CHAPTER IV.

_MEN AND WOMEN AS WORKERS._

[Sidenote: Do women displace men?]

One of the most important questions relating to women as workers is the

exact relationship between their work and that of men, _i.e._, how far

they are rivals in competition and how far they are helpers in

co-operation. In some of these trades, such as that of the lithographic

artists, this question has never arisen, because women have rarely

entered the trade. Only five instances of women working as lithographic

artists are known to the head of St. Bride's Institute. But that men and

women have been rivals from time to time is placed beyond doubt,

although it must always be remembered that the same work nominally is

not always the same work actually.[33]

[Footnote 33: Men feeders, for instance, carry formes and do little

things about the machine which women do not do. In one instance it was

reported that a firm with a London and a country house, employed women

in the latter to do binding done by men in the former. On enquiry it was

found that the heavy work was done in London and the light work in the

country. An interesting case in point is reported by a Scottish

investigator. "Stated that in another workshop a man had been displaced

at a paper-ruling machine and two girls taken on instead. I took special

note of this case when visiting the workshop in question later. There

were two girls employed at the machine, but they appeared to be working

along with the manager of that department, who was supervising it." But

there is work, such as the minding of platen machines which men do in

London but which women do in Edinburgh and Aberdeen.]

Gold laying for cloth binding has, within the last quarter of a century,

become the work of women who have taken the place of old "finishers" in

some bookbinding firms,[34] and at Dunstable women are reported as

doing binding throughout. Women are employed as compositors much more

frequently in the provinces than in London. In Edinburgh and Aberdeen,

for instance, women are reported as being engaged in every process,

except making-up and the heavy work of carrying type, in which men alone

are employed. Type-setting and distribution of type are often done by

women in Scotland. In some of the Edinburgh printing establishments

women do practically the same work as men. The extensive employment of

women during the compositors' strike in Edinburgh in 1872 to secure a

fifty-one hours' working week[35] was the result of the determination of

the employers to defeat the Typographical Association, and at least one

firm in London tried the same policy during the bookbinders' strike for

an eight-hours' day in 1902 though apparently with no success. The

enthusiasts for the introduction of women into the printing trades had

for some time been trying to get a hold upon Edinburgh printing offices,

but had failed until the strike of 1872. An enterprising employer then

trained some girls from the Merchant Company's Schools--a better class

of girls whom we find described sometimes as "stickit teachers"--to

compose. The results were satisfactory, and the example was speedily

followed. The strike failed and the displacement of men continued.

[Footnote 34: Reporting to their members in May, 1903, the Wages

Committee of the London Society of Journeymen Bookbinders (Third Report)

state regarding the award just given on certain points of dispute

between the Unions and the Employers: "The right of employment of women

in laying-on of gold has also been awarded against us, notwithstanding

that no part of the proceedings evoked more strenuous opposition from

your representatives. The hands of your delegates were weakened by the

fact that the practice already existed: in some cases had crept in, and

in others been extended unawares; yet they strove to preserve the right

of the workman, whilst willing and anxious that the supercession of the

workwoman, where she had been introduced, should be gradual and

considerate.--The argument for the employers is that the employment of

women on the class of gold laying-on indicated, will enable them fairly

to compete in other fields, and will tend to increase men's work instead

of to reduce it. This view, the arbitrator adopted."]

[Footnote 35: So also in Aberdeen. "About a dozen years ago during a

dispute about apprentices, seventeen men and three or five boys went

out, and girls were then taken on."]

[Sidenote: The Perth dispute.]

Something similar happened in Perth, where twenty-five years ago four

girls were taken into the newspaper department of the offices of the

_Perthshire Advertiser_. About seven years ago they were introduced into

a commercial printing office, and a year later the _Perthshire

Constitutional_ began to employ them on general bookwork and setting-up

newspaper copy, the proprietor claiming that he had the same right as

the other offices to have cheap female labour. Thus the practice

threatened to spread throughout the other commercial printing offices,

and the men's Union thought it was time to bestir itself. It decided

that the women must either be paid the same rates as the men or be got

rid of altogether. This ultimatum was sent to the employers. The

_Constitutional_ complied with the demands of the Union and dismissed

its women workers. The _Advertiser_ at first proposed gradually to

replace the girls by men in the commercial department, but to continue

to run the newspaper department by female labour. The proprietor

contended that this would not give him an unfair advantage over the

other firms, as they employed linotype machines. The Union then decided

to strike, and took thirty men out of the _Advertiser_ office. Four

remained in, and some other non-Union men were also engaged. The office

continues to work under this system.

[Sidenote: Value of women's work.]

There has also been trouble in Grimsby (1899), owing to the employment

of women on a bi-weekly newspaper, at Redhill (1898-1900), and at

Reading (1902). Other places where the Typographical Association report

women to be employed are, Louth (Lincolnshire), Aylesbury, Beccles,

Fakenham, Warrington,[36] etc.; whilst in Birmingham the experiment was

tried about 1890, but has been abandoned. They are also employed at

Bungay, but in decreasing numbers, because their proofs require so much

more correcting than the men's that the valuable time thus lost is not

compensated for by the cheapness of their labour. The same is true of

Edinburgh, where their wages have fallen from a rate of 1_s._ 6_d._ to

1_s._ per average page. In Leicester a firm tried to employ women in

distributing type at low rates of pay, but a protest from the local

executive of the Typographical Association led immediately to the

experiment being discontinued. There is an almost unanimous chorus of

opinion that women's work as compositors is so inferior to men's that

it does not pay in the long run. From the days of Miss Faithfull's

experiments, the men have been able to boast that women could not touch

them at the case. In Aberdeen the unwillingness of boys to submit to a

long apprenticeship and the fear of parents that the linotype has

spoiled the typographical trade, are said to be the main reasons

necessitating the employment of women compositors.

[Footnote 36: Women were introduced into Warrington newspaper offices

early in the decade beginning with 1880. They have been found to be

quicker than men in plain setting-up and simple straightforward work.

They do not stay very long--the eldest girl compositor employed, when

our investigator called, being only twenty-five. They are not employed

in locking the formes; nor curiously enough are they employed in the

machine-room to feed the printing presses, though they are so engaged in

Manchester. The women compositors are paid one-third of the men's rate.

Here it was definitely stated that the cheapness of women's labour made

it unnecessary to introduce linotypes.]

[Sidenote: The men's view.]

Men in these trades have never looked upon women competitors with a

friendly eye, the reason being that so many branches are just on the

margin line of those occupations which are so light and easily picked up

that women can supplant men in them altogether.[37] The Typographical

Association for over a quarter of a century has had to carry on a

constant struggle with the employers in order to protect the journeymen

printers against three forms of cheap labour--apprentices, unskilled men

and women.[38] Employers in a small way of business, maintaining

establishments on little capital, where efficiency is not high, employ

women on work done in larger and better equipped establishments

exclusively by men. Here there is rivalry and competition, and women are

preferred mainly because they accept lower wages, and because they are

not members of Unions;[39] and their lack of technical skill is not

found to be a sufficient counterpoise to these advantages. But in these

places an inferior kind of work is done, and if men were employed they

would either have to accept wages below the generally enforced scale, or

the whole character of the work and organisation of the business would

have to be changed.

[Footnote 37: It is interesting to note that an official of the

Lithographic Printers' Society, entitled to explain the attitude of the

Union, stated, "The Lithographic Society distinctly encourages girls;

when boys feed the machines they are apt to pick up too much and want to

become litho-printers before going through the apprenticeship. The

women, not desiring to become litho-printers, are better from the

Society's point of view."]

[Footnote 38: This is the real opposition which the men offer to women.

In Perth and Bungay, for instance, the women put in a bill at the end of

each week, worked out on the men's scale of rates. The cashier then

divides the total by two and pays the women accordingly. In Edinburgh

women's piece rates for composing average about two-thirds those of men.

At Warrington, women do machine-ruling for prices ranging from 15_s._ to

20_s._, whilst men are paid 32_s._ for the same work. A more definite

statement is made by a Manchester employer. He estimated that a woman

was two-thirds as valuable in a printer's and stationer's warehouse as a

man, and she was paid 15_s._ or 20_s._ to his 33_s._ A further example

of this is given in connection with a Scottish firm executing Government

work. "As the Government insists upon the men's Union price being paid,

the work is being done by men, although in the ordinary way it would

have been done by women." "But they would never allow the women," said

our informant of her employers, "to make such big money as that."]

[Footnote 39: This is why the Typographical Association offers a steady

resistance to the employment of women. It does not object to them as

women, but as forms of cheap and unskilled labour.]

[Sidenote: Apparent rivalry.]

In the better equipped houses, where women are employed on work

generally done by men, as in composing, only parts of a compositor's

duty are performed by women, and the heavier or the more technical

duties, such as carrying about the formes or imposing, are done as a

rule by boys or men.[40] So that here the rivalry is but partial, and,

moreover, the employment of women does not always pay. It appears that

in some cases, particularly in bookbinding, the application of

machinery[41] makes it possible for the less skilled and lower paid

women to do work formerly done by men, so that men regard women _plus_

the machine as their competitor. On the other hand machines have

displaced women and have made new openings for men, as in the case of

one of the most recently introduced folding machines which feeds itself.

But the re-organisation of the workshop which follows the introduction

of the machine cannot be regarded merely as a substitution of men's

labour by women's or the opposite, for what really happens is an

all-round shifting of the distribution of labour-power and skill, and a

re-arrangement of the subdivision of labour.[42] Men are transferred

from one kind of work to another, owing mainly to a change in the

volume of production; women are introduced not so much to take men's

places as to fill places created by the re-organisation of work; youths

also find a footing more often at the expense of women than of men. At

certain points the machine simplifies processes and abolishes the need

of paying for skill in the worker; at others it makes skill (sometimes,

perhaps, a new kind of skill) more necessary; at one point it abolishes

the need of paying for strength, at another it makes a new opening for

strength. Thus the displacement which occurs, and the competition set up

are often more apparent than real.

[Footnote 40: As a type of the reports from firms employing women

compositors, the following from Edinburgh firms may be summarised: Seven

girls are employed on each machine (monotype), five on the keyboards and

two correcting proofs. A man is kept for every ten or twelve girls, his

work being to "make up" the girls' work. Another firm employs a man to

attend to every three monotype machines used, for the purpose of keeping

things going. Another says it employs two men compositors and one

labourer for thirty-eight girls.]

[Footnote 41: Machinery has also tended to increase the employment of

women in stamping and embossing.]

[Footnote 42: An official of a Bookbinders' Union states: "In A works

there was much gloom among the men when the rounding and backing machine

came in; profitable work was taken away from the 'rounders' and

'backers,' but they had more 'lining-up' and other work to do in

consequence, so nobody was turned off."]

[Sidenote: A miscellaneous survey.]

In the more miscellaneous trades over which this enquiry ranged a

considerable mass of evidence points to the displacement of men by

women. General statements to this effect are common in the evidence of

both employers and employed. In firm A. it is alleged that women do the

same work in card mounting as used to be done by men, and are paid 2_s._

for work which used to be paid for at 10_s._ Paging and numbering used

to be men's work, but is now almost exclusively done by women. Plain

relief stamping and black bordering have also drifted into the hands of

women, whilst in various directions, such as the making and binding of

cases, wrappering, or feeding printing and particularly lithographic

machines, women are beginning to encroach upon men. These displacements

are very often only local. Manchester has one experience; Edinburgh

another. Leeds was agitated because women were displacing men on a

French ruling machine, whilst elsewhere no similar move was taking

place. But it must be emphasised again that in many of these instances

careful enquiry shows that when men were employed they did something

that the women do not now do,[43] and that the employment of women was

owing to an increased volume of trade, when new machinery or some other

change had made a greater subdivision of labour possible and profitable.

In some cases girls displace boys for no other reason than that boys

cannot be found to do the work; this was the case in Manchester some ten

years ago, when girls took the place of boys in letterpress work.

[Footnote 43: An Edinburgh employer put that in this way: "If women were

paid the same rates as men they would have to pay for their overseers

and assistants."]

[Sidenote: Conclusions.]

Generally, the results of our investigations show the following summary

of the advantages and disadvantages of women's labour to the employer,

and their employment in preference to men depends upon how far in any

given case or under any given circumstances the balance of these

advantages and disadvantages is on the side of the women--or, it must

also be said, how far the employer is bound by conservative use and wont

so as to be protected against any impulse to employ the best

organisation for the efficient conduct of his business.

The advantages of the woman worker are:--

1. That she will accept low wages; she usually works for about half the

men's wages.

2. That she is not a member of a Union, and is, therefore, more amenable

to the will of the employer as the absolute rule of the workshop.

3. That she is a steady[44] worker (much emphasis must not be placed

upon this, as the contrary is also alleged), and nimble at mechanical

processes, such as folding and collecting sheets.

[Footnote 44: "In Mr. W----'s youth, men used to do all the card

mounting. Women were introduced for it about twenty-nine years ago. They

were brought in because the men drank so and kept away." But later on

the same informant said that he had to introduce a varnishing machine

because women "kept away so."]

4. That she will do odd jobs which lead to nothing.[45]

[Footnote 45: Birmingham boys, for instance, would not feed printing

machines, because it "leads to nothing," so girls were employed. _Cf._

Aberdeen, p. 47, etc.]

Her disadvantages are:--

1. That she has less technical skill than a man, and is not so useful

all round.

2. That she has less strength at work and has more broken time owing to

bad health and, especially should she be married, domestic duties, and

that her output is not so great as that of a man.[46]

[Footnote 46: An employer with considerable experience both of men and

women in the printing trade in Scotland, says, "given a certain area of

floor space for men and women, on the former would probably be produced

half more than on the latter."]

3. That she is more liable to leave work just when she is getting most

useful; or, expressing this in a general way, that there are more

changes in a crowd of women workers than in a crowd of men workers.

4. That employers object to mixed departments.[47]

[Footnote 47: 1, 2, and 4, together lead London employers to conclude

that an extension of women's employment is impossible, because it would

mean larger workshops in proportion to the numbers employed, and

consequently ruinous rents.]

One interesting point must be noted in connection with these

conclusions. In London, where women mainly work on the more unskilled

and irregular processes, it is often difficult to see what industrial

influence they are exerting. In Edinburgh or Aberdeen that is not so

much the case. And one thing which is observable in these places is that

the employment of women of itself leads to those minute subdivisions of

labour characteristic of machine industry. "There are more subdivisions

of labour amongst women than amongst men in the printing trade. For

example, one girl will set-up the type, another will "brass-out" (put in

heads and finish it), or two may sometimes be employed in finishing

it."[48]

[Footnote 48: So in bookbinding. A Dundee manager of a general binding

establishment, says: "The subdivision of labour system has certainly

favoured the increased employment of women in the trade."]

Cheap, mechanical and light work consequently tends to be done by women,

whilst the men enjoy almost undisputed possession of the rest. The woman

worker, for instance, competes with the man in binding the cheap light

note-book, whilst she rarely interferes with him in binding heavy

ledgers.[49] On the other hand, in some of the more mechanical

departments, such as examining sheets of paper by touch, she attains a

wonderful dexterity.

[Footnote 49: The following report from Aberdeen gives an interesting

account of the subdivision of labour in a firm which has introduced

women for cloth-case making:

"The department where girls are beginning to encroach on men is in

cloth-case work, that is, making the cases and putting them on. In the

higher reaches of the trade the women do not show themselves to be so

skilful. As yet the men's Unions have not shown much active opposition

to women's work in this branch, provided always that one man is set to

work with every five girls employed on it. The making of a 'case' is

divided into five sections and illustrates the modern development of the

division of labour system.

1st girl glues.

2nd girl lays on boards.

Man cuts corners.

3rd girl turns in ends.

4th girl turns in fore-edge.

5th girl (young) puts it through rolling machine."]

We have also to note how very effectively conservative notions about

women's sphere and chivalrous prejudices about protecting them,

influence certain employers in determining what work they _ought_ to do.

[Sidenote: Technical training.]

We have endeavoured to ascertain how far technical training would

increase the pressure of competition between men and women, but in the

present rudimentary state of such training there are few data to guide

us to any very positive conclusion.

It is difficult, however, to see how in these trades the technical

training of women would threaten men, except perhaps in the artistic

branches. The use of the various mechanical type-setting machines has

already led to some displacement of labour, and though the _technique_

of setting and spacing might be taught to women in trade classes, the

greater regularity of the male worker, and his remaining longer at the

trade must always, in so skilled an industry as this, give him

advantages over his female competitor. Nor would classes for women in

bookbinding injure men bookbinders. For in this as in other trades women

are not handicapped only by a want of skill, and if they attended

classes, presumably they would be taught chiefly the arts and crafts

side of bookbinding, and thus be led into branches of the trade at

present undeveloped.

[Sidenote: "Use and wont."]

Moreover, a curious fact has to be kept in mind. Women workers are so

lethargic that they are largely governed by use and wont. No remark is

more frequent in the investigators' reports, than one to this effect,

"That is men's work. Why? We do not know, but it _is_ men's work, and we

do not think about it." In some instances this use and wont is based on

experience; in others, as in the backwardness of London employers in

putting women to feed lithographic machines, its rational explanation

is not obvious.[50] In this respect the women themselves are very

"loyal." "Once the employer wanted her," writes an investigator, "to

varnish books, and offered her 5_s._ a book: she has a steady hand and

could have done it quite well. It meant following a delicate zig-zag

pattern with a paint brush. She refused indignantly, and said, 'I know

my place and I'm not going to take men's work from them.'" And, again, a

rigid sense of propriety, based on a certain amount of good reason,

seems to determine many employers to separate male from female

departments without further question.[51]

[Footnote 50: Except perhaps, as has been suggested, that the premises

where lithographic work is done are generally so unsuitable for the

employment of women.]

[Footnote 51: A similar division exists in women's work; certain kinds

are done by women of an inferior social grade, _e.g._, machine-feeding,

and these are strictly kept at arm's length by women working in

different departments in the same factory.]

[Sidenote: Girls _v._ Women.]

So much is heard of women as rivals of men that we forget that women

themselves are often preyed upon by still cheaper rivals, and the real

value of technical training for women seems to lie in the fact that such

training might protect them against these. Owing to the unskilled nature

of their work, however, even technical education can afford to them only

an unsatisfactory security against younger and cheaper persons. One of

the investigators, for instance, reports:--

"It is the regular custom in A.'s now to have little girls at 3_s._ and

4_s._ a week doing work which women at 11_s._ and 12_s._ ought to do.

They put a little girl beside a regular hand, and as soon as the little

one masters the work [show-card mounting is being reported upon], they

discharge the big one. When the little one asks for a rise, they give

her 6_d._ or 1_s._ more, and when she wants still more, she goes."

Figures follow showing that just under one-ninth of the women employed

in this department at A.'s are "old hands." Then the report proceeds:

"A. discharged about forty hands on the plea of slackness a little while

ago, and then put up bills for learners." The investigators found that

amongst the employées there was a very widespread opinion that "the

learners always get all the best work," and that one of the regular

features of the trade is, that it employs a large fluctuating number of

learners, whilst a smaller number of skilled hands are kept in tolerably

regular work.[52]

[Footnote 52: This, however, is not a problem special to women's work,

but is one of general industrial conditions, although it is marked with

special distinctness in the case of women.]

The old hands occasionally object to teach the young ones, but nothing

comes of their opposition to a system by which they are compelled to

train their own executioners.

Women in the Printing Trades: A Sociological Study. · 第 4 / 11 章