IV

It has been my rule, aim and effort in my newspaper career to print

nothing of a man which I would not say to his face; to print nothing of

a man in malice; to look well and think twice before consigning a

suspect to the ruin of printer’s ink; to respect the old and defend the

weak; and, lastly, at work and at play, daytime and nighttime, to be

good to the girls and square with the boys, for hath it not been

written of such is the kingdom of Heaven?

There will always be in a democracy two or more sets of rival leaders

to two or more differing groups of followers. Hitherto history has

classified these as conservatives and radicals. But as society has

become more and more complex the groups have had their subdivisions. As

a consequence speculative doctrinaries and adventurous politicians are

enabled to get in their work of confusing the issues and exploiting

themselves.

“‘What are these fireworks for?’ asks the rustic in the parable. ‘To

blind the eyes of the people,’ answers the cynic.”

I would not say aught in a spirit of hostility to the President of the

United States. Woodrow Wilson is a clever speaker and writer. Yet the

usual trend and phrase of his observations seem to be those of a

special pleader, rather than those of a statesman. Every man, each of

the nations, is for peace as an abstract proposition. That much goes

without saying. But Mr. Wilson proposes to bind the hands of a giant

and take lottery chances on the future. This, I think, the country will

contest.

He is obsessed by the idea of a League of Nations. If not his own

discovery he has yet made himself its leader. He talks flippantly about

“American ideals” that have won the war against Germany, as if there

were no English ideals and French ideals.

“In all that he does we can descry the school-master who arrived at the

front rather late in life. One needs only to go over the record and

mark how often he has reversed himself to detect a certain mental and

temperamental instability clearly indicating a lack of fixed or

resolute intellectual purpose. This is characteristic of an excess in

education; of the half baked mind overtrained. The overeducated mind

fancies himself a doctrinaire when he is in point of fact only a

disciple.”

Woodrow Wilson was born to the rather sophisticated culture of the too,

too solid South. Had he grown up in England a hundred years ago he

would have been a follower of the Della Cruscans. He has what is called

a facile pen, though it sometimes runs away with him. It seems to have

done so in the matter of the League of Nations. Inevitably such a

scheme would catch the fancy of one ever on the alert for the fanciful.

I cannot too often repeat that the world we inhabit is a world of sin,

disease and death. Men will fight whenever they want to fight, and no

artificial scheme or process is likely to restrain them. It is mainly

the costliness of war that makes most against it. But, as we have seen

the last four years, it will not quell the passions of men or dull

national and racial ambitions.

All that Mr. Wilson and his proposed League of Nations can do will be

to revamp, and maybe for a while to reimpress the minds of the rank and

file, until the bellowing followers of Bellona are ready to spring.

Eternal peace, universal peace, was not the purpose of the Deity in the

creation of the universe.

Nevertheless, it would seem to be the duty of men in great place, as of

us all, to proclaim the gospel of good will and cultivate the arts of

fraternity. I have no quarrel with the President on this score. What I

contest is the self-exploitation to which he is prone, so lacking in

dignity and open to animadversion.

V

Thus it was that instant upon the appearance of the proposed League of

Nations I made bold to challenge it, as but a pretty conceit having no

real value, a serious assault upon our national sovereignty.

Its argument seemed to me full of copybook maxims, easier recited than

applied. As what I wrote preceded the debates and events of the last

six months, I may not improperly make the following quotation from a

screed of mine appearing in The Courier-Journal of the 5th of March,

1919:

“The League of Nations is a fad. Politics, like society and letters,

has its fads. In society they call them fashion and in literature

originality. Politics gives the name of ‘issues’ to its fads. A taking

issue is as a stunning gown, or ‘a best seller.’ The President’s mind

wears a coat of many colors, and he can change it at will, his mood

being the objective point, not always too far ahead, or clear of

vision. Carl Schurz was wont to speak of Gratz Brown as ‘a man of

thoughts rather than of ideas.’ I wonder if that can be justly said of

the President? ‘Gentlemen will please not shoot at the pianiste,’

adjured the superscription over the music stand in the Dakota dive;

‘she is doing the best that she knows how.’

“Already it is being proclaimed that Woodrow Wilson can have a third

nomination for the presidency if he wants it, and nobody seems shocked

by it, which proves that the people grow degenerate and foreshadows

that one of these nights some fool with a spyglass will break into Mars

and let loose the myriads of warlike gyascutes who inhabit that freak

luminary, thence to slide down the willing moonbeam and swallow us

every one!

“In a sense the Monroe Doctrine was a fad. Oblivious to Canada, and

British Columbia and the Spanish provinces, it warned the despots of

Europe off the grass in America. We actually went to war with Mexico,

having enjoyed two wars with England, and again and again we threatened

to annex the Dominion. Everything betwixt hell and Halifax was Yankee

preëmpted.

“Truth to say, your Uncle Samuel was ever a jingo. But your Cousin

Woodrow, enlarging on the original plan, would stretch our spiritual

boundaries to the ends of the earth and make of us the moral custodian

of the universe. This much, no less, he got of the school of sweetness

and light in which he grew up.

“I am a jingo myself. But a wicked material jingo, who wants facts, not

theories. If I thought it possible and that it would pay, I would annex

the North Pole and colonize the Equator. It is, after the manner of the

lady in the play, that the President ‘doth protest too much,’ which

displeases me and where, in point of fact, I ‘get off the reservation.’

“That, being a politician and maybe a candidate, he is keenly alive to

votes goes without saying. On the surface this League of Nations having

the word ‘peace’ in big letters emblazoned both upon its forehead and

the seat of its trousers—or, should I say, woven into the hem of its

petticoat?—seems an appeal for votes. I do not believe it will bear

discussion. In a way, it tickles the ear without convincing the sense.

There is nothing sentimental about the actualities of Government, much

as public men seek to profit by arousing the passions of the people.

Government is a hard and fast and dry reality. At best statesmanship

can only half do the things it would. Its aims are most assured when

tending a little landward; its footing safest on its native heath. We

have plenty to do on our own continent without seeking to right things

on other continents. Too many of us—the President among the rest, I

fear—miscalculate the distance between contingency and desire.

“‘We figure to ourselves The thing we like: and then we build it up: As

chance will have it on the rock or sand— When thought grows tired of

wandering o’er the world, And homebound Fancy runs her bark ashore.’”

I am sorry to see the New York World fly off at a tangent about this

latest of the Wilsonian hobbies. Frank Irving Cobb, the editor of the

World, is, as I have often said, the strongest writer on the New York

press since Horace Greeley. But he can hardly be called a

sentimentalist, as Greeley was, and there is nothing but sentiment—gush

and gammon—in the proposed League of Nations.

It may be all right for England. There are certainly no flies on it for

France. But we don’t need it. Its effects can only be to tie our hands,

not keep the dogs away, and even at the worst, in stress of weather, we

are strong enough to keep the dogs away ourselves.

We should say to Europe: “Shinny on your own side of the water and we

will shinny on our side.” It may be that Napoleon’s opinion will come

true that ultimately Europe will be “all Cossack or all republican.”

Part of it has come true already. Meanwhile it looks as though the

United States, having exhausted the reasonable possibilities of

democracy, is beginning to turn crank. Look at woman suffrage by

Federal edict; look at prohibition by act of Congress and

constitutional amendment; tobacco next to walk on the plank; and

then!—Lord, how glad I feel that I am nearly a hundred years old and

shall not live to see it!

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