III

McKinley and Protectionism, Cleveland, Carlisle and Free Trade—how far

away they seem!

With the passing of the old issues that divided parties new issues have

come upon the scene. The alignment of the future will turn upon these.

But underlying all issues of all time are fundamental ideas which live

forever and aye, and may not be forgotten or ignored.

It used to be claimed by the followers of Jefferson that Democracy was

a fixed quantity, rising out of the bedrock of the Constitution, while

Federalism, Whiggism and Republicanism were but the chimeras of some

prevailing fancy drawing their sustenance rather from temporizing

expediency and current sentiment than from basic principles and

profound conviction. To make haste slowly, to look before leaping, to

take counsel of experience—were Democratic axioms. Thus the fathers of

Democracy, while fully conceiving the imperfections of government and

meeting as events required the need alike of movement and reform, put

the visionary and experimental behind them to aim at things visible,

attainable, tangible, the written Constitution the one safe precedent,

the morning star and the evening star of their faith and hope.

What havoc the parties and the politicians have made of all these lofty

pretenses! Where must an old-line Democrat go to find himself? Two

issues, however, have come upon the scene which for the time being are

paramount and which seem organic. They are set for the determination of

the twentieth century: The sex question and the drink question.

I wonder if it be possible to consider them in a catholic spirit from a

philosophic standpoint. I can truly say that the enactment of

prohibition laws, state or national, is personally nothing to me. I

long ago reached an age when the convivialism of life ceased to cut any

figure in the equation of my desires and habits. It is the

never-failing recourse of the intolerant, however, to ascribe an

individual, and, of course, an unworthy, motive to contrariwise

opinions, and I have not escaped that kind of criticism.

The challenge underlying prohibition is twofold: Does prohibition

prohibit, and, if it does, may it not generate evils peculiarly its

own?

The question hinges on what are called “sumptuary laws”; that is,

statutes regulating the food and drink, the habits and apparel of the

individual citizen. This in turn harks back to the issue of paternal

government. That, once admitted and established, becomes in time

all-embracing.

Bigotry is a disease. The bigot pursuing his narrow round is like the

bedridden possessed by his disordered fancy. Bigotry sees nothing but

itself, which it mistakes for wisdom and virtue. But Bigotry begets

hypocrisy. When this spreads over a sufficient area and counts a voting

majority it sends its agents abroad, and thus we acquire canting

apostles and legislators at once corrupt and despotic.

They are now largely in evidence in the national capital and in the

various state capitals, where the poor-dog, professional politicians

most do congregate and disport themselves.

The worst of it is that there seems nowhere any popular

realization—certainly any popular outcry. Do the people grow

degenerate? Are they willfully dense?

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