III

Historic democracy is dead.

This is not to say that a Democratic party organization has ceased to

exist. Nor does it mean that there are no more Democrats and that the

Democratic party is dead in the sense that the Federalist party is dead

or the Whig party is dead, or the Greenback party is dead, or the

Populist party is dead. That which has died is the Democratic party of

Jefferson and Jackson and Tilden. The principles of government which

they laid down and advocated have been for the most part obliterated.

What slavery and secession were unable to accomplish has been brought

about by nationalizing sumptuary laws and suffrage.

The death-blow to Jeffersonian democracy was delivered by the

Democratic Senators and Representatives from the South and West who

carried through the prohibition amendment. The _coup de grâce_ was

administered by a President of the United States elected as a Democrat

when he approved the Federal suffrage amendment to the Constitution.

The kind of government for which the Jeffersonian democracy

successfully battled for more than a century was thus repudiated;

centralization was invited; State rights were assassinated in the very

citadel of State rights. The charter of local self-government become a

scrap of paper, the way is open for the obliteration of the States in

all their essential functions and the erection of a Federal Government

more powerful than anything of which Alexander Hamilton dared to dream.

When the history of these times comes to be written it may be said of

Woodrow Wilson: he rose to world celebrity by circumstance rather than

by character. He was favored of the gods. He possessed a bright,

forceful mind. His achievements were thrust upon him. Though it

sometimes ran away with him, his pen possessed extraordinary facility.

Thus he was ever able to put his best foot foremost. Never in the

larger sense a leader of men as were Chatham and Fox, as were

Washington, Clay and Lincoln; nor of ideas as were Rousseau, Voltaire

and Franklin, he had the subtle tenacity of Louis the Eleventh of

France, the keen foresight of Richelieu with a talent for the

surprising which would have raised him to eminence in journalism. In

short he was an opportunist void of conviction and indifferent to

consistency.

The pen is mightier than the sword only when it has behind it a heart

as well as a brain. He who wields it must be brave, upright and

steadfast. We are giving our Chief Executive enormous powers. As a rule

his wishes prevail. His name becomes the symbol of party loyalty. Yet

it is after all a figure of speech not a personality that appeals to

our sense of duty without necessarily engaging our affection.

Historic Republicanism is likewise dead, as dead as historic Democracy,

only in both cases the labels surviving.

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