a day by the Troyes administration, to ascertain the state

of the supplies on hand, Prairial, year II.)]

[Footnote 3374: For example, at Bordeaux and at Troyes.--Archives

Nationales F7, 4421. Register of the Revolutionary committee of Troyes,

fol. 164. Two members of the committee travel to the commune of Lusigny,

dismiss the mayor and justice, and appoint in the place of the latter

"the former curé of the country, who, some time ago, abjured sacerdotal

fanaticism."--Archives des Affaires étrangères, vol.332. (Letter of

Desgranges, Bordeaux, Brumaire 15, year II.) The representatives have

just instituted "a revolutionary committee of surveillance composed

of twelve members, selected with the greatest circumspection. All the

committees established in the department are obliged to correspond with

it, and fulfill its requisitions."]

[Footnote 3375: Archives Nationales, AF., II, 58. (Letter of Javogues to

Collot d'Herbois, Brumaire 28, year II.)]

[Footnote 3376: "Recueil des Pièces Authentiques," etc., I., 195. (Acts

passed Jan.21, 1793.)]

[Footnote 3377: Archives des Affaires étrangères, vol. 326. (Letters

from Brutus, September 24; from Topino-Lebrun, jr., September 25 and

October 6, 1793.--Vol. 330. Letters from Brutus, Nivôse 6, year II.) The

character of the agent is often indicated orthographically. For example,

vol.334, letter from Galon-Boyer, Brumaire 18, year II. "The public

spirit is generally bad. Those who claim to be patriots know no

restraint. The rest are lethargic and federalism appears innate."]

[Footnote 3378: Archives des Affaires étrangères, vol.1411. (Letter of

Haupt, Brumaire 26, year II.)--Vol. 333. (Letter of Blessman and Haüser,

Pluviôse 4, year II.)]

[Footnote 3379: Archives des Affaires étrangères, vol. 333. (Letter of

Chartres and of Caillard, Cornmune Aifranchie, Nivôse 21.)--Vol. 331.

(Letters of Desgranges, at Bordeaux, Brumaire 8 and Frimaire 3.) "The

offerings in plate and coin multiply indefinitely; all goes right.

The court-martial has condemned Dudon to death, son of the

ex-procureur-général in the former parliament at Bordeaux, Roullat,

procureur-syndic of the department, Sallenave, merchant. These

executions excite sympathy, but nobody murmurs."]

[Footnote 3380: Ibid., vol. 333. (Letter of Cuny, sr., Nivôse 20.) Vols.

331, 332. (Letters of Chepy, passim, and especially those dated Frimaire

II.)--Vol. 329. (Letter of Chépy, August 24, 1793.) "At Annecy, the

women have cut down the liberty-pole and burnt the archives of the

club and of the commune. At Chambéry, the people wanted to do the same

thing."--Ibid. (September 18, 1793.) "The inhabitants around Mont Blanc

show neither spirit nor courage; the truth is, an anti-revolutionary

spirit animates all minds."--Ibid. (Letter of August 8, 1793.) "Not only

have the citizens of Grenoble, who were drawn by lot, not set out on

the expedition to Lyons, but, even of those who have obeyed the laws,

several have returned with their arms and baggage. No commune between

St. Laurent and Lyons would march. The rural municipalities, badly

tainted with the federal malady, ventured to give the troops very bad

quarters, especially those who had been drafted."]

[Footnote 3381: Ibid. (Letter of Cuny, jr., Brest, Brumaire 6.) "There

are, in general, very few patriots at Brest; the inhabitants are nearly

all moderates."--(Letter of Gadolle, Dunkirk, July 26, 1793.)--(Letter

of Simon, Metz, Nivôse, year II.) "Yesterday, on the news of the capture

of Toulon being announced in the theatre,... I noticed that only about

one-third of the spectators gave way to patriotic enthusiasm; the other

two-thirds remained cold, or put on a long face."]

[Footnote 3382: Ibid. (Letter of Haupt, Belfort, September 1, 1793.)]

[Footnote 3383: Report by Courtois on the papers found in Robespierre's

domicile, p. 274. (Letter of Darthé, Ventôse 29, year II.)]

[Footnote 3384: "Tableau des Prisons de Toulouse," by citizen Pescayre

(published in year III.), p.101.]

[Footnote 3385: Archives Nationales, F.7, 4421. (Register of the

Revolutionary Committee, established at Troyes, Brumaire II, year

II.)--Albert Babeau, vol. II., passim.--Archives des Affaires

étrangères, vol. 332, Chépy (letter, Brumaire 6, Grenoble). "The

sections had appointed seven committees of surveillance. Although

weeded out by the club, they nevertheless alarmed the sans-culottes....

Representative Petit-Jean has issued an order, directing that there

shall be but one committee at Grenoble composed of twenty-one

members. This measure is excellent and ensures the triumph of

sans-culotteism."--Archives Nationales, F.7, 4434. (Letter of Pérrieu to

Brissot, Bordeaux, March 9, 1793.) Before June 2, the national club "of

Bordeaux, composed of Maratists, did not comprise more than eight or ten

individuals at most."--Moniteur, XXII., 133. (Speech by Thibeaudeau on

the popular club of Poitiers, Vendémiaire II, year III.)--Ibid. (Session

of Brumaire 5, year III., letter of Calès, and session of Brumaire

17, year III., report by Calès.) "The popular club of Dijon made all

neighboring administrative bodies, citizens and districts tremble. All

were subject to its laws, and three or four men in it made them. This

club and the municipality were one body." "The Terror party does not

exist here, or, if it does exist, it does not amount to much: out of

twenty thousand inhabitants there are not six who can legitimately be

suspected of belonging to it."]

[Footnote 3386: Baroly, "Les Jacobins Demasqués," (IV. 8vo., of 8pp.,

year II). "The Jacobin club, with its four hundred active members at

Paris, and the four thousand others in the provinces, not less devoted,

represent the living force of the Revolution."]

[Footnote 3387: Archives Nationales, D. P I., 10. (Orders of

representatives Delacroix, Louchet, and Legendre, Nivôse 12, year II.)

"On the petition of the Committee of Surveillance of Evreux, which

sets forth that all its members are without means, and that it will

be impossible for them to continue their duties since they are without

resources for supporting their families," the representatives allow

three of them two hundred and seventy francs each, and a fourth one

hundred and eighty francs, as a gratuity (outside of the three francs a

day.)]

[Footnote 3388: Ibid. AF., II., 111. (Order of Albitte and La Porte,

Prairial 18, year II.)]

[Footnote 3389: Albert Babeau, II., 154-157.--Moniteur, XXII. 425.

(Session of Brumaire 13, year III. Speech by Cambon.) "A government was

organized in which surveillance alone cost 591 millions per annum. Every

man who tilled the ground or worked in a shop, at once abandoned his

pursuit for a place on the Revolutionary Committees... where he got five

francs a day."]

[Footnote 3390: "Tableau des Prisons de Toulouse," by citizen Pescare,

162, 166, 435.]

[Footnote 3391: Berryat Saint-Prix, "La Justice Révolutionaire," (second

edition) p. XIX.--Ibid., XIV. At Rochefort there is on the revolutionary

tribunal a mason, a shoemaker, a caulker, and a cook; at Bordeaux, on

the military commission, an actor, a wine-clerk, a druggist, a baker, a

journeyman-gilder, and later, a cooper and a leather-dresser.]

[Footnote 3392: I heard these expressions during my conversations

with old peasants.--Archives Nationales, AF.,II., 111. (Order of the

Representative Ichon, Messidor 18, year II.) "The popular club of Chinon

will be immediately regenerated. Citizens (I omit their names), the

following showing their occupations: shoemaker, policeman. sabot-maker,

cooper, carter, shoemaker, joiner, butcher carpenter and mason, will

form the committee which is to do the weeding-out and choose successors

among those that offer to become members of the club."? Ibid., D., PI,

10. (Orders of the Representatives Delacroix, Louchet and Legendre,

on mission in the department of Seine-Inférieure for the purpose of

removing, at Conchez, the entire administration, and for forming there a

new revolutionary committee, with full powers, Frimaire 9, year II.)

The members of the committee, the nature of which is indicated, are two

coopers, one gardener, two carpenters, one merchant, a coach-driver

and a tailor. (One finds in the archives, in the correspondence of the

representatives, plenty of orders appointing authorities of the same

sort.)]

[Footnote 3393: Albert Babeau, II., 296.]

[Footnote 3394: The French text reads: "Sa profession est fame de

Paillot-Montabert; son revenu est vivre de ses revenus; ces relation

son d'une fame nous ny portons point d'atantion; ces opignons nous les

présumons semblable à ceux de son mary."]

[Footnote 3395: Archives Nationales, F7, 4421. Order of the Committee of

Surveillance of the third section of Troyes, refusing civic certificates

to seventy-two persons, or sending them before the central committee as

"marchands d'argant, aristocrate, douteux, modére, intrigant, egoiste

fanatique. Fait et areté par nous, membre du Comité."--Ib., Mémoire des

Commissaires de la 5e seiscion dite de la liberté nommé par le citoyen

de Baris (Paris) pour faire les visite de l'argenteri ché les citoyens

de la liste fait par les citoyens Diot et Bailly et Jaquin savoir

depence du 13 et 14 et 15 Frimaire pour leur nouriture du troyes jour

monte à 24 fr.]

[Footnote 3396: Albert Babeau, II., 154.]

[Footnote 3397: Archives Nationales, D., PI, 5. (Mission of

Representative Albert, in Aube and in Marne.)--These notes are made

on the spot, with a thorough knowledge of the situation, by zealous

republicans who are not without common-sense and of average honesty,

(chiefly in Pluviôse and Ventôse, year III).--Letter of Albert to

the directories of the two departments, Prairial 3, year II. "I

am satisfied, during the course of my mission, of the necessity of

reorganizing the municipalities throughout both departments."]

[Footnote 3398: Ibid. Orders of Albert, Ventôse 5, and Pluviôse 29, year

III., reorganizing the courts and administrations in the districts of

Ervy, Arcis and Nogent-sur-Seine, with a tabular statement of the names

of those removed and the reasons for so doing.]

[Footnote 3399: Petition of Jean Nicolas Antoine, former member of the

Directory of the district of Troyes for twenty-eight months. (Ventose

9, year II I.) Shut up in Troyes, he asks permission to go to Paris, "I

have a small lot of goods which it is necessary for me to sell in

Paris. It is my native town and I know more people there than anywhere

else."-Ibid. Information furnished on Antoine by the Conseil-general of

the Commune of Troyes.]

[Footnote 33100: Archives Nationales, AF., II., 59. (Memorials dated

Messidor 28, year II., by an emissary of the Committee of Public Safety,

sent to Troyes, Prairial 29, to report on the situation of things and

on the troubles in Troyes.)--Albert Babeau, II., 203, 205 and 112,

122.--Cf. 179. "Gachez, intoxicated, about eleven o'clock at night, with

several women as drunk as himself, compelled the keeper of the Temple of

Reason to open the doors, threatening him with the guillotine."--Ibid.,

166. He addressed the sans-culottes in the popular club: "Now is the

time to put yourselves in the place of the rich. Strike, and don't put

it off!"--Ibid., 165." 42,633 livres were placed in the hands of Gachez

and the committee, as secret revolutionary service money.... Between

December 4 and 10 Gachez received 20,000 livres, in three orders, for

revolutionary expenses and provisional aid.... The leaders of the party

disposed of these sums without control and, it may be added, without

scruple; Gachez hands over only four thousand livres to the sectional

poor-committee. On Nivôse 12, there remains in the treasury of the poor

fund only 3738 livres, 12 000 having been diverted or squandered."]

[Footnote 33101: "Frochot," by Louis Passy, 172. (Letter of Pajot,

member of the revolutionary committee of Aignay-le-Duc.) "Denunciations

occupied most of the time at our meetings, and it is there that one

could see the hatreds and vengeance of the colleagues who ruled us."]

[Footnote 33102: Archives Nationales, D., P I, No.4. The following is a

sample among others of the impositions of the revolutionary committees.

(Complaint of Mariotte, proprietor, former mayor of Chatillon-sur-Seine,

Floréal 27, year II.) "On Brumaire 23, year II., I was stopped just as

I was taking post at Mussy, travelling on business for the Republic, and

provided with a commission and passport from the Minister of war.... I

was searched in the most shameful manner; citizen Ménétrier, member of

the committee, used towards me the foulest language.... I was confined

in a tavern; instead of two gendarmes which would have been quite

sufficient to guard me, I had the whole brigade, who passed that night

and the next day drinking, until, in wine and brandy the charge against

me in the tavern amounted to sixty francs. And worse still, two members

of the same committee passed a night guarding me and made me pay for

it. Add to this, they said openly before me that I was a good pigeon to

pluck. ... They gave me the escort of a state criminal of the highest

importance, three national gendarmes, mounted, six National Guards, and

even to the Commandant of the National Guard; citizen Mièdan, member of

the revolutionary committee, put himself at the head of the cortege, ten

men to conduct one!.... I was obliged to pay my torturers, fifty francs

to the commandant, and sixty to his men."]

[Footnote 33103: Moniteur, XXI., 261. (Speech by an inhabitant of Troyes

in the Jacobin Club, Paris, Messidor 26, year II.)]

[Footnote 33104: Albert Babeau, II., 164. (Depositions of the

tavern-keeper and of the commissioner, Garnier.)]

[Footnote 33105: "Frochot," by Louis Passy, 170, 172. (Letter by Pajot

and petition of the Aignay municipality, March 10, 1795.)--Bibliotheque

Nationale, L., 41. No.1802. (Denunciation by six sections of the commune

of Dijon to the National Convention.)]

[Footnote 33106: "Recueil de Pièces Authentiques sur la Révolution de

Strasbourg," I., 187, and letter of Burger, Thermidor 25, year II.]

[Footnote 33107: Archives Nationales, D., P I, 6 (file 37)--Letter of

the members of the Strasbourg revolutionary committee, Ventôse 13,

year III., indicating to the mayor and municipal officers of

Chalons-sur-Marne certain Jacobins of the town as suitable members of

the Propaganda at Strasbourg.]

[Footnote 33108: "Recueil de Pièces Authentiques concernant la

Révolution à Strasbourg," I.,71. Deposition of the recorder Weis on the

circuit of the Revolutionary Tribunal, composed of Schneider, Clavel

and Taffin. "The judges never left the table without having become

intoxicated with everything of the finest, and, in this state, they

gathered in the tribunal and condemned the accused to death."--Free

living and "extravagant expenditure" were common even "among the

employees of the government." "I encountered," says Meissner,

"government carters served with chickens, pastry and game, whilst at the

traveler's table there was simply an old leg of mutton and a few poor

side-dishes." ("Voyage en France," toward the end of 1795, p.371.)]

[Footnote 33109: Some of them, nevertheless, are not ugly, but merely

sots. The following is a specimen. A certain Velu, a born vagabond,

formerly in the alms-house and brought up there, then a shoemaker or a

cobbler, afterwards teaching school in the faubourg de Vienne, and at

last a haranguer and proposer of tyrannicide motions, short, stout and

as rubicund as his cap, is made President of the Popular club at Blois,

then delegate for domiciliary visits, and, throughout the reign

of Terror, he is a principal personage in the town, district and

department. (Dufort de Cheverney, "Mémoires," (MS.) March 21, 1793 and

June, 1793.) In June, 1793, this Velu is ordered to visit the chateau de

Cheverney, to verify the surrender of all feudal documents. He arrives

unexpectedly, meets the steward, Bambinet, enters the mayor's house, who

keeps an inn, and drinks copiously, which gives Bambinet time to warn M.

Dufort de Cheverney and have the suspicious registers concealed.--This

done, "Velu is obliged to leave his bottle and march to the chateau.--He

assumed haughtiness and aimed at familiarity; he would put his hand on

his breast and, taking yours, address you: "Good day, brother."--He came

there at nine o'clock in the morning, advanced, took my hand and said:

"Good-day, brother, how are you?" "Very well, citizen, and how are you?"

"You do not tutoyer--you are not up to the Revolution?"We'll see--will

you step in the parlor?" "Yes, brother, I'll follow you."--We enter; he

sees my wife who, I may say, has an imposing air. He boldly embraces

her and, repeating his gesture on the breast, takes her hand and says:

"Good-day, sister." "Come," I interpose, "let us take breakfast, and, if

you please, you shall dine with me." "Yes, but on one condition, that tu

me tutoie." "I will try, but I am not in the habit of it." After warming

up his intellect and heart with a bottle of wine, we get rid of him

by sending him to inspect the archives-room, along with my son and

Bambinet. It is amusing, for he can only read print... Bambinet, and

the procureur, read the titles aloud, and pass over the feudalisms. Velu

does not notice this and always tells them to go on.--After an hour,

tired out, he comes back: "All right," he says, "now let me see your

chateau, which is a fine one." He had heard about a room where there

were fantocini, in the attic. He goes up, opens some play-books, and,

seeing on the lists of characters the name of King and Prince, he, says

to me: "You must scratch those out, and play only republican pieces."

The descent is by a back-stairs. On the way down he encounters a maid

of my wife's, who is very pretty; he stops and, regarding my son, says:

"You must as a good Republican, sleep with that girl and marry her." I

look at him and reply: "Monsieur Velu, listen; we are well behaved here,

and such language cannot be allowed. You must respect the young

people in my house." A little disconcerted, he tames down and is quite

deferential to Madame de Cheverney.--"You have pen and ink on your

table," he says, "bring them here." "What for," I ask, "to take my

inventory?" "No, but I must make a procès-verbal. You help me; it will

be better for you, as you can fix it to suit you" This was not badly

done, to conceal his want of knowledge.--We go in to dinner. My servants

waited on the table; I had not yielded to the system of a general table

for all of us, which would not have pleased my servants any more

than myself. Curiosity led them all to come in and see us dining

together.--"Brother," says Velu to me, "don't these people eat with

you?" (He saw the table set for only four persons.) I reply: "Brother,

that would not be any more agreeable to them than to myself. Ask

them."--He ate little, drank like an ogre, and was talkative about his

amours; getting carried away he got so close to being naughty that he

upset my wife, without actually going to far. Apropos of the Revolution,

and the danger we incurred, he said innocently: "Don't I run as much

risk as anybody? It is my opinion that, in three months, I shall have my

head off! But we must all take our chance!"--Now and then, he indulged

in sans-culottisms. He seized the servant's hand, who changed his plate:

"Brother, I beg you to take my place, and let me wait on you in my

turn "--He drank the cordials, and finally left, pleased with his

reception.--Returning to the inn, he stays until nine o'clock at night

and stuffs himself, but is not intoxicated. One bottle had no effect on

him; he could empty a cask and show no signs of it.]

[Footnote 33110: Moniteur, XXII., 425. (Session of Brumaire 13, year

III.) Cambon, in relation to the revolutionary committees, says: "I

would observe to the Assembly that they were never paid." A member

replies: "They took their pay themselves." ("Yes, yes."--Applause.)]

[Footnote 33111: Moniteu, XXII., 711. (Report by Cambon, Frimaire 6,

year III.)--Cambon stated, indeed, Frimaire 26, year II., (Moniteur,

XVIII., 680), concerning these taxes "Not one word, not one sou has yet

reached the Treasury; they want to override the Convention which made

the Revolution."]

[Footnote 33112: Ibid., 720. "The balances reported, of which the

largest portion is already paid into the vaults of the National

Treasury, amount to twenty millions one hundred and sixty-six thousand

three hundred and thirty livres."--At Paris, Marseilles, and Bordeaux,

in the large towns where tens of millions were raised in three-quarters

of the districts, Cambon, three months after Thermidor, could not yet

obtain, I will not say the returns, but a statement of the sums raised.

The national agents either did not reply to him, or did it vaguely,

or stated that in their districts there was neither civic donation nor

revolutionary tax, and particularly at Marseilles, where a forced

loan had been made of four millions.--Cf. De Martel, "Fouché," P.245.

(Memorial of the central administration of Nièvre, Prairial 19, year

III.) "The account returned by the city of Nevers amounts to eighty

thousand francs, the use of which has never been verified.... This

tax, in part payment of the war subsidy, was simply a trap laid by the

political actors in order to levy a contribution on honest, credulous

citizens."--Ibid., 217. On voluntary gifts and forced taxation cf. at

Nantes, the use made of revolutionary taxes, brought out on the trial of

the revolutionary committee.]

[Footnote 33113: Ludovic Sciout, IV., 19. Report of Representative

Becker. (Journal des Débats et Décrets, p.743, Prairial, year III.)

He returns from a mission to Landau and renders an account of the

executions committed by the Jacobin agents in the Rhenish provinces.

They levied taxes, sword in hand, and threatened the refractory with the

guillotine at Strasbourg. The receipts which passed under the reporter's

eyes "presented the sum of three millions three hundred and forty-five

thousand seven hundred and eighty-five livres, two deniers, whilst our

colleague, Cambon, reports only one hundred and thirty-eight thousand

paid in."]

[Footnote 33114: Moniteur, XXII., 754. (Report of Grégoire, Frimaire

24, year III.) "Rascallery--this word recalls the old revolutionary

committees, most of which formed the scum of society and which showed so

many aptitudes for the double function of robber and persecutor."]

[Footnote 33115: Archives Nationales, AF., II., 107. (Orders of

Representatives Ysabeau and Tallien, Bordeaux, Brumaire 11 and 17, year

II.)--Third order, promulgated by the same parties, Frimaire 2, year

II., replacing this committee by another of twelve members and six

deputies, each at two hundred francs a month. Fourth order, Pluviôse 16,

year II., dismissing the members of the foregoing committee, as exagérés

and disobedient. It is because they regard their local royalty in quite

a serious light.-Ibid., AF., II., 46. ("Extracts from the minutes of

the meetings of the revolutionary committee of Bordeaux," Prairial, year

II.) This extract, consisting of eighteen pages, shows in detail the

inside workings of a revolutionary committee the number of arrested goes

on increasing; on the 27th of Prairial there are 1524. The committee is

essentially a police office; it delivers certificates of civism, issues

warrants of arrest, corresponds with other committees, even very remote,

at Limoges, and Clermont-Ferrand, delegates any of its members to make

investigations or domicialiary searches, to affix seals, and it receives

and transmits denunciations, summons the denounced to appear before it,

reads interrogations, writes to the Committee of Public Safety, etc.

The following are samples of its warrants of arrest: "Muller, a

riding-master, will be confined in the former Petit Seminaire, under

suspicion of aristocracy, according to public opinion."--Another

example, (Archives Nationales, F.7, 2475. Register of the procès-verbaux

of the revolutionary committee of the Piques section, Paris, June

3, 1793.) Warrant of arrest against Boucher, grocer, rue Neuve du

Luxembourg, "suspect" of incivisme and "having cherished wicked and

perfidious intentions against his wife." Boucher, arrested, declares

that, "what he said and did in his own house, concerned nobody but

himself." On which he was led to prison.]

[Footnote 33116: Archives Nationales, AF., II., 30 (No.105). Examination

of Jean Davilliers, and other ransomed parties.]

[Footnote 33117: Berryat Saint-Prix, 313. (Trial of Lacombe and his

accomplices after Thermidor.)]

[Footnote 33118: Archives Nationales, AF., II., 46. (Letter of Julien

to the Committee of Public Safety, Bordeaux, Messidor 12, year

II.)--Moniteur, XXII., 713. (Report by Cambon, Frimaire 6, year III.)

At Verins, citizens were imprisoned and then set at liberty "on

consideration of a fee."--Albert Babeau, II., 164, 165, 206. (Report

by Cambon, Frimaire 6, year II.) "Citoyenne (madame) Deguerrois,

having come to procure the release of her husband, a public functionary

demanded of her ten thousand livres, which he reduced to six thousand

for doing what she desired."--"One document attests that Massey paid two

thousand livres, and widow Delaporte six hundred livres, to get out of

prison."]

[Footnote 33119: Mallet-Dupan, "First letter to a Genoa merchant,"

(March I, 1796), pp.33-35. "One of the wonders of the reign of Terror

is the slight attention given to the trafficking in life and death,

characteristic of terrorism.... We scarcely find a word on the countless

bargains through which 'suspect' citizens bought themselves out of

captivity, and imprisoned citizens bought off the guillotine. ...

Dungeons and executions were as much matters of trade as the purchase of

cattle at a fair." This traffic "was carried on in all the towns,

bourgs and departments surrendered to the Convention and Revolutionary

Committees.".... "It has been established since the 10th of August."

"I will only cite among a multitude of instances the unfortunate Duc

du Châtelet: never did anybody pay more for his execution!"--Wallon,

"Histoire du Tribunal Revolutionnaire de Paris," VI., 88. (Denunciation

of Fouquier-Tinville, signed Saulnie.) According to Saulnie he dined

regularly twice a week at No 6 rue Serpente, with one Demay, calling

himself a lawyer and living with a woman named Martin. In this

death-trap, in the middle of orgies, the freedom or death of those

in prison was bargained for in money with impunity. One head alone,

belonging to the house of Boufflers, escaping the scaffold through the

intrigues of these vampires, was worth to them thirty thousand livres,

of which one thousand were paid down and a bond given for the rest,

payable on being set at liberty.--Morellet, "Memoires," II., 32. The

agent of Mesdames de Bouffiers was Abbé Chevalier, who had formerly

known Fouquier-Tinville in the office of a procureur an Parliament

and who, renewing the acquaintance, came and drank with Fouquier. "He

succeeded in having the papers of the ladies Bouffiers, which were

ready to be sent to the Tribunal, placed at the bottom of the

file."--Mallet-Dupan, " Memoires," II., 495. "Fouquier-Tinville received

a pension of one thousand crowns a month from Mesdames de Bouffiers; the

ransom increased one quarter each month on account of the atrocity of

the circumstances. This method saved these ladies, whilst those who paid

a sum in gross lost their lives... It was Du Vaucel, fermier-general,

who saved the Princess of Tarente....for five hundred louis, after

having saved two other ladies for three hundred louis, given to one of

the Jacobin leaders."]

[Footnote 33120: "Tableau des Prisons de Toulouse," 324. Coudert, of

the Municipal Council, shoemaker, charged with the duty of taking

silver-plate from the accused, did not know how, or was unwilling, to

draw up any other than an irregular and valueless procès-verbal. On

this, an accused party objected and refused to sign. "Take care, you,"

exclaims Coudert in a rage, "with your damned cleverness, you are

playing the stubborn. You are nothing but a bloody fool! You are

getting into a bad box! If you don't sign, I'll have you guillotined."

Frequently, there are no papers at all. (De Martel, "Fouché," p.236.

Memorial by the authorities of Allier, addressed to the Convention,

document 9.) October 30, 1793. Order of the revolutionary committee

enjoining nocturnal visits in all "suspect" houses in Moulins, to remove

all gold, silver and copper. "Eleven parties are made up.. .. each to

visit eight or ten houses. Each band is headed by one of the

committee, with one municipal officer, accompanied by locksmiths and

a revolutionary guard. The dwellings of the accused and other private

individuals are searched. They force secretaries and wardrobes of which

they do not find the keys. They pillage the gold and silver coin. They

carry off plate, jewels, copper utensils and other effects, bed-clothes,

docks, vehicles, etc. No receipt is given. No statement is made of what

is carried off. They rest content by at the end of the month, reporting,

in a sort of procès-verbal drawn up at a meeting of the committee, that,

according to returns of the visits made, very little plate was found,

and only a little money in gold and silver, all without any calculation

or enumeration."--"Souvenirs et Journal d'un Bourgeois d'Evreux," p.93.

(February 25, 1795.) The meetings of the popular club "were

largely devoted to reading the infamous doings and robberies of the

revolutionary committee.... The members who designated 'suspects' often

arrested them themselves, and drew up a procès-verbal in which they

omitted to state the jewels and gold they found."]

[Footnote 33121: Ibid., 461. (Vendemaire 24, year III. Visit of

Representative Malarmé.) The former Duc de Narbonne-Lorra aged

eighty-four, says to Malarmé: "Citizen representative, excuse me if I

keep my cap on; I lost my hair in that prison, without having been able

to get permission to have a wig made; it is worse than being robbed on

the road." "Did they steal anything from you?" "They stole one hundred

and forty five louis d'or and paid me with an acquittance for a tax for

the sans-culottes, which is another robbery done to the citizens of this

commune where I have neither home nor possessions." "Who committed

this robbery?" "It was Citizen Berger, of the municipal council."

"Was nothing else taken from you?" "They took a silver coffee-pot, two

soap-cases and a silver shaving-dish" "Who took those articles?" "It was

Citizen Miot (a notable of the council)." Miot confesses to having kept

these objects and not taken them to the Mint.-Ibid., 178. (Ventôse 20,

year II.) Prisoners all have their shoes taken, even those who had but

one pair, a promise being made that they should have sabots in exchange,

which they never got. Their cloaks also were taken with a promise to pay

for them, which was never done.--"Souvenirs et Journal d'un Bourgeois

d'Evreux," p.92. (February 25, 1795.) "The sessions of the popular

club were largely devoted to reading the infamies and robberies of the

revolutionary committee. Its members, who designated the suspects, often

arrested them themselves; they made levies and reports of these in which

they omitted the gold and jewels found."]

[Footnote 33122: Moniteur, XXII. 133. (Session of Vendémiaire II, year

III.) Report by Thibaudeau. "These seven individuals are reprobates who

were dismissed by the people's representatives for having stolen the

effects of persons arrested. A document is on record in which they make

a declaration that, not remembering the value of the effects embezzled,

they agree to pay damages to the nation of twenty-two francs each."]

[Footnote 33123: Berryat Saint-Prix, 447. Judge Ragot was formerly a

joiner at Lyons, and Viot, the public prosecutor, a former deserter from

the Penthièvre regiment. "Other accused persons were despoiled. Little

was left them other than their clothes, which were in a bad state.

Nappier, the bailiff, was, later, (Messidor, year III.), condemned

to irons for having appropriated a part of the effects, jewels and

assignats belonging to persons under accusation."]

[Footnote 33124: The words of Camille Desmoulins in "La France Libre,"

(August, 1782).]

[Footnote 33125: De Martel, "Fouché," 362.-Ibid.,, 132, 162, 179, 427,

443.--Lecarpentier, in La Manche, constantly stated: "Those who do not

like the Revolution, must pay those who make it."]

[Footnote 33126: Marcelin Boudet, 175. (Address of Monestier to the

popular clubs of Puy-de-Dome, February 23, 1793.)]

[Footnote 33127: Alexandrine des Echerolles, "Une famille noble sous la

Terreur."]

[Footnote 33128: Archives Nationales, AF., II., 65. (Letter of

General Kermorvan to the president of the committee of Public Safety,

Valenciennes, Fructidor 12, year III.)]

[Footnote 33129: Report by Courtois, "Sur les papiers de Robespierre,"

(Pieces justificatives, pp. 312-324), Letters of Reverchon, Germinal 29,

Floréal 7 and 23, and by La Porte, Germinal 24, year II.]

[Footnote 33130: Ibid. Letter by La Porte "I do not know what fatality

induces patriots here not to tolerate their brethren whom they call

strangers ... They have declared to us that they would not suffer any of

them to hold office." The representatives dared arrest but two robbers

and despoilers, who are now free and declaiming against them at Paris.

"Countless grave and even atrocious circumstances are daily presented to

us on which we hesitate to act, lest we should strike patriots, or those

who call themselves such... Horrible depredations are committed."]

[Footnote 33131: Ibid. Letter by Reverchon: "These fanatics all want the

Republic simply for themselves."... "They call themselves patriots

only to cut the throats of their brethren and get rich."--Guillon de

Montléon, "Histoire de la ville de Lyons Pendant la Révolution III.",

166. (Report by Fouché, April, 1794.) "Innocent persons, acquitted

by the terrible tribunal of the Revolutionary committee, were again

consigned to the dungeons of criminals through the despotic orders

of the thirty-two committees, because they were so unfortunate as to

complain that, on returning home, they could not find the strictly

necessary objects they had left there."]

[Footnote 33132: Meissner, "Voyage en France dans les Derniers Mois

de 1795," p.343. "A certain domain was handed over to one of their

creatures by the revolutionary departments for almost nothing, less than

the proceeds of the first cut of wood."--Moniteur, XXIII., 397. (Speech

by Bourdon de l'Oise, May 6, 1795.) "A certain farmer paid for his farm

worth five thousand francs by the sale of one horse."]

[Footnote 33133: Moniteur, XXII., 82. (Report by Grégoire, Fructidor 14,

year II.) Ibid., 775. (Report by Grégoire, Frimaire 24, year III.)]

[Footnote 33134: "Recueil de Pièces Authentiques sur la Révolution à

Strasbourg," II., p. I. (Procès-verbal, drawn up in the presence of the

elder Mouet and signed by him.)]

[Footnote 33135: Moniteur, XXII., 775. (Report of Grégoire, Frimaire

24, year III.)--Ibid., 711. (Report by Cambon, Frimaire 6, year

III.)--Archives Nationales, AF., II., 65. (Letter of General Kermorvan,

Valenciennes, Fructidor 12, year III.)]

[Footnote 33136: "Tableau des Prisons de Toulouse," 184. (Visit of

Ventôse 27, year II.)]

[Footnote 33137: Archives Nationales, F.7, 7164. (Department of Var

"Ideé générale et appréciation avec détails sur chaque canton," year

V.)]

[Footnote 33138: Ibid., F.7, 7171 (No. 7915).--(Department of

Bouches-du-Rhône, "Ideé générale," year V.)--(Letters of Miollis,

commissioner of the Directory in the department, Ventôse 14 and 16, year

V. Letter of Gen. Willot to the Minister, Ventôse 10, and of Gen. Merle

to Gen. Willot, Ventôse 17, year V.) "Several sections of anarchists

travel from one commune to another exciting weak citizens to riots and

getting them to take part in the horrors they are meditating."--Ibid., F

7, 7164. Letter of Gen. Willot to the Minister, Aries, Pluviôse 12, year

V., with supporting documents, and especially a letter of the director

of the jury, on the violence committed by, and the reign of, the

Jacobins in Aries.) Their party "is composed of the vilest artisans

and nearly all the sailors." The municipality recruited amongst former

terrorists, "has enforced for a year back the agrarian law, devastation

of the forests, pillage of the wheat-crops, by bands of armed men under

pretext of the right of gleaning, the robbery of animals at the plough

as well as of the flocks," etc.]

[Footnote 33139: Ibid., F.7, 7171. "These commissioners (of the quarter)

notify the exclusives, and even swindlers, when warrants are out against

them.... The same measures carried out in the primary assemblies on the

1st of Thermidor last, in the selection of municipal officers, have been

successfully revived in the organization of the National Guard--threats,

insults, shouting, assaults, compulsory ejection from meetings then

governed by the amnestied, finally, the appointment of the latter to

the principal offices. In effect, all, beginning with the places of

battalion leaders and reaching to those of corporals, are exclusively

filled by their partisans. The result is that the honest, to whom

serving with men regarded by them with aversion is repugnant, employ

substitutes instead of mounting guard themselves, the security of the

town being in the hands of those who themselves ought to be watched."]

[Footnote 33140: Archives Nationales, F.7, 3273. (Letter of Mérard,

former administrator and judge in 1790 and 1791, in years III., IV.

and V., to the Minister, Apt, Pluviôse 15, year III., with personal

references and documentary evidence.) "I can no longer refrain at the

sight of so many horrors.... The justices of the peace and the director

of the jury excuse themselves on the ground that no denunciations

or witnesses are brought forward. Who would dare appear against men

arrogating to themselves the title of superior patriots, foremost

in every revolutionary crisis, and with friends in every commune and

protectors in all high places? The favor they enjoyed was such that

the commune of Gordes was free of any levy of conscripts and from all

requisitions. People thus disposed, they said, to second civic

and administrative views, could not be humored too much..... This

discouraging state of things simply results from the weakness,

inexperience, ignorance, apathy and immorality of the public

functionaries who, since the 18th of Fructidor, year V., swarm, with a

few exceptions only, among the constituted authorities. Whatever is most

foul and incompetent is in office, every good citizen being frightened

to death."--Ibid. (Letter of Montauban, director of the registry since

1793 to the Minister of the Interior, a compatriot, Avignon, Pluviôse

7, year VII.) "Honest folks are constantly annoyed and put down by the

authors and managers of the 'Glaciere'.... . by the tools of the bloody

tribunal of Orange and the incendiaries of Bedouim." He enjoins secrecy

on this letter, which, "if known to the Glacièrists, or Orangeists,

would cost him his life."]

[Footnote 33141: Ibid., F.7, 7164. (Department of Var, year V., "Ideé

Générale.") "National character is gone; it is even demoralized: an

office-holder who has not made his fortune quickly is regarded as a

fool."]

[Footnote 33142: Moniteur, XXII., 240. (Indictment of the fourteen

members of the Revolutionary committee of Nantes, and the summing-up

of the examination, Vendémiaire 23, year II.) When there is no special

information concerning the other committees the verdict, on the whole,

is nearly always as overwhe1ming.-Ibid. (Session of Vendémiaire 12, year

III. complaint of a deputation from Ferney-Voltaire.) "The Gex district

was, for over a year, a prey to five or six scoundrels who took refuge

there. Under the mask of patriotism they succeeded in getting possession

of all the offices. Vexations of every kind, robberies of private

houses, squandering of public money, were committed by these

monsters." (The Ferney deputies brought with them the testimony of

witnesses.)--Ibid., 290. (Letters of Representative Goupilleau, Beziers,

Vendémiaire 28, year III. on the terrorists of Vaucluse.) "These

carnivorous fellows, regretting the times when they could rob and

massacre with impunity.... Who, six months ago, were starving and who

now live in the most scandalous opulence... Squanderers of the public

funds, robbers of private fortunes... Guilty of rapine, of forced

contributions, of extortions," etc.--Prudhomme, "Les crimes de la

Révolution," VI., 79. (On the Revolutionary committee installed by

Fouché at Nevers.) The local investigation shows that the eleven leaders

were men of vile character, unfrocked and disreputable priests, lawyers

and notaries driven out of their professional bodies, and even from

the popular clubs, on account of their dishonesty, penniless actors,

surgeons without patients, depraved, ruined, incapable men, and two

jail-birds.]

[Footnote 33143: Beaulieu, III., 754.--Cf. "The Revolution," vol. II.,

ch. I., P 9.]

[Footnote 33144: "Recueil de pièces authentiques sur la Révolution

à Strasbourg," I., 21.--Archives Nationales D., I., P 6. (Orders by

Rousselin, Frimaire II, year II.)]

[Footnote 33145: "Un Sejour en France de 1792 à 1795," p.409.]

[Footnote 33146: I have not found a complete list of the towns and

departments which had a revolutionary army. The correspondence of

representatives on mission and published documents verify the presence

of revolutionary armies in the towns mentioned.]

[Footnote 33147: De Martel, "Fouché," 338. (Text of the orders of the

commissioners of Public Safety.) The detachment sent to Lyons comprises

twelve hundred fusiliers, six hundred gunners, one hundred and fifty

horses. Three hundred thousand livres are remitted as traveling expenses

to the commissary, fifty thousand to Collot d'Herbois, and nineteen

thousand two hundred to the Jacobin civilians accompanying them.]

[Footnote 33148: Moniteur. (Session of Brumaire 17 year III.) Letter of

Representative Calès to the Convention. "Under the pretext of guarding

the prisons, the municipality (of Dijon) had a revolutionary army which

I broke up two days ago, as it cost six thousand francs a month, and

would not obey the commander of the armed force, and served as a support

to intriguers. These soldiers, who were all workmen out of employment,

do nothing but post themselves in the tribunes of the clubs, where they,

with the women they bring along with them, applaud the leaders, and so

threaten citizens who are disposed to combat them, and force these to

keep their mouths shut."??De Martel, "Fouché," 425. "Javogues, to elude

a decree of the Convention (Frimaire 14) suppressing the revolutionary

army in the departments, converted the twelve hundred men he had

embodied in it in the Loire into paid soldiers."? Ibid., 132. (Letter

of Goulin, Bourg, Frimaire 23.) "Yesterday, at Bourg-Régeriéré, I found

Javogues with about four hundred men of the revolutionary army whom he

had brought with him on the 20th instant."]

[Footnote 33149: Buchez et Roux, XXIX., 45.--Moniteur, XX., 67. (Report

of Barère, Germinal 7.)--Sauzay, IV., 303. (Orders of Representative

Bassal at Bésançon.)]

[Footnote 33150: We see by Barère's report (Germinal 7, year II.) that

the revolutionary army of Paris, instead of being six thousand men, was

only four thousand, which is creditable to Paris.--Mallet-Dupan, II.,

52. (cf. "The Revolution," II., 353.)--Gouvion St. Cyr, I., 137. "In

these times, the representatives had organized in Haut-Rhin what they

called a revolutionary army, composed of deserters and all the vagabonds

and scamps they could pick up who had belonged to the popular club; they

dragged along after it what they called judges and a guillotine."--"Hua,

Souvenirs d'un Avocat," 196.]

[Footnote 33151: Riouffe, "Memoires d'un deténue." P.31.]

[Footnote 33152: Ibid., "These balls were brought out ostentatiously and

shown to the people beforehand. The tying of our hands and passing three

ropes around our waists did not seem to him sufficient. We kept these

irons on the rest of the route, and they were so heavy that, if the

carriage had tilted to one side, we should inevitably have had our legs

broken. The gate-keepers of the conciergerie of Paris, who had held

their places nine-teen years, were astonished at it."]

[Footnote 33153: Archives des Affaires étrangères, vol.331. (Letter of

Haupt, Belfort, Frimaire 13, year II.)]

[Footnote 33154: Ibid. (Letter by Desgranges, Bordeaux, Frimaire 10.)]

[Footnote 33155: Ibid., vol.332. (Letter of Thiberge, Marseilles,

Frimaire 14.) "I surrounded the town with my small army."]

[Footnote 33156: Ibid., 331. (Orders of Representative Bassal, Besançon

Frimaire 5.) "No citizen shall keep in his house more than four months'

supplies.... Every citizen with more than this will deposit the surplus

in the granary 'd'abondance' provided for the purpose... . Immediately

on receipt of the present order, the municipality will summon all

citizens that can thresh and proceed immediately, without delay, to the

threshing-ground, under penalty of being prosecuted as refractory to the

law.... The revolutionary army is specially charged with the execution

of the articles of this order, and the revolutionary tribunals,

following this army with the enforcement of the penalties inflicted

according to this order."--Other documents show us that the

revolutionary army, organized in the department of Doubs and in the five

neighboring departments, comprises, in all, two thousand four hundred

men. (Ibid., vol., 1411. Letter of Meyenfeld to Minister Desforges,

Brumaire 27, year II.)--Archives Nationales, AF., II., 111. (Order

of Couthon, Maignet, Chateauneuf, Randon, La Porte and Albitte,

Commune-Affranchie, Brumaire 9, year II., establishing in the ten

surrounding departments a revolutionary army of one thousand men per

department, for the conscription of grain. Each army is to be directed

by commissioners, strangers to the department, and is to operate in

other departments than in the one where it is raised.)]

[Footnote 33157: Archives des Affaires étrangères, 331. (Letter of

Chépy, Frimaire II.)--Writing one month before this, (Brumaire 6) he

says: "The farmers show themselves very hostile against the towns and

the law of the maximum. Nothing can be done without a revolutionary

army."]

[Footnote 33158: Mercier, "Paris Pendant la Révolution," I., 357.]

[Footnote 33159: Hua, 197. I do not find in any printed or manuscript

document but one case of resistance, that of the brothers Chaperon,

in the hamlet of Leges, near Sens, who declare that they have no wheat

except for their own use, and who defend themselves by the use of a gun.

The gendarmerie not being strong enough to overcome them, the tocsin is

sounded and the National Guard of Sens and the neighborhood is summoned;

bringing cannon, the affair ends with the burning of the house. The two

brothers are killed. Before being overcome, however, they had struck

down the captain of the National Guard of Sens and killed or wounded

nearly forty of their assailants. A surviving brother and a sister are

guillotined. (June, 1794. Wallon, IV., 352.)]

[Footnote 33160: Moniteur, XVIII., 663. (Session of Frimaire 24, report

by Lecointre.) "The communes of Thieux, Jully and many others were

victims to their brigandage."--"The stupor in the country is such that

the poor sufferers dare not complain of these vexations because, they

say, they are only too lucky to have escaped with their lives."--This

time, however, these public brigands made a mistake. Gibbon's

son happens to be Lecointre's tenant farmer. Moreover, it is only

accidentally that he mentions the circumstance to his landlord; "he came

to see him for another purpose."--Cf. "The Revolution," vol. II., 302.

(There is a similar scene in the house of one Ruelle, a farmer, in the

commune of Lisse.)]

[Footnote 33161: Passim Alfred Lallier, "Le sans-culotte

Goullin."--Wallon, "Histoire du Tribunal révolutionnaire de Paris,"

V., 368. (Deposition of Lacaille.)--In addition to this, the most

extraordinary monsters are met with in other administrative bodies, for

example, in Nantes, a Jean d'Héron, tailor, who becomes inspector of

military stores. "After the rout at Clisson, says the woman Laillet, he

appeared in the popular club with a brigand's ear attached to his hat by

way of cockade. His pockets were full of ears, which he took delight in

making the women kiss. He exposed other things which he made them kiss

and the woman Laillet adds certain details which I dare not transcribe."

(" Le patriote d'Héron," by L. de la Sicotière, pp.9 and 10. Deposition

of the woman Laillet, fish-dealer, also the testimony of Mellinet, vol.

VIII., p.256.)]

[Footnote 33162: Wallon, V., 368. (Deposition of de Laillet.)]

[Footnote 33163: Ibid., V., 37'. (Deposition of Tabouret.)]

[Footnote 33164: Ibid., V., 373. (Deposition of Mariotte.)]

[Footnote 33165: Monieur, XXII., 321. (Deposition of Philippe

Troncjolly.)--Berryat Saint-Prix, "La Justice Révolutionnaire," 39.]

[Footnote 33166: Campardon, "Histoire du Tribunal Révolutionnaire,"

II., 30. They have ten francs a day, and full powers conferred on

them. (Orders of Carrier and Francastel, October 28, 1793.) "The

representatives.... confer collectively and individually, on each

member of the revolutionary company, the right of surveillance over

all 'suspect' citizens in Nantes, over strangers who come to or reside

there, over monopolists of every sort.... The right to make domiciliary

visits wherever they may deem it advisable.... The armed force will

everywhere respond to the demands made upon it in the name of the

company, or of any individual member composing it."--Berryat Saint-Prix,

p. 42.--Alfred Lallier, "Les Noyades de Nantes," p.20. (Deposition of

Gauthier.) Ibid., p.22. "Damn," exclaims Carrier, "I kept that execution

for Lamberty. I'm sorry that it was done by others."]

[Footnote 33167: Alfred Lallier, ibid., pp.21 and 90.--Cf. Moniteur,

XXII., 331. (Deposition of Victoire Abraham.) "The drowners made quite

free with the women, even using them for their own purposes when pleased

with them, which women, in token of their kindness, enjoyed the precious

advantage of not being drowned."]

[Footnote 33168: Campardon, II., 8. (Deposition of Commeret.)--Berryat

Saint-Prix, p. 42.-Ibid., p.28. Other agents of Carrier, Fouquet and

Lamberty, were condemned specially, "for having saved from national

vengeance Madame de Martilly and her maid... They shared the woman

Martilly and the maid between them." In connection with the "dainty

taste" of Jacobins for silk dresses M. Berryat Saint-Prix cites the

following answer of a Jacobin of 1851 to the judge d'instruction of

Rheims; on the objection being made to him that the Republic, as he

understood it, could not last long, he replied: "Possibly, but say it

lasts three months. That's long enough to fill one's pocket and belly

and rumple silk dresses?" Another of the same species said in 1871: "We

shall anyhow have a week's use of it." Observers of human nature will

find analogous details in the history of the Sepoy rebellion in India

against the English in 1803, also in the history of the Indians in the

United States. The September massacres in Paris and the history of

the combat of 1791 and 1792 have already provided us with the same

characteristic documents.]

[Footnote 33169: Alfred Lallier, "Les Fusillades de Nantes," P.23.

(Depositions of Picard, commander of the National Guards of the

escort.--Cf. the depositions of Jean Jounet, paver, and of Henri

Ferdinand, joiner.)]

[Footnote 33170: Sauzay, "Histoire de la Persécution Révolutionnaire

dans le Département du Doubs," VII., 687. (Letter of Grégoire, December

24, 1796.) "An approximative calculation makes the number of the authors

of so many crimes three hundred thousand, for in each commune there were

about five or six of these ferocious brutes who, named Brutus, perfected

the art of removing seals, drowning and cutting throats. They consumed

immense amounts in constructing 'Mountains,' in reveling, and in fetes

every three months which, after the first parade, became parodies,

represented by three or four actors in them, and with no audience. These

consisted, finally, of a drum-beater and the musical officer; and the

latter, ashamed of himself, often concealed his scarf in his pocket, on

his way to the Temple of Reason. ... But these 300 000 brigands had 2 or

300 directors, members of the National convention, who cannot be called

anything but scoundrels, since the language provides no other epithet so

forcible."]

BOOK FOURTH. THE GOVERNED.

CHAPTER I. THE OPPRESSED.

I. Revolutionary Destruction.

Magnitude of revolutionary destructiveness.--The four ways

of effecting it.--Expulsion from the country through forced

emigration and legal banishment.--Number of those expelled.

--Privation of liberty.--Different sorts of imprisonment.

--Number and situation of those imprisoned.--Murders after

being tried, or without trial.--Number of those guillotined

or shot after trial.--Indication of the number of other

lives destroyed.--Necessity and plan for wider destruction.

--Spoliation.--Its extent.--Squandering.--Utter losses.--Ruin

of individuals and the State.--The Notables the most

oppressed.

The object of the Jacobin, first of all, is the destruction of his

adversaries, avowed or presumed, probable or possible. Four violent

measures concur, together or in turn, to bring about the physical or

social extermination of all Frenchmen who no longer belong to the sect

or the party.

The first operation consists in expelling them from the

territory.--Since 1789, they have been chased off through a forced

emigration; handed over to jacqueries, or popular uprisings, in the

country, and to insurrections in the cities,[4101] defenseless and not

allowed to defend themselves, three-fourths of them have left France,

simply to escape popular brutalities against which neither the law nor

the government afforded them any protection. According as the law and

the administration, in becoming more Jacobin, became more hostile to

them, so did they leave in greater crowds. After the 10th of August

and 2nd of September, the flight necessarily was more general; for,

henceforth, if any one persisted in remaining after that date it was

with the almost positive certainty that he would be consigned to a

prison, to await a massacre or the guillotine. About the same time, the

law added to the fugitive the banished, all unsworn priests, almost an

entire class consisting of nearly 40 000 persons.[4102] It is calculated

that, on issuing from the reign of Terror, the total number of fugitives

and banished) amounted to 150 000[4103] the list would have been still

larger, had not the frontier been guarded by patrols and one had to

cross it at the risk of one's life; and yet, many do risk their lives

in attempting to cross it, in disguise, wandering about at night, in

mid-winter, exposed to gunshots, determined to escape cost what it will,

into Switzerland, Italy, or Germany, and even into Hungary, in quest of

security and the right of praying to God as one pleases.[4104]--If any

exiled or deported person ventures to return, he is tracked like a wild

beast, and, as soon as taken, he is guillotined.[4105] For example,

M. de Choiseul, and other unfortunates, wrecked and cast ashore on the

coast of Normandy, are not sufficiently protected by the law of nations.

They are brought before a military commission; saved temporarily through

public commiseration, they remain in prison until the First Consul

intervenes between them and the homicidal law and consents, through

favor, to deport them to the Dutch frontier.--If they have taken up arms

against the Republic they are cut off from humanity; a Pandour[4106]

taken prisoner is treated as a man; an émigré made prisoner is treated

like a wolf--they shoot him on the spot. In some cases, even the

pettiest legal formalities are dispensed with. "When I am lucky enough

to catch 'em," writes Gen. Vandamme, "I do not trouble the military

commission to try them. They are already tried--my saber and pistols do

their business."[4107]

The second operation consists in depriving "suspects" of their liberty,

of which deprivation there are several degrees; there are various ways

of getting hold of people.--Sometimes, the "suspect" is "adjourned,"

that is to say, the order of arrest is simply suspended; he lives under

a perpetual menace that is generally fulfilled; he never knows in the

morning that he will not sleep in a prison that night. Sometimes, he is

put on the limits of his commune. Sometimes, he is confined to his house

with or without guards, and, in the former case, he is obliged to pay

them. Again, finally, and which occurs most frequently, he is shut up

in this or that common jail.--In the single department of Doubs, twelve

hundred men and women are "adjourned;" three hundred put on the limits

of the commune, fifteen hundred confined to their houses, and twenty

two hundred imprisoned.[4108] In Paris, thirty-six such prisons and more

than "violins", or temporary jails, soon filled by the revolutionary

committees, do not suffice for the service.[4109] It is estimated that,

in France, not counting more than 40,000 provisional jails, twelve

hundred prisons, full and running over, contain each more than two

hundred inmates.[4110] At Paris, notwithstanding the daily void created

by the guillotine, the number of the imprisoned on Floréal 9, year II.,

amounts to 7,840; and, on Messidor 25 following, notwithstanding the

large batches of 50 and 60 persons led in one day, and every day, to

the scaffold, the number is still 7,502.[4111] There are more than one

thousand persons in the prisons of Arras, more than one thousand five

hundred in those of Toulouse, more than three thousand in those of

Strasbourg, and more than thirteen thousand in those of Nantes. In the

two departments alone of Bouches du-Rhône and Vaucluse, Representative

Maignet, who is on the spot, reports from 12,000 to 15,000

arrests.[4112] "A little before Thermidor," says Representative

Beaulieu, "the number of incarcerated arose to nearly 400,000, as is

apparent on the lists and registers then before the Committee of General

Security."[4113]--Among these poor creatures, there are children, and

not alone in the prisons of Nantes where the revolutionary searches have

collected the whole of the rural population; in the prisons of Arras,

among twenty similar cases, I find a coal-dealer and his wife with their

seven sons and daughters, from seventeen down to six years of age; a

widow with her four children from nineteen down to twelve years of age;

another noble widow with her nine children, from seventeen down to

three years of age, and six children, without father or mother, from

twenty-three down to nine years of age.[4114]--These prisoners of State

were treated, almost everywhere, worse than robbers and assassins under

the ancient régime. They began by subjecting them to rapiotage, that

is to say, stripping them naked or, at best, feeling their bodies under

their shirts; women and young girls fainted away under this examination,

formerly confined to convicts on entering the bagnio.[4115]--Frequently,

before consigning them to their dungeons or shutting them up in their

cells, they would be left two or three nights pell-mell in a lower hall

on benches, or in the court on the pavement, "without beds or straw."

"The feelings are wounded in all directions, every point of sensibility,

so to say, being played upon. They are deprived one after the other

of their property, assignats, furniture, and food, of daylight and

lamp-light, of the assistance which their wants and infirmities demand,

of a knowledge of public events, of all communication, either immediate

or written, with fathers, sons and husbands."[4116] They are obliged to

pay for their lodgings, their keepers, and for what they eat; they are

robbed at their very doors of the supplies they send for outside; they

are compelled to eat at a mess-table; they are furnished with scant

and nauseous food, "spoilt codfish, putrid herrings and meat, rotten

vegetables, all this accompanied with a mug of Seine water colored red

with some drug or other."[4117] They starve them, bully them, and vex

them purposely as if they meant to exhaust their patience and drive

them into a revolt, so as to get rid of them in a mass, or, at least, to

justify the increasing rapid strokes of the guillotine. They are huddled

together in tens, twenties and thirties, in one room at La Force, "eight

in a chamber, fourteen feet square," where all the beds touch, and many

overlap each other, where two out of the eight inmates are obliged to

sleep on the floor, where vermin swarm, where the closed sky-lights,

the standing tub, and the crowding together of bodies poisons the

atmosphere.--In many places, the proportion of the sick and dying is

greater than in the hold of a slave-ship. "Of ninety individuals with

whom I was shut up two months ago," writes a prisoner at Strasbourg,

"sixty-six were taken to the hospital in the space of eight days."[4118]

In the prisons of Nantes, 3000 out 13,000 prisoners die of typhoid fever

and of the rot in two months.[4119] 400 priests[4120] confined on a

vessel between decks, in the roadstead of Aix, stowed on top of each

other, wasted with hunger, eaten up by vermin, suffocated for lack of

air, half-frozen, beaten, mocked at, and constantly threatened with

death, suffer still more than Negroes in a slave-hold; for, through

interest in his freight, the captain of the slaver tries to keep

his human consignment in good health, whilst, through revolutionary

fanaticism, the crew of the Aix vessel detests its cargo of

"black-frocks" and would gladly send them to the bottom.--According

to this system, which, up to Thermidor 9, grows worse and worse,

imprisonment becomes a torture, oftentimes mortal, slower and more

painful than the guillotine, and to such an extent that, to escape it,

Champfort opens his veins and Condorcet swallows poison.[4121]The third

expedient consists of murder, with or without trial.--178 tribunals,

of which 40 are ambulatory, pronounce in every part of the territory

sentences of death which are immediately executed on the spot.[4122]

Between April 6, 1793, and Thermidor 9, year II., (July 27th, 1794)

that of Paris has 2,625 persons guillotined,[4123] while the provincial

judges do as much work as the Paris judges. In the small town of Orange

alone, they guillotine 331 persons. In the single town of Arras they

have 299 men and 93 women guillotined. At Nantes, the revolutionary

tribunals and military committees have, on the average, 100 persons

a day guillotined, or shot, in all 1,971. In the city of Lyons

the revolutionary committee admit 1,684, while Cadillot, one of

Robespierre's correspondents, advises him of 6,000.[4124]--The statement

of these murders is not complete, but 17,000 have been enumerated,[4125]

"most of them effected without any formality, evidence or direct

charge," among others the murder of "more than 1200 women, several of

whom were octogenarians and infirm;"[4126] particularly the murder of 60

women or young girls, condemned to death, say the warrants, for having

attended the services of unsworn priests, or for having neglected the

services of a sworn priest.

"The accused, ranged in order, were condemned at sight. Hundreds of

death-sentences took about a minute per head. Children of seven, five

and four years of age, were tried. A father was condemned for the son,

and the son for the father. A dog was sentenced to death. A parrot was

brought forward as a witness. Numbers of accused persons whose sentences

could not be written out were executed."

At Angers, the sentences of over four hundred men and three hundred and

sixty women, executed for the purpose of relieving the prisons, were

mentioned on the registers simply by the letters S or G (shot or

guillotined).[4127] At Paris, as in the provinces, the slightest

pretext[4128] served to constitute a crime. The daughter of the

celebrated painter, Joseph Vernet,[4129] was guillotined for being a

" receiver," for having kept fifty pounds of candles in her house,

distributed among the employees of La Muette by the liquidators of the

civil list. Young de Maillé,[4130] aged sixteen years, was guillotined

as a conspirator, "for having thrown a rotten herring in the face of

his jailer, who had served it to him to eat." Madame de Puy-Verin was

guillotined as "guilty" because she had not taken away from her deaf,

blind and senile husband a bag of card-counters, marked with the royal

effigy.--In default of any pretext,[4131] there was the supposition of a

conspiracy; blank lists were given to paid emissaries, who undertook

to search the various prisons and select the requisite number of heads;

they wrote names down on them according to their fancy, and these

provided the batches for the guillotine.

"As for myself," said the juryman Vilate, "I am never embarrassed. I am

always convinced. In a revolution, all who appear before this tribunal

ought to be condemned."--

At Marseilles, the Brutus Commission,[4132] "sentencing without public

prosecutor or jurymen, sent to the prisons for those it wished to put

to death. After having demanded their names, professions and wealth they

were sent down to a cart standing at the door of the Palais de

Justice; the judges then stepped out on the balcony and pronounced the

death-sentence." The same proceedings took place at Cambrai,

Arras, Nantes, Le Mans, Bordeaux, Nîmes, Lyons, Strasbourg, and

elsewhere.--Evidently, the judicial comedy is simply a parade; they

make use of it as one of the respectable means, among others less

respectable, to exterminate people whose opinions are not what they

should be, or who belong to the proscribed classes;[4133] Samson, at

Paris, and his colleagues in the provinces, the execution-platoons of

Lyons and Nantes, are simply the collaborators of murderers properly so

called, while legal massacres complete other massacres pure and simple.

Of this latter description, the fusillades of Toulon come first, where

the number of those who are shot largely surpasses one thousand;[4134]

next the great drownings of Nantes, in which 4,800 men, women and

children perished,[4135] the other drownings, for which no figures may

be given;[4136] then the countless popular murders committed in France

between July 14, 1789, and August 10, 1792; the massacre of one 1,300

prisoners in Paris, in September, 1792; the long train of assassinations

which, in July, August and September, 1789, extends over the entire

territory; finally, the dispatch of the prisoners, either shot or

sabered, without trial at Lyons and in the West. Even excepting those

who had died fighting or who, taken with arms in their hands, were

shot down or sabered on the spot, there were 10,000 persons slaughtered

without trial in the province of Anjou alone:[4137] accordingly, the

instructions of the Committee of Public Safety, also the written

orders of Carrier and Francastel, direct generals to "bleed freely" the

insurgent districts,[4138] and spare not a life: it is estimated that,

in the eleven western departments, the dead of both sexes and of all

ages exceeded 400,000.[4139]--Considering the program and principles of

the Jacobin sect this is no great number; they might have killed a good

many more. But time was wanting; during their short reign they did what

they could with the instrument in their hands. Look at their machine,

the gradual construction of its parts, the successive stages of its

operation from its starting up to Thermidor 9, and see how limited the

period of its operation was. Organized March 30 and April 6, 1793,

the Revolutionary Committees and the Revolutionary Tribunal had but

seventeen months in which to do their work. They did not drive ahead

with all their might until after the fall of the Girondists, and

especially after September, 1763 that is to say for a period of eleven

months. Its loose wheels were not screwed up and the whole was not

in running order under the impulse of the central motor until after

December, 1793, that is to say during eight months. Perfected by the law

of Prairial 22, it works for the past two months, faster and better than

before, with an energy and rapidity that increase from week to week.--At

that date, and even before it, the theorists have taken the bearings of

their destinies and accepted the conditions of their undertaking. Being

sectarians, they have a faith, and as orthodoxy tolerates no heresy, and

as the conversion of heretics is never sincere or durable, heresy can

be suppressed only by suppressing heretics. "It is only the dead,"

said Barère, Messidor 16, "who never return." On the 2nd and 3rd

of Thermidor,[4140] the Committee of Public Safety sends to

Fouquier-Tinville a list of four hundred and seventy-eight accused

persons with orders "to bring the parties named to trial at once."

Baudot and Jean Bon St. Andre, Carrier, Antonelle and Guifroy, had

already estimated the lives to be taken at several millions and,

according to Collot d' Herbois, who had a lively imagination, "the

political perspiration should go on freely, and not stop until from

twelve to fifteen million Frenchmen had been destroyed."[4141]

To make amends, in the fourth and last division of their work, that is

to say, in spoliation, they went to the last extreme: they did all that

could be done to ruin individuals, families and the State; whatever

could be taken, they took.--The Constituent and Legislative Assemblies

had, on their side, begun the business by abolishing tithes and all

feudal rights without indemnity, and by confiscating all ecclesiastical

property; the Jacobin operators continue and complete the job; we have

seen by what decrees and with what hostility against collective and

individual property, whether they attribute to the State the possession

of all corporations whatever, even laic, such as colleges, schools and

scientific or literary societies, hospitals and communes, or whether

they despoil individuals, indirectly through assignats and the maximum,

or directly through the forced loan, revolutionary taxes,[4142] seizures

of gold and silver coin, requisitions of common useful utensils,[4143]

sequestrations of prisoners' property, confiscations of the possessions

of emigrants and exiles and of those deported or condemned to death.

No capital invested in real or personal property, no income in money

or produce, whatever its source, whether leases, mortgages, private

credits, pensions, agricultural, industrial or commercial gains, the

fruits of economy or labor, from the farmers', the manufacturers' and

the merchant's stores to the robes, coats, shirts and shoes, even to

the beds and bed-rooms of private individuals--nothing escapes their

rapacious grasp: in the country, they carry off even seed reserved for

planting; at Strasbourg and in the Upper Rhine, all kitchen utensils; in

Auvergne and elsewhere, even the shepherd's pots. Every object of

value, even those not in public use, comes under requisition: for

instance,[4144] the Revolutionary Committee of Bayonne seizes a lot of

"cotton cloth and muslin," under the pretext of making "breeches for

the country's defenders." On useful objects being taken it is not always

certain that they will be utilized; between their seizure and putting

them to service, robbery and waste intervene. At Strasbourg,[4145] on

a requisition being threatened by the representatives, the inhabitants

strip themselves and, in a few days, bring to the municipality "6,879

coats, breeches and vests, 4,767 pairs of stockings, 16,921 pairs of

shoes, 863 pairs of boots, 1351 cloaks, 20,518 shirts, 4,524 hats,

523 pairs of gaiters, 143 skin vests, 2,673, 900 blankets, besides 29

quintals of lint, 21 quintals of old linen, and a large number of other

articles."

The French Revolution - Volume 3 · 第 6 / 11 章