This me to vrge the premunire wonne,

Ordain’d in matters dangerous and hie,

In t’which the heedlesse prelacie were runne,

That backe vnto the papacie did flie,

Sworne to that sea, and what before was done

Due to the king, dispensed were thereby,

In t’which first entring offred me the meane

That to throw downe, alreadie that did leane.

61.

This was to me that ouerflowing sourse,

From whence his bounties plentifully spring,

Whose speedie current with vnusuall force

Bare me into the bosome of the king,

By putting him into that readie course

Which soone to passe his purposes might bring,

Where those which late emperiously control’d me

Pale strooke[2056] with feare stood trembling to behold me.

62.

When state to me those ceremonies show’d

That to so great a fauorite were due,

And fortune still with honors did me load,

As though no meane she in my rising knew,

Or heauen to me more then to man had ow’d,

(What to the world vnheard of was and new)

And was to other sparing of her store

Till she could giue, or aske I could[2057] no more.

63.

Those high preferments he vpon me laid,

Might make the world me publikely to know

Such as in[2058] iudgement rightly being wai’d,

Seemed too great for me to vndergo,

Nor could his hand from powring on be stai’d,

Vntill I so abundantly did flow,

That looking downe whence lately I was cloame,

Danger bid[2059] feare, if further I should roame.

64.

For first from knighthood rising in degree,

The office of the iewell house my lot,

After the Roles he frankely gaue to mee,

From whence a priuie counsellor I got,

Chose of[2060] the garter: and the[2061] earle to bee

Of Essex: yet sufficient these not[2062]

But to the great vicegerencie I grew,

Being a title as supreame as new.

65.

So well did me these dignities befit,

And honor so me euery way became,

As more then man I had been made for it,

Or as from me it had deriu’d the name:

Where was that man[2063] whose loue I not requit

Beyond his owne imaginarie aime,

Which had me succour’d, neerely being driuen,

As things to me that idlely were not giuen?

66.

What tongue so slow the tale shall not report

Of hospitable _Friscobald_ and mee,

And shew in how reciprocall a sort

My thankes did with his courtesie agree,

When as my meanes in Italy were short

That me relieu’d, lesse great that[2064] would not bee,

When I of England chancellor was made,[2065]

His former bounties librally repai’d?

67.

The maner briefly gentler muse relate,

Since oft before it wisely hath been told,

The sudden change of vnauoided fate,

That famous merchant, reuerend _Friscobald_,

Grew poore, and the small remnant of his state

Was certaine goods to England he had sold,

Which in the hands of creditors, but bad,

Small hope to get, yet lesser meanes he had.

68.

Hither his wants him forciblie constrain’d,

Though with long trauell both by land and seas,

Led by this hope, that only now remain’d,

Whereon his fortune finally he laies,

And if he found that friendship heere were fain’d,

Yet at the worst it better should him please,

Farre out of sight, to perish heere vnknowne,

Then vnrelieu’d be pitied of his owne.

69.

It chanc’d as I toward Westminster did ride,

’Mongst the great concourse passing to and fro,

An aged man I happily espide,

Whose outward looks much inward griefe did show,

Which made me note him, and the more I ey’d

Him, me thought more precisely I should know,

Reuoluing long, it came into my mind,

This was the man to me had been so kind:

70.

Was therewithall so ioyed with his sight,

(With the deare sight of his so reuerend face)

That I could scarcely keepe me from t’alight,

And in mine armes him openly embrace:[2066]

Weighing yet (well) what some imagine might,

He being a stranger, and the publike place

Checkt my affection, till some fitter hower

On him my loue effectually might shower.

71.

“Neuer,” quoth I, “was fortune so vniust

As to do wrong vnto thy noble[2067] hart,

What man so wicked could betray the trust

Of one so vpright, of so good desart?

And though obey necessitie thou must,

As when the great’st[2068] the same to me thou art,

Let me alone the last be left of all,

That from the rest declin’d not with thy fall.”

72.

And calling to a gentleman of mine,

Wise and discreet that well I knew to bee,

Shew’d him that stranger, whose deiected eyne

Fixt on the earth, nere once lookt vp at mee,

“Bid yonder man come home to me and dine”

Quoth I, “bespeake him reuerently, you see,

Scorne not his habit, little canst thou tell

How rich a mind in those meane rags doth dwell.”

73.

He with my name that kindly did him greete,

Slowly cast vp his deadly-mouing eye,

That long time had been fixed on his feete,

To looke no higher then his miserie,

Thinking him more calamitie did greete,

Or that I had supposed him some spye,

With a deepe sigh that from his heart he drew,

Quoth he: “His will accomplisht be by you.”

74.

My man departed, and the message done,

He whose sad heart with strange impressions strooke,

To thinke vpon this accident begun,

And on himselfe suspitiously to looke,

Into all doubts he fearefully doth run,

Oft himselfe cheering, oft himselfe forsooke:

Strangely perplext vnto[2069] my house doth come,

Not knowing why iudg’d, nor dreading yet his doome.

75.

My seruants set his comming to attend,

That were therein not common for their skill,

Whose vsage yet the former did amend:

He hop’d not good, nor guiltie was of ill,

But as a man whose thoughts were at an end:

“Fortune,” quoth he, “then worke on me thy will,

Wiser then man, I thinke, he were that knew

Whence this may come, or what thereof ensue.”

76.

His honored presence so did me enflame,

That though[2070] being then in presence of my peeres,

Daine not the lesse to[2071] meet him as he came,

(That very hardly could containe my teares)

Kindly salute him, call him by his name,

And oft together aske him how he cheares,

With still along maintaining the extreame:

Yet thought the man he[2072] had been in a dreame.

77.

At length t’awake[2073] him gently I began

With this demaund, if once he did not know

One _Thomas Cromwell_, a poore English man

By him relieu’d, when he was driuen low:

When I perceiu’d he my remembrance wan,

Yet with his teares it silently did show:

I wept for woe, to see mine host distrest,

But he for ioy to see his happie guest.

78.

Him to the lords I publisht by my praise,

And at my table carefully him set,

Recounting them the many sundrie waies

I was vnto this gentleman[2074] in debt,

How great he was in Florence in those daies,

With all that grace or reuerence him might get:

Which all the while yet silently he heares,

Moisting among his viands with his teares.

79.

And to lend fulnesse lastly to his fate,

Great summes I gaue him, and what was his due

Made knowne, my selfe became his aduocate,

And at my charge his creditors I sue,

Recouering him vnto his former state:

Thus he the world began by me anew,

That shall to all posteritie expresse

His honored bountie, and my thankfulnesse.

80.

But muse recount, before thou further passe,

How this great change so quickly came about,

And what the cause of this sad downefall was,

In euery part the spatious realme throughout,

Being effected in so little space,

Leaue not thereof posteritie to doubt,

That with[2075] the world obscured else may bee,

If in this place reuealed not by thee.

81.

If the whole land did on the church relie,

Hauing full power kings to account to call,

That to the world read only policie,

Besides heauen’s keyes to stop or let in all,

Let me but know from her supremacie

How she should come so suddenly to fall:

’Twas more then chance sure put a hand thereto,

That had the power so great a thing to do.

82.

Or ought there were had biding vnder sunne,

Who would haue thought those edifices great,

Which first religion holily begunne,

The church approu’d, and wisdome richly seate,

Deuotion nourish’d, faith allowance wonne,

And all that them might any[2076] way compleate,

Should in their ruines lastly buried lie,

But that begun and ended from the skie?

83.

And the king late obedient to her lawes,

Against the clerke of Germany had writ,

As he that first stirr’d in the churche’s cause,

Against him greatliest that oppugned it,

And wan from her so gratefull an applause,

Then in her fauour chiefly that did sit,

That as the prop, whereon she only stai’th,

Him she instil’d _Defender of the faith_.

84.

But not their power, whose wisdomes them did place

In the first ranke, the oracles of state,

Who that opinion strongly did embrace,

Which through the land receiued was of late,

Then ought at all preuailed in this case,

O powerfull doome of vnauoided fate,

Whose depth not weake mortalitie can know,

Who can vphold what heauen will ouerthrow?

85.

When time now vniuersally did show

The power to her peculiarly annex’d,

With most abundance then when she did flow,

Yet euery hower still prosp’rously she wex’d,

But the world poore did by loose riots grow,

Which serued as an excellent pretext,

And colour gaue to plucke her from her pride,

Whose only greatnesse suffred none beside.

86.

Likewise to that posteritie did doubt,

Those at the first not rightly did[2077] adore,

Their fathers that too credulous deuout

Vnto the church[2078] contributed their store,

And to recouer only went about

What their great zeale had lauished before,

On her a strong hand violently lai’d,

Preying on that they gaue for to be prai’d.

87.

And now the[2079] king set in a course so right,

Which I for him laboriously had tract,

(Who, till I learn’d him, did not know[2080] his might)

I still to prompt his power with me to act,

Into those secrets got so deepe a sight,

That nothing lastly to his furtherance lackt,

And by example plainly to him showne,

How all might now be easly ouerthrowne.[2081]

88.

In taking downe yet of this goodly frame

He suddenly not brake off euery band,

But tooke the power first from the papall name,

After, a while let the religion stand,

When limbe by limbe he daily did it lame,

First tooke a leg, and after tooke a hand,

Till the poore semblance of a bodie left,

But all should stay it, vtterly bereft.

89.

For if some abbey hapned void to fall

By death of him that the superiour was,

Gaine, that did first church libertie enthrall,

Only supreame, promoted to the place,

’Mongst many bad, the worst most times of all,

Vnder the colour of some other’s grace,

That by the slander, from his life should[2082] spring,

Into contempt it more and more might bring.

90.

This time from heauen when by the secret course,

Dissension vniuersally began,

(Preuailing as a planetarie sourse)

I’th’church belieuing, as Mahumitan,

When _Luther_ first did those[2083] opinions nurse,

Much from great Rome in little space that wan,

It to this change so aptly did dispose,

From whose sad ruine ours so great arose.

91.

That heere that fabrique vtterly did faile,

Which powerfull fate had limited to time,

By whose strong law it naturally must quaile,

From that proud height to which it long did clime,

Letting ’gainst it the contrarie preuaile,

Therein to punish some notorious crime,

For which at length iust dooming heauen decreed,

That on her buildings ruine heere should feed.

92.

Th’authoritie vpon her she did take,

And vse thereof in euery little thing,

Finding her selfe how oft she did forsake,

In her owne bounds her neuer limiting,[2084]

That awfull feare and due obedience brake

Which her reputed holinesse did bring,

From slight regard soone brought her into hate

With those that much disliked her[2085] estate.

93.

And that those[2086] parts she cunningly had plai’d,

Beliefe vnto her[2087] miracles to win,

Vnto the world[2088] were euery day bewrai’d,

From which the doubt did of her power begin,

Damnation yet to question what she said,

Made most suspect the faith they had been in,

When their saluation easly might be bought,

Found not this yet the way that they had sought.

94.

When those ill humours ripened to a head,

Bred by the ranknesse of the plentious land,

And they not only strangely from her fled,

Bound for her ancient libertie to stand,

But what their fathers gaue her being dead,

The sonnes rap’d from her with a violent hand,

And those her buildings most of all abus’d,

That with the waight their father’s coffins bruis’d.

95.

The wisest and most prouident but build,

For time againe too wastfully destroy,[2089]

The costly piles and monuments we guild,

Succeeding time shall reckon but a toy,

Vicissitude impartially wil’d,

The goodliest things be subiect to annoy,

And what one age did studiously maintaine,

The next againe accounteth vile and vaine.

96.

Yet time doth tell, in some things they did erre,

That put their helpe her brauery to deface,

When as the wealth, that taken was from her,

Others soone raised, that did them displace,

Their titles and their offices conferre

On such before, as were obscure and base,

Who would with her they likewise downe should go,

And o’rthrew them that her did ouerthrow.

97.

And th’Romish rites, that with a cleerer sight

The wisest thought they iustly did reiect,

They after saw that the receiued light,

Not altogether free was from defect,

Mysterious things being not conceiued right,

Thereof bred in the ignorant neglect,

For in opinion something short doth fall,

Wants there haue been, and shall be still in all.

98.

But negligent securitie and ease

Vnbridled sensualitie begat,

That only sought his appetite to please,

As in the midst it of abundance[2090] sat,

The church not willing others should her praise

That she was leane, when as her lands were fat,

Her selfe to too much libertie did giue,

Which some perceiu’d that in those times did liue.

99.

_Pierce_ the wise plowman, in his vision saw

Conscience sore hurt, yet sorer was affraid

The seuen great sins to hell him like to draw,

And to wise clergie mainly cri’d for aid:

Falne ere he wist, whom perill much did awe,

On vncleane priests whil’st faintly he him staid,

Willing good clergie t’ease his wretched case,

Whom these strong giants hotly had in chase.

100.

Clergie call’d friers, which neere at hand did dwell,

And them requests to take in hand the cure,

But for their leechcraft that they could not well,

He listed not their dressing to endure,

When in his eare need softly him did tell

(And of his knowledge more did him assure)

They came for gain, their end which they did make,

For which on them the charge of soules they take.

101.

And voluntarie pouertie profest,

By food of angels seeming as to liue:

But yet with them th’accounted were the best

That most to their fraternitie doe giue,

And beyond number that they were increas’d:

“If so,” quoth Conscience, “thee may I beleeue,

Then t’is in vaine more on them to bestow,

If beyond number like they be to grow.”

102.

The frier soone feeling Conscience had him found,

And hearing how hypocrisie did thriue,

That many teachers euery where did wound,

For which Contriton miserably did grieue:

Now in deceit to shew himselfe profound,

His former hopes yet lastly so reuiue

Gets the pope’s letters, whereof he doth shape

Him a disguise from conscience to escape.

103.

And so towards goodly vnitie he goes,

A strong-built castle standing very hie,

Where Conscience liu’d to keepe him from his foes,

Whom, lest some watchfull centinell should spie,

And him vnto the[2091] garrison disclose,

His cowle about him carefully doth tie,

Creepes to the gate, and closely thereat beate,

As one that entrance gladly would intreate.

104.

Peace, the good porter, readie still at hand,

It doth vnpin, and praies him God to saue,

And after saluing, kindly, doth demand

What was his will, or who he there would haue?

The frier low lowting, crossing with his hand,

“T’speak with Contrition (quoth he) I would craue.”

“Father (quoth peace) your comming is in vaine,

For him of late hypocrisie hath slaine.”

105.

“God shield:” (quoth he) and turning vp the eyes,

“To former health I hope him to restore,

For in my skill his sound recouerie lies,

Doubt not thereof if setting God before:”

“Are you a surgeon?” Peace againe replies:

“Yea (quoth the frier) and sent to heale his sore:”

“Come neere (quoth Peace) and God your comming speed,

Neuer of help contrition hath more need.”

106.

And for more haste he haleth in the frier,

And his lord conscience quickly of him told,

Who entertain’d him with right friendly cheere:

“O sir (quoth he) intreate you that I could

To lend your hand vnto my cosin deare[2092]

Contrition, whom a sore disease doth hold,

That wounded by hypocrisie of late,

Now lieth in most desperate estate.”

107.

“Sir (quoth the frier) I hope him soone to cure,

Which to your comfort quickly you shall see,

Will he a while my dressing but endure?”

And to Contrition therewith commeth hee,

And by faire speech himselfe of him assure,

But first of all going thorough for his fee:

Which done, quoth he: “If outwardly you show

Sound, ’tnot auailes if inwardly or no.”

108.

But secretly assoiling of his sin,

No other med’cine will vnto him lay,

Saying, that heauen his siluer him should win,

And to giue friers was better then to pray,

So he were shrieu’d what need he care a pin?

Thus with his patient he so long did play,

Vntill Contrition had forgot to weepe:

This the wise plowman shew’d me from his sleepe.

109.

He saw their faults, that loosly liued then,

Others againe our weaknesses shall see:

For this is sure, he bideth not with men

That shall know all to be what they should bee:

Yet let the faithfull and industrious pen

Haue the due merit: but returne to mee,

Whose fall this while blind fortune did deuise,

To be as strange as strangely I did rise.

110.

Those secret foes yet subt’ly to deceiue,

That me maligning lifted at my state,

The king to marry forward still I heaue,

(His former wife being repudiate)

To _Anne_, the sister of the duke of _Cleaue_,

The German princes to confederate,

To backe me still ’gainst those against me lay,

Which as their owne retain’d me here in pay.

111.

Which my destruction principally wrought,

When afterward, abandoning her bed,

Which to his will to passe could not be brought,

So long as yet I beare about my head,

The only man her safetie that had sought,

Of her againe and only fauoured,

Which was the cause he hasted to my end,

Vpon whose fall her’s likewise did depend.

112.

For in his high distemp’rature of blood

Who was so great, whose life he did regard?

Or what was it that his desires withstood

He not inuested, were it nere so hard?

Nor held he me so absolutely good,

That though I crost him, yet I should be[2093] spar’d,

But with those things I lastly was to go,

Which he to ground did violently throw.

113.

When _Winchester_, with all those enemies,

Whom my much power from audience had debarr’d,

The longer time their mischiefes to deuise,

Feeling with me how lastly now it far’d,

When I had done the king that[2094] did suffice,

Lastly, thrust in against me to be heard,

When all[2095] was ill contrarily turn’d good,

Making amaine to th’shedding of my blood.

114.

And that the king his action doth deny,

And on my guilt doth altogether lay,

Hauing his riot satisfied thereby,

Seemes not to know how I therein did sway,

What late was truth conuerted heresie:[2096]

When he in me had purchased his pray,

Himselfe to cleere and satisfie the sin,

Leaues me but late his instrument therein.

115.

Those lawes I made, my selfe alone to please,

To giue me power more freely to my will,

Euen to my equals hurtfull sundrie waies,

(Forced to things that most do say were ill)

Vpon me now as violently ceaze,

By which I lastly perisht by my skill,

On mine owne necke returning (as my due)

That heauie yoke wherein by me they drew.

116.

My greatnesse threatned by ill-boding eyes,

My actions strangely censured of all,

Yet in my way my giddines not sees

The pit, wherein I likely was to fall:

O were the sweets of man’s felicities

Often amongst not temp’red with some gall,

He would forget by his ore weening skill,

Iust heauen aboue doth censure good and ill.

117.

Things ouer rancke do neuer kindly beare,

As in the corne, the fluxure when we see

Fills but the straw, when it should feed the eare,

Rotting that time in ripening it should bee,

And being once downe it selfe can neuer reare:

With vs well doth this similie agree,

(By the wise man) due to the great in all,

By their owne weight being broken in their fall.

118.

Selfe-louing man what sooner doth abuse,

And more then his prosperitie doth wound?

Into the deepe but fall how can he chuse

That ouer-strides whereon his foot to ground?

Who sparingly prosperitie doth vse,

And to himselfe doth after-ill propound,

Vnto his height who happily doth clime,

Sits aboue fortune, and controlleth time.

119.

Not chusing that vs most delight doth bring,

And most that by the generall breath is freed,

Wooing that suffrage, but the vertuous thing,

Which in it selfe is excellent indeed,

Of which the depth and perfect managing

Amongst the most, but few there be that heed,

Affecting that agreeing with their blood,

Seldome enduring, neuer yet was good.[2097]

120.

But whil’st we striue too suddenly to rise

By flattring princes with a seruill tong,

And being soothers to their tyrannies,

Worke out more[2098] woes by what doth many wrong,

And vnto others tending iniuries,

Vnto our selues it hapneth oft among,

In our own snares vnluckily are caught,

Whil’st our attempts fall instantly to naught.

121.

The counsell chamber place of my arrest,

Where chiefe I was, when greatest was the store,

And had my speeches noted of the best,

That did them as hie oracles adore:

“A parliament was lastly my enquest,

That was my selfe a parliament before,

The Tower-hill scaffold last I did ascend:”

Thus the great’st man of England made his end.”

Michael Drayton.

FINIS.

END OF PART III.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] To the. ed. 1559, 63.

[2] Many other of. 1559, 63.

[3] Heedy. 1559, 63.

[4] That there. 1559, 63.

[5] Officers. 1559, 63. Magistrates. 1575.

[6] Other places to shift of, and put by those that with flattery.

1559, 63.

[7] Offices. 1559, 63.

[8] To prank vp themselues. 1559, 63.

[9] Duties, and they wil geue more. 1559, 63.

[10] To bye them. 1559, 63.

[11] Seke only their commodity and ease. 1559, 63.

[12] Officers. 1559, 63.

[13] Officers. 1559, 63.

[14] When noughtye men had the regiment. 1559, 63.

[15] Our owne countrey. 1559, 63.

[16] ‘Folowing,’ not in editions 1559, 63.

[17] Deserued praises. 1559, 63, 75.

[18] Offices. 1559, 63. Officers, 1575.

[19] Scripture therfore calleth hypocrites, 1559, 63.

[20] Words within the parenthesis added 1571.

[21] A Mirrour for Magistrates can shewe, which therefore I humbly.

1559, 63, 75.

[22] As in a loking glass. 1559. 63.

[23] Vice be in you. 1559, 63.

[24] Moue to the. 1559, 63.

[25] Chiefest ende whye it is. 1559, 63.

[26] God graunt it may attaine. 1559, 63, 75.

[27] But hyndred by the lorde chauncellor that then was. 1563.--Stephen

Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, made chancellor, 21 Sept. 1553, died

Nov. 1555, and was succeeded as chancellor, by Heath, archbishop of

York, Wednesday, 1st January, 1555.

[28] Of my lord Stafford. 1563.

[29] Although I haue bene called to another trade of lyfe, yet my good

lorde Stafford. 1563.

[30] Another parte, conteynyng as lytle of myne owne, as the fyrst part

doth of other men’s. Which, &c. 1563.

[31] The wurke was begun, and part of it printed IIII years agoe, but

hyndred by the lord chauncellour that then was, nevertheles, through

the meanes of my lord Stafford, lately perused and licensed. Whan I

first tooke it in hand, I had the help of many graunted and offred of

sum, but of few perfourmed, skarce of any. So that when I entended to

haue continued it to quene Marie’s time, I haue ben faine to end it

much sooner: yet so, that it may stande for a patarne till the rest be

ready: which, with God’s grace, (if I may have anye helpe) shall be

shortly. In &c. 1559.

[32] Myrrour. 1559, 63.

[33] Enuyed and murdered. 1559, 63.

[34] Punish sinne boldly, bothe, &c. 1559. Suppres sinne, 1563.

[35] Lieutenauntes. 1559.

[36] Covet. 1559, 63.

[37] From edition, 1578.

[38] Lidgate’s booke of the fall. 1559, 63, 71.

[39] Hauinge made priuy thereto. 1578.

[40] Had abused here. 1578.

[41] For al men as well nobles as others to shewe. 1559, 63, 71.

[42] To enterprise, I refused vtterly alone to vndertake it, without

the helpe. 1578.

[43] Able to wield and discharge the weight of sutch a burden,

thinkinge. 1578.

[44] Diligent in hys affayres, procure me an Athlas to laye the burden

vppon my shoulders which I would not haue undertaken, but that shortly

after. 1578.

[45] In the first edition there only appears the productions of Cavil,

Churchyard, Ferrers, Phaer, Skelton and Baldwin.

[46] An. 1559, 63, 71, 75, 78.

[47] Wee did not mislyke. 1578.

[48] Cumlily. 1559; cumly. 1563.

[49] I maruayle, quod hee, what. 1578.

[50] Our nation, 1559, 63, 71, 78.

[51] Some also in the time of Bochas himselfe. 1578.

[52] Added in ed. 1571.

[53] Eyther by malice or misaduenture slaine in the new forest, as he

was in hunting there, by. 1575. Eyther by malice or misaduenture slayne

hunting in the new forest by. 1578.

[54] England, by Henry, &c. 1578.

[55] And after, myserably. 1578.

[56] Likewise, not in 1578.

[57] Henry the first, called Beauclerke, drowned vpon the sea by the

negligence of drunken mariners. 1578.

[58] The passage in brackets added in ed. 1571.

[59] Prosperity. The most vnnaturall murther of Artur, duke of

Britayne, right heyre of Englande, by king Ihon his vncle, with the

death of Isabell, his sister, by famyne. The myserable ende of the sayd

king Ihon their vncle, by surfet, or as some write, poysoned by a monke

of the abby of Swinsted in Lyncolneshyre, are, &c. 1578.

[60] Wanted our countrey cronicles. 1559, 63.

[61] And a notable. 1559, 63.

[62] Supply. 1578.

[63] As blinde bayard is alway boldest. 1559, 63.

[64] Reigne. 1578.

[65] A time as troublesome to the people as vnlucky to the prince 1578.

[66] Lewd meiney. 1576.

[67] And. 1559, 63.

[68] Although he be no great prynce: yet, &c. 1559, 63.

[69] And of other his fellowes learned in the law that were plagued

with him: thereby to warne all of theyr callinge and profession, to

beware of wrong judgementes. 1578.

[70] This preface is reprinted by Warton, as he says it cannot easily

be found. _History of English Poetry_, Vol. III. p. 217.

[71] In the present edition the original arrangement is preserved.

[72] Anno 1388, added 1571.

[73] Sad. N.

[74] When as we. N.

[75] The lande. 1578.

[76] Vncorrupt and vpright, 1559, 63.

[77] Prynt it for a president. 1559, 63.

[78] Where judges. 1578.

[79] What fee is for falshoode. 1559, 63.

[80] Princes will. N.

[81] Who for filthy lucre, corrupt. 1578.

[82] Gainst justice wretchedly. N.

[83]

A chaunge more newe or straunge seldome hath be seen,

Then from the benche above to cum downe to the bar;

Was never state so turned in no time as I ween,

As they to become clyents that counsaylours erst were:

But such is fortune’s play, which featly can prefer

The judge that sat above, full lowe beneth to stand,

At the bar as prysoner holding vp his hand. 1559, 63.

[84] Whiche in other’s cause, coulde. 1559, 63.

[85] Lyke. 1559, 63.

[86] As mummers mute do stand N.

[87] Vnable to vtter a true plea of denyall. 1559, 63.

[88] When that. 1559.

[89] For halfe a ryall. 1559, 63.

[90] We could by very arte haue made the black. 1559, 63.

[91] And matters of most wrong, to haue appered most right. 1559, 63.

[92] Most wise, may chance be too too weake. N.

[93] But may be brought to stand. 1578.

[94] Stanzas 5 and 6 added 1571.

[95] Behold me one vnfortunate amongst this flocke. N.

[96] Cal’d sometime. N.

[97] By discent a gentleman. 1559, 63.

[98] ‘And’ omitted. N.

[99] State. N.

[100] To whom frowarde fortune gaue a foule checkmate. 1559, 63.

[101] In all our common. N.

[102] What so wee. 1559, 63.

[103] We did conclude. N.

[104] Both life, death, lands, and goods. N.

[105] So great gaine we did get. 1559, 63.

[106] And sises. 1578. N.

[107] Still chiefe. N.

[108] We let hang the true man. 1559, 63.

[109] Doth neuer keepe. 1559, 63.

[110] Whiche though it haue enough yet dothe it not suffyse. 1559, 63.

And more at no time doth suffise. 1578.

[111] And drinke they neuer so much, yet styl for more they cry. 1559,

63.

[112] So couetous catchers toyle. 1559, 63.

[113] Gredy and euer needy, prollyng. 1559, 63.

[114] Fayth we did professe. 1578.

[115] Makyng a solempne oth in no poynt to dygresse. 1578.

[116] Wretches. 1559, 63.

[117]

Of the judge eternall, more high to be promoted,

To mammon more then God, all wholly were deuoted. 1578.

[118] We interpreted. 1559, 63.

[119] Like a. 1559, 63.

[120] Many one. 1559, 63.

[121] To serue kings in al pointes men must sumwhile breke rules. 1559,

63.

[122] Ful nie. 1559, 63.

[123] To crepe into whose fauour we. 1559, 63.

[124] Auayle. 1578.

[125] Wurde. 1559, 63. Sense. 1578.

[126] Sence, 1559, 63.

[127] Of land. N.

[128] Wyll. 1578.

[129]

The king thus transcendyng the limittes of his lawe,

Not raygning but raging by youthfull insolence,

Wise and wurthy persons did fro the courte wythdraw,

There was no grace ne place for auncient prudence:

Presumpcion and pryde with excesse of expence,

Possessed the palays and pillage the countrye;

Thus all went to wracke vnlike of remedye. 1559, 63.

[130] Baronye. 1559, 63.

[131] Seing no reason. 1578.

[132] Maugre all. 1559.

[133] Maugre his princely mynde they. 1578. His kingly might. N.

[134] All men vnchecked. 1578.

[135] Which. 1578.

[136] Regally. 1571, 78.

[137] That Richard. 1578.

[138] Order. 1578.

[139]

In whyche parliament muche thynges was proponed

Concerning the regaly and ryghtes of the crowne,

By reason kyng Richarde, whiche was to be moned,

Full lytell regardynge his honour and renowne,

By synister aduyse, had tourned all vpsodowne:

For suerty of whose estate,[143] them thought it did behooue

His corrupt counsaylours, from hym to remooue. 1559, 1563.

[140] In the beginning of the parliament was called Robert Veer,

duke of Irelande, Alexander Neuell, archebishop of Yorke, Mighell de

la Poole, erle of Suffolk, sir Robert Tresilian, chiefe iustice of

Englande, to answere Thomas of Woodstock, duke of Gloucester, Richard,

erle of Arondel, Thomas, erle of Derby, and Thomas erle of Nottyngham,

vpon certaine articles of high treason, which these lordes did charge

them with. And for as much as none of these appered, it was ordeyned

by the whole assent of the parliament that they shoulde be banished

for euer: and their landes and goodes, moueable and vnmouable, to be

forfeit and seased into the kinge’s hand, the landes entayled onely

except.

Shortly after this, was founde Robert Tresilian, chiefe iustice,

lurkyng in a poticarie’s house at Westmynster, and there founde the

meanes to have spyes daylie vpon the lordes what was done in the

parliament: for all the dayes of his lyfe he was craftie, but at the

last his craft turned to hys destruction: for he was discouered by his

owne seruant, and so taken and brought to the duke of Gloucester, and

the same daye had to the Towre, and from thence drawen to Tyborne, and

there hanged.

The morow after, syr Nicholas Pembroke, which afore had been maior of

the citie of London, against the citezen’s will, was brought foorth.

_Grafton._

This man (Tresilian) had disfigured himselfe, as if he had beene

a poore weake man, in a frize coat, all old and torne, and had

artificially made himselfe a long beard, such as they called a Paris

beard, and had defiled his face, to the end he might not be knowen but

by his speach. _Stowe._

[141] Tharchbyshop of Yorke was also of our band, 1578.

[142] See Statutes at large, temp. Rich. II. viz. 11. c. I. II. III.

20. c. VI. and 31. c. XII. XIII.

[143] State, 1559.

[144] Judge. 1578.

[145] To dye there as. 1578.

[146] The fickle fee of fraud. 1578.

[147] Ye iudges now liuing. 1578.

[148] Fye on stynkyng lucre, of all vnryght the lure, Ye judges and ye

justicers let my most iust punicion. 1559, 63.

[149] Al pure. 1578. Still pure. N.

[150] What glory is more greater in sight of God. 1578.

[151] By the pathes of equytie. 1559, 63.

[152] And truely. 1578.

[153] Alwayes. 1559, 63.

[154] Lawes for to scan. N.

[155] Reward. 1559, 63. That justice may take place without reward.

1578.

[156] Take. 1559, 63.

[157] The righteous. 1578. The most iust. N.

[158] Of mortals displeasure. N.

[159] Closde. 1578.

[160] Worldly hyre. 1559, 63. Way not this worldly mucke. 1578.

[161]

If som in latter dayes, had called vnto mynde,

The fatall fall of vs for wrestynge of the right,

The statutes of this land they should not haue defynde

So wylfully and wittingly agaynst the sentence quyte:

But though thei skaped paine, the faut was nothing light,

Let them that cum hereafter both that and this compare,

And waying well the ende, they will I trust beware. 1559, 63.

[162] George Ferrers. These initials first added, 1571.

[163] This. 1559, 63. 71.

[164] When finished was this tragedy. 1578.

[165] Syr Roger Mortimer, earle of March, and heyre apparaunt of

England, whose. 1578.

[166] Purposed matter. 1578.

[167] Of these great infortunes, and as they be more auncient in tyme,

so to place their seuerall plaintes. 1578.

[168] Two earles of the name of Mortimer. 1578.

[169] One hanged in. 1559, 63.

[170] In the tyme of king Edward. 1578.

[171] Another in Richard the seconde’s time, slayne in Ireland. 1578.

[172] Fauours. 1578.

[173] Personage of the earle Mortimer, called Roger, who full of

bloudye woundes. 1578.

[174] To Baldwin, in this wise. 1578.

[175] The dates added 1571--Fabian has given a summary of the life of

the second Roger Mortimer, and upon which the poet relied, as of 1387,

but the death of Mortimer happened about 1398.

[176] On. 1578.

[177] Thred, vntimely death dyd reele. 1578.

[178] Brought from boote to extreme bale. 1578.

[179]

----the queene so much was stir’d,

As for his sake from honour she did scale. 1578.

[180] Merye gale. 1559, 63.

[181]

And whilest fortune blew on this pleasaunt gale,

Heauing him high on her triumphall arch,

By meane of her hee was made earle of March. 1578.

[182] Breded. 1559, 63.

[183] Pride folly breeds in. N.

[184] Hym, 1559, 63.

[185] For where he somwhat hauty was before. 1559, 63.

[186]

Whence pryde out sprang, as doth appeare by manye,

Whom soden hap, aduaunceth in excesse,

Among thousandes, scarse shal you fynde anye,

Which in high wealth that humor can suppresse,

As in this earle playne proofe did wel expresse:

For whereas hee too loftye was before,

His new degree hath made him now much more. 1578.

[187] Ne recks. N.

[188] Respecting none saue only the queene mother. 1578.

[189] Which moued malice to foulder. 1578.

[190] Which deepe in hate, before. 1578.

[191] Th’one as well as th’other. N.

[192] They did the earle attaynt. 1578. He was soone attaint. N.

[193] Such crimes as hidden lay before. 1578.

[194] For hydden hate. 1578. For enuy still. N.

[195] Biddes small faultes to make more bad. 1578.

[196]

Causing the king to yelde vnto the Scot,

Townes that his father, but late afore had got. 1578.

[197] Had, wanting, in 1559, 63. N.

[198] Yeuen to the Scots for brybes and priuie gayne. 1578.

[199] That by. 1578.

[200] Most, wanting. 1559, 63, 71. N. Most cruelly. 1578.

[201] And last of all by pyllage. 1578.

[202] Had spoyld. 1578.

[203] Dampned he was. 1578.

[204] Syr Roger Mortymer was accused before the lordys of the

parlyament of these artycles with other; whereof v. I fynde expressyd.

And firste was layed vnto his charge that by his meaneys syr Edwarde

of Carnaruan, by mooste tyrannouse deth, in the castell of Barkley,

was murderyd; secondaryly, that to the kynge’s great dyshonoure and

dammage, the Scottys, by his meanys and treason, escapyd from the

kyng at the parke on Stanhope, whiche then shuld haue fallen in the

kynge’s daunger, ne had been the fauoure by the sayde Roger to them

than shewyd; thyrdely, to hym was layed, that he, for execucion of the

sayd treason, receyued of the capytane of the sayd Scottis, namyd syr

Iamys Dowglas, great summys of money, and also for lyke mede he had,

to the kynge’s great dyshonoure and hurte of his realme, concludyd a

peace atwene the kynge and the Scottis, and causyd to be delyuered vnto

theym the charter or endenture called Ragman, with many other thynges,

to the Scottys great aduauntage and impouerysshynge of this realme

of Englande. Fourtlye, was layed to hym, that where by synystre and

vnlefull meanys, contrary the kynge’s pleasure and wyll, or assent of

the lordys of the kynge’s counceyll, he had gotten into his possessyon

moche of the kynge’s treasoure, he vnskylfully wasted and myspent it;

by reason whereof the kyng was in necessyte, and dryuen parforce to

assaye his frendys. Fyfthlye, that he also had enproperyd vnto hym

dyuerse wardys belongynge to the kynge, to his great lucre and the

kynge’s great hurt, and that he was more secret with quene Isabell, the

kynge’s mother, than was to Godde’s pleasure, or the kynge’s honoure:

the whiche artycles, with other agayne hym prouyd, he was, by auctoryte

of the sayde parlyament, iugyd to deth, and vpon seynt Andrewys euyn

next ensuynge, at London, he was drawyn and hangyd. _Fabyan._

[205] My coosins fall might. 1578. My cosin then might. N.

[206] Brybing, adultery and pride. 1578.

[207] I wene. 1578.

[208] ‘Deare,’ omitted. N.

[209] That dyd, 1559.

[210]

----heire of Lyonell,

Of king Edward the third the second sequell. 1578.

The third king Edward’s sonne, as stories tell. N.

[211] Cald. 1578.

[212] By true. 1578.

[213] Of ladies all the. 1578.

[214] Left in me. 1559, 63.

[215]

After whose death I onely stood in plight,

To be next heyre vnto the crowne by right. 1578.

[216] Of the. N.

[217]

Touching the case of my cousin Roger,

(Whose ruful end euen now I did relate)

Was found in tyme an vndue atteindre. 1578.

[218] By lawe eche man of. 1578. By law each one of. N.

[219]

Should be heard speake before his iudgement passe,

That common grace to him denyed was. 1578.

[220] In court of. 1578.

[221] His atteindre appering erroneous. 1578.

[222]

A president worthy, in record left,

Lorde’s lygnes to saue, by lawless meanes bereft. 1578.

[223] While fortune vnto me her grace did deigne. N.

[224] The. 1559, 63.

[225] Looser. N.

[226]

Whyle fortune thus did frendly me receyue,

Rychard the king, that second was by name,

Hauing none heire after him to reigne. 1578.

[227] That vnderstoode my bent. 1578.

[228]

And me to serue was euery manne’s entent,

With all that wyt or cunning could inuent. 1578.

[229] In hope. 1578.

[230] Chaunge their hue. 1578.

[231] For whiles fortune so luld. 1578.

[232] Dame. 1578.

[233] To dash me downe. 1578.

[234] Irish kernes. 1578.

[235]

My landes of Vlster vniustly to bereaue,

Which my mother for heritage did me leaue. 1578.

[236] Whom I did not regard. N.

[237]

The wylder sort, whom I did least regard,

And therfore the rechlesse manne’s reward. 1578.

[238] By auctoryte of the same parliament [in 1585-6] syr Roger

Mortymer, erle of the Marche, and sone and heyre vnto syr Edmunde

Mortymer, (and of dame Phylyp, eldest daughter and heyer vnto syr

Lyonell, the seconde sone of Edwarde the thyrde) was soone after

proclaymyd heyer paraunt vnto the crowne of Englande; the which

syr Roger shortly after sayled into Irelande; there to pacyfye his

lordeshyp of Wulstyr, whiche he was lorde of by his foresayde mother:

but whyle he was there occupyed abowte the same, the wylde Irysshe came

vpon in noumbre, and slewe hym and moche of his company, _Fabyan_.

[239] Nor helpe of frendes. 1578.

[240] Or. 1578.

[241] No law of armes they know. 1578.

[242] No foes. N.

[243] Their booty chiefe, they coumpt a dead man’s heade. 1578.

[244]

Their chiefest boote is th’aduersarie’s head,

They end not warre till th’enemie be dead. N.

[245] Their foes when they doe faine. N.

[246]

Nor yet presume to make their match amisse,

Had I not so done, I had not come to this. 1578.

----I had been left aliue. N.

[247]

At naught I set a sort of naked men,

And much the lesse, seeming to flye away,

One man me thought was good ynough for ten,

Making small account of number more or lesse,

Madnesse it is in war to goo by gesse. 1578.

[248]

See here the stay of pompe and highe estate,

The feeble hold of this vncerteyn lyfe. 1578.

[249] Hauing fayre fruict by my belooued wyfe. 1578. Syr Roger had issu

Edmunde, and Roger, Anne, Alys, and Elanoure. _Fabyan_.

[250] Cavil. The “Ca.” was first affixed in 1571, and is repeated in

all the subsequent editions, except that of 1578, where there appears

“T. Ch.” the supposed signature of Thomas Churchyard. As from that

edition we shall have to notice, presently, another similar alteration,

it makes it doubtful whether the same can be considered a misprint,

though it does not appear in the enumeration of his own pieces made by

Churchyard. See _Bibliographia Poetica_. Since this note was printed

the claim of ‘Master Chaloner’ to this signature has been discovered.

See _postea_, p. 53, n. 1.

[251] Was, omitted. 1578.

[252] Not to be treated of, 1559, 63.

[253] In the seuententh yere (1394) came oute of Scotlonde certayne

lordes into Englonde, to gete worshypp by fayte of armes. The earl

of Morris chalenged the erle marchall of Englonde to juste wyth hym

on horsbacke wyth sharpe speres. And soo they roode togyder certayne

courses, but not the full chalenge. For the Scottyshe erle was caste

bothe horse and man, and two of his rybbes broken wyth the same fall,

and soo borne home into his inne. And anone after was caryed homeward

in a lytier. And at Yorke he deyed. Syre Wyllyam Darell banerer of

Scotlonde, and syre Pyers Courteney the kynge’s banerer of Englonde

roode togyder certayne courses of warre hitte and assayed. The

Scottisshe knyghte seenge that he myghte not haue the better, yaue it

ouer: and wold noo more of the chalenge. Thenne one Cokburne, squyer of

Scotlond, and syre Nicholl Hauberk, roode fyue courses, and at euery

course the Scot was caste bothe horse and man. _Polychronicon._

[254] And whan thys ryall maryage was done and fynysshed kynge Rycharde

wyth dame Isabel his quene came into Englonde. And the mayre of London,

with all his brethren, wyth grete multytude of the comyns of the cyte

and the craftes, receyuyd hym worshypfully at Blackheth, and brought

hym to Saynt Georges barre. And there taking their leue, the kyng and

quene roode to Kenignton. And after that wythin a whyle the quene came

to the toure of London, at whose comyng was moche harme doo, for on

London bridge were ix persones thrust to deth, of whom the priour of

typre was one. _Polychronicon._ The prior of Tiptor, in Essex, was one.

_Stowe._

[255] Muche myndyng, 1559, 63.

[256] Date, added. 1571.

[257] Is stablysht. 1559, 63. Who stablisht is in state, seeming. 1578.

[258] Turne thine eare to. 1578.

[259] Prest in presence on fortune to. 1578.

[260] Of the. 1559, 63.

[261] Who by discent was of the. 1578.

[262] Nought. N.

[263] Before, eyther since. 1559. Or since. N.

[264] Most false fayth. 1578.

[265] Marcht. N.

[266] Thus hoysted high on fortune’s whyrling wheele. 1578.

[267] For whan fortune’s flud ran with. 1559, 63.

[268] I beynge a duke discended of kinges. 1559, 63.

[269] In. 1559, 63.

[270] Esperaunce. 1559, 63, 71. Assurance. 1578.

[271] All, omitted. N.

[272] To appoynt. 1559, 63.

[273] And for to settle others in their place. N.

[274] So, omitted. N.

[275] On a bell. N.

[276] Or. 1559, 63.

[277] Haply, omitted. N.

[278] For doyng on. 1559, 63. On, omitted. N.

[279] A sore checke. 1559, 63. I vnaduised caught a cruell checke. N.

[280] Renown’d. N.

[281] For the tale of the rats, whence originates the proverbial

observation, “Who shall bell the cat?” see the vision of Pierce the

Plowman, by Crowley, ed. 1550, fol. iii. by Dr. Whitaker, 1813, p. 9.

[282] Expound. N.

[283] To curb. N.

[284] ’Bout. N.

[285] T’obay. N.

[286] It fits not a subiect t’haue. N.

[287] Thys by wurde. 1559, 63.

[288] And, omitted. N.

[289] Erle. 1559, 63.

[290] We by our power did call a parlament. N.

[291] With our. N.

[292] Playnely we depriued him of. 1559, 63.

[293] T’vnderstand. N.

[294] Thus wrought. 1578.

[295] By subiectes thus in bondage to bee brought. 1578.

[296] His. 1559, 63.

[297] Former cause of rancour to. 1578.

[298] Accoumpt. 1578.

[299] Were by me. 1559, 63.

[300] In the twentyest yere kynge Rycharde dide holde a grete feeste

at Westmestre. Att whyche feest aryued the souldyours that hadde kepte

Breste, and satte att dyner in the halle. And after dyner the duke of

Glocestre sayd to the kynge: “Syre, haue ye not seen those fellowes

that sate at dyner in your halle.” And the kinge demaunded who they

were. And he sayde: “Thyse ben your folke that haue serued you, and

ben come from Breste. And now wote not what to doo, and haue ben euyl

payed.” Thenne the kynge sayde that they sholde be payed. Thenne

answered the duke of Gloucetre in a grete furye: “Syre, ye oughte

fyrste to put your body in deuoyre to gete a towne, or a castell by

fayte of warre vpon youre enmyes, er ye sholde selle or delyuer ony

townes that your predecessours, kynges of Englonde, haue goten and

conquered.” To the whyche the kynge answerde ryght angrely: “How saye

ye that?” Thenne the duke his vncle sayd it agayne. Thenne the kynge

beganne to wexe wrothe, and sayd: “Wene ye that I be a marchaunte or a

foole to sell my londe. By saynt Iohnne Baptyst naye: but trouthe it is

that our cosyn of Brytayne hath rendred and payd to vs the somme that

my predecessours had lent vppon the sayd towne of Breste, and syth he

hath payd, it is reason that this towne be delyuered to hym agayne.”

Thus beganne the wrath bitwene the kynge and his vncle. _Polychronicon._

[301] To claime entertainment the town beyng solde. 1559, 63. To clayme

their wages. 1578.

[302]

Of hate in hys hert hourded a tresure. 1559, 63.

Fulfyld his hart with hate. 1578.

[303] Nor. 1559, 63.

[304] But frendship fayned, in proofe is found vnsure. 1578.

[305] With long sicknesse diseased very sore. 1578.

[306] I was confedered before. 1578.

[307] Such aduauntage. 1578.

[308] Eame. This word is used repeatedly in the legends by Ferrers.

In the above passage it means uncle. It was also a term for a gossip,

compeer, or friend.

[309] To goe before. 1578.

[310] Preparedst a playne waye. 1578.

[311] What measure to others we awarde. 1578.

[312] The initials of George Ferrers, first added, 1571.

[313] This. 1559, 63, 71.

[314] Tragedy of the Lord Mowbray, the chief wurker of the duke’s

distruction, 1559, 63.

[315] To the state of a duke, added. 1571.

[316] Lykely. 1559, 63.

[317] Marke, I will shew thee how I swerued. 1559, 63.

[318] A vertuous mynde. 1559, 63.

[319] The herte to evyll to enclyne. 1559, 63.

[320] Kynde. 1559, 63.

[321] I thanke her, was to me so kynde. 1559, 63.

[322] Neyther of vs was muche to other holde. 1559, 63.

[323] Misprinted ‘thought’ by Higgins and Niccols.

[324] Wrong’d. N.

[325] Of England. 1578.

[326] Bad officers. N.

[327] Afore had. N.

[328] Aye seeks. N.

[329] The kinge’s fauour. 1578.

[330] Pryde prouoketh to. 1578.

[331] To poll and oppresse. 1578.

[332] And still. N.

[333] Him to. N.

[334] For pryde prickt me first my prince to flatter. 1578.

[335] Who so euer. 1578.

[336] Nere. N.

[337] Because of holdes beyond the sea that he solde. 1578.

[338] My. 1559, 63.

[339] Though vnto all these ils I were a frend. N.

[340] The duke of Gloucester for me did send. N.

[341] From place. 1578.

[342] Bewrayed the king. 1559, 63, 71, 78.

[343] At Arundell was a counseylle of certayne lordes: as the duke

of Gloucetre, tharchebysshop of Caunterbury, the erles of Arundeel,

Warwyck, and Marchall, and other, for to refourme the rule abowte the

kynge. Whyche lordes promysed eche to abyde by other and soo departed.

And anone after the erle Marchall, whiche was captayne of Calays,

bewrayed and lete the kyng haue knowleche of all theyr counseylle:

wherupon the XXV daye of August, the duke of Glocetre was arested at

Plassheye in Estsex, and brought to the toure of London. And from

thence sent to Caleys and there murthred and slayne wyth out processe

of lawe or justyce. _Polychronicon._

[344] Earle. 1559, 63.

[345] It out. 1559, 63, 71.

[346] The palme represse. N.

[347] Earle. 1559, 63.

[348] Earle. 1559, 63.

[349] Manteyneth. 1559, 63.

[350] An. N.

[351] Earle. 1559, 63.

[352] Warly. 1559, 63.

[353] Misprinted, brest. 1587.

[354] In the same yere (1398) fel a great debate and dyssencyon bytwene

the duke of Herforde, erle of Derby, on that one partye, and the duke

of Norfolke, erle marchall, on that other partye. In soo moche that

they waged battaylle and caste downe their gloues whiche were take

vppe before the kynge and ensealed, and the day and place assigned

at Couentree. To whyche place the kinge came, the duke of Lancastre,

and other lordes. And whan both partyes were in the feelde redy for

to fyghte, the kyng toke the matere in his owne honde: and forthwyth

he exyled and banysshed the duke of Herforde for ten yeres, and the

duke of Norfolke for euermore. The duke of Norfolke deyed at Venyse.

_Polychronicon._

[355] Doubtfull. 1578.

[356] That. N.

[357] Shame. N.

[358] Are iust to. 1578.

[359] Is. 1559, 63.

[360] Herewyth. 1559, 63, 71, 78.

[361] Which made them thinke mee worse then any feende. 1578.

[362] For other griefe. 1578.

[363] I parted thence and. 1578.

[364] The duke of Norffolke whiche supposed to haue been borne out

by the kynge, was sore repentant of his enterprise, and departed

sorowfully out of the realme into Almaine, and at the laste came to

Venice, where he for thoughte and melancolye deceassed. _Hall._

[365] More pleasure and reliefe. 1578.

[366] Which was not longe. 1578.

[367] Loo! thus his glory grewe great, by my dispite. 1578.

[368] So enuy euer, her hatred doth acquite. 1578.

[369]

Sorrowe and false shame,

Whereby her foes do shine in higher fame. 1578.

[370] Running. 1559.

[371] T. Ch. This signature first added in the edition of 1571, and

has been uniformly believed to mean Thomas Churchyard. However, it

may be more confidently assigned to Master Chaloner, i. e. Sir Thomas

Chaloner.--In the British Museum there is a fragment of the original

edition of the _Mirror for Magistrates_, as printed in folio, during

the reign of Queen Mary, and suppressed, as already noticed, by the

Lord Chancellor. The fragment consists of two leaves, and which,

unfortunately, are duplicates, commencing with the interlocutory matter

before the legend of Owen Glendower, and ends with the eighteenth

stanza of the same legend. It begins “Whan Master Chaloner had ended

thys so eloquent a tragedy,” and therefore appears conclusive that the

above was written by Thomas Chaloner, and that the legend of Richard

the Second, by Ferrers, which now follows, was first written for the

edition of 1559.

When the legend of Jane Shore was added in 1563, Baldwin says: “This

was so well lyked, that all together exhorted me instantly to procure

Maister Churchyarde to vndertake and to penne as manye moe of the

remaynder as myght by any meanes be attaynted at his handes:” which

compliment proves that the author was a new candidate, and upon the

signatures being first added in 1571, we find his name affixed to

“Shore’s Wife,” in full, Tho. Churchyarde, to distinguish it from the

above abbreviation for Thomas Chaloner.

[372] About the feeste of seynt Bartholmew fell dyscension and discorde

atwene the duke of Herforde and the duke of Norfolke, wherefore the

duke of Herforde accusyd that other that he had taken iiii M. marke of

the kynge’s, of suche money as he shulde therewith haue wagyd certeyne

sowdyours at Calays, he lefte vndon, and toke the same money to his

owne vse. But another wryter sayeth, that as the sayd ii dukys rode

vpon a tyme from the parlyament towarde theyr lodgynges, the duke

of Norfolke sayde vnto that other: “Sir, see you not howe varyable

the kynge is in his wordis, and how shamefully he puttyth his lordes

and kynnes folkys to deth, and other exylyth and holdyth in pryson;

wherfore full necessary it is to kepe, and not for to truste moche in

his wordis, for with out dowte in tyme to come, he wyll by such lyke

meanys bryng vs vnto lyke deth and distruction.” Of which wordys the

sayd duke of Herforde accusyd that other vnto the kynge; wherefore

eyther wagyd batayle, &c. _Fabyan._

[373] For where as maister Hall, whom in thys storye we chiefely

folowed, making Mowbray accuser and Boleynbroke appellant, mayster

Fabyan reporteth the matter quite contrary, and that by the reporte

of good authours, makyng Boleynbroke the accuser, and Mowbray the

appellant. Which matter, &c. 1559, 63.

[374] Recordes of the parliament. 1578.

[375] We referre to the determinacion of the haroldes, or such as may

cum by the recordes and registers of these doynges, contented in the

mean whyle with the best allowed iudgement and which maketh most for.

1559, 63.

[376] Richard the 2. 1578.

[377] I woulde (quoth one of the cumpany) gladly say sumwhat for king

Richarde. But his personage is so sore intangled as I thynke fewe

benefices be at this daye, for after hys imprisonment, his brother.

1559, 63.

[378] King, omitted. 1559, 63.

[379] Thinke. 1559, 63, 71, 78.

[380] In the kinge’s behalf. 1559, 63.

[381] See him all. 1559, 63.

[382] Vpon a beere in. 1578.

[383] Makyng his mone in thys sort. 1559, 63.

[384] From his seat, and miserably murdred in prison. 1559, 63.

[385] Vertue to folow and vyces to keepe vnder. 1578.

[386] Boast of high byrth, sword, scepter, ne mace. 1578.

[387] Rayne do drops of thunder. 1578.

[388] Let kinges therfore the lawes of God embrace. 1578.

[389] That vayne delightes. 1578.

[390] Do gase vpon me. 1559, 63.

[391] Lyeth, for whom none late myght rout. 1559, 63.

[392] Princes. 1578.

[393] Loute. 1559, 63, 71. Dead and least dread, to graue is caryed

out. 1578.

[394] But earth and clay. 1578.

[395]

Behold the woundes his body all about,

Who liuing here, thought, 1578.

[396] Wilt nowe declare. 1571, 78.

[397] My vicious story, 1559, 63.

[398] They kepe not, doutles say I dare. 1559, 63.

[399] Tyll the one. 1559, 63.

[400] Without respect of. 1578.

[401]

I am a kynge that ruled all by lust,

That forced not of vertue, right. 1559, 63.

[402] But alway put false flatterers most in trust, 1559, 63.

In false flatterers reposinge all my trust. 1578.

[403] Embracinge sutch. 1578.

[404] Fro counsell sage I did alwayes withdrawe. 1578.

[405]

By faythfull counsayle passing not a strawe;

What pleasure prickt, that thought I to be iust:

I set my minde, to feede, to spoyle, to iust. 1559, 63.

[406] Of God or man I stoode no wise in awe. 1578.

[407] More. 1578.

[408]

And to augment my lecherous minde that must

To Venus’ pleasures alway be in awe. 1563.

The edition of 1559 reads “and all to augment,” &c.

[409] Which to mayntayne I gathered heapes of golde. 1578.

[410]

For maytenaunce where of, my realme I polde

Through subsidies, sore fines, loanes, many a prest. 1559, 63.

[411] In the two and twentyest yere of kynge Rycharde there were

made blanke chartres, to whyche all the ryche men of the reame were

compellyd to sette to theyr seales. _Polychronicon._

[412] For which my subiectes. 1559, 63.

[413] The people my doinges did detest. 1578.

[414] I also made away the towne. 1559, 63.

[415] Prince’s vices may not be. 1559, 63.

[416] I founde the meanes that he to death was sold. N.

[417]

His lyfe I tooke, vntried without quest,

And all sutch lordes as did his cause vphold. 1578.

[418]

The piers and lordes that did his cause vpholde,

With death, exile, or greuous fines opprest. 1559, 63.

[419] Neyther lakt I ayd in. 1559, 63.

[420] A kyng can neuer ymagen. 1559, 63.

[421] But most about hym will. 1559, 63.

[422] Some to do the same most glad. 1578.

[423] As vicious humours growe. 1559, 63.

[424] Be worst of all. 1578.

[425] Thys can trye. 1559, 63.

[426] Edward. 1578.

[427] Traytors to helpe. 1578.

[428]

Ryght trayterously arose

To helpe the Percyes, plying my depose. 1559, 63.

[429] Condemned ten yeares in exyle to lye. 1559, 63.

[430] Who tyrant like did execute all those. 1578.

[431] Of which sort soone after some their liues did lose. 1578.

[432] For when I was cum back thys stur. 1559, 63.

[433] My steward false to whom. 1578.

[434] We in Wales at Flint our castell. 1559, 63.

[435] Dyd. 1559, 63.

[436] There in my hall, mindinge to fly the coast. 1578.

[437] Rebreake hys staffe, my housholde offyce stay. 1559, 63.

[438] No better stay then in a rotten post. 1578.

[439] Resigne, abandoning my throane. 1578.

[440] Forsaken left and post. N.

[441]

For whan my trayterous stuard thus was goen,

My seruantes shranke away on euery syde,

That caught I was, and caryed to my foen:

Who for theyr prince a pryson dyd provyde,

And therin kept me tyll duke Henrye’s pryde

Dyd cause me yelde hym vp my crowne and throne:

Which shortely made my frendly foes to grone,

For Henry seyng in me theyr falshode tryed,

Abhorde them all, and would be rulde by none;

For which they sought to stoppe hym strayt a tyde. 1559, 63.

[442] Yet some conspir’d. N.

[443] Conspiring streight their new prince. 1578.

[444]

The chief conspyrde by death to dryve hym downe,

For which exployte, a solempne. 1559, 63.

Which to performe a solempne. 1578.

[445] My lyberty and. 1559, 63. My sceptre and my. 1578.

[446] No festred sore. 1578.

[447]

But salues help seeld an over long suffred sore,

To stopp the brech no boote to runne or rowne,

When swellyng fluds have overflowen the town:

Tyll sayles be spred the shyp may kepe the shore,

The ankers wayed, though all the frayt do frowne,

With streame and steere perforce it shal be bore. 1559, 63.

Then winde and streame hath set the seas in rore. 1578.

[448] In such state. 1578.

[449] They soone depriued. N.

[450] Easely put me downe of late. 1559, 63.

[451]

And where with ease my pride they did abate,

They were to weake to set me vp agayne. 1578.

[452] By. 1578.

[453] In. 1559.

[454] And well meant meanes his mishaps. 1559, 63.

[455] In me appereth playne. 1559, 63.

[456] For when kyng Henry knew. 1559, 63.

[457] According to Fabian there was “made prouysyon for a dysguysynge

or a mummynge, to be shewyd to the kynge vpon twelfethe nyght:” but

Hall describes the plot for the assassination as intended to have been

effected during the holding solemn justs at Oxford, and gives a curious

and perspicuous account of the preparations made for exhibiting noble

acts of chivalry.

[458] Hym yf they myght. 1559, 63. Would murder him by night. 1578.

[459] Cutthroate. 1578.

[460]

But sent syr Pierce of Exton, a traytrous knyght,

To Pomfret castell, with other, armed lyght. 1559, 63.

[461]

Sent with great dispite,

Who reft my lyfe by force against al lawes. 1578.

[462] In flaterie’s clawes, and shame’s foule pawes shall lyght. 1559,

63.

And so I end concluding with this clause;

That God though late at last wil surely smyte. 1578.

[463] George Ferrers, the initials added. 1571.

[464] When maister Ferrers had. 1578.

[465] Whan master Chaloner had ended thys so eloquent a tragedy. Fol.

See n. 1, p. 53.

[466] Right notable and wurthy. Fol.

[467] ‘We paused,’ is transposed to end of sentence, after ‘piteous

tragedies, we paused awhile. And seeing.’ 1578.

[468] A prince. 1578.

[469] Ware. 1571, 78.

[470] Princes. Fol.

[471] Owen Glendour, a great prince in Wales, next in succession of

ill fortune with the stout Percies, his confederates, I thought it not

meete to ouerpasse so great persons with silence, and therefore. 1578.

[472] ‘The,’ omitted. Fol.

[473] Howbeit Owen Glendour because he is a man of that countrey whence

(as the Welchmen beare me in hand) my petigre is discended, althoughe

he be but a slender prince, yet rather then he should be forgotten, I

wyll tell his tale for him vnder the priuilege of Martin Hundred: which

Owen coming naked out of the wilde mountaynes, like the image of death

in all poyntes (his dart onely excepted) so sore hath famine and hunger

consumed him, lamenteth his infortune after this maner. Fol.

[474] Monark. 1578.

[475] Rather then he should be forgotten. I wil pray maister Phaer, who

of late hath placed hymselfe in that country, and haply hath met with

his ghost in the forest of Kylgarran, that he wil say somwhat in his

person. 1578.

[476] One of fortune’s darlynges, rather than he should be forgotten,

I will tel hys tale for him vnder the pryuelidge of Martine hundred:

which, &c. 1559, 63.

[477] Excepted, so sore hath famyne and hunger consumed hym, may lament

his folly after. 1559, 63.

[478] Lamente his great misfortune in sutch maner as you, maister

Phaer, are able most amptly to vtter and set forth. 1578.

[479] Henry then prince. 1559, 63.

[480] Henry then prince thereof chased. Fol.

[481] He most miserably starued for hunger. 1578.

[482] Anno 1401, added. 1571.

[483] Falles. Fol.

[484] May teach all men ambition to flye. 1578.

[485] Her. Fol. 1559, 63.

[486]

My body and fame she hathe made leane and slender,

For I, poor wretch, am sterved Owen Glendour. Fol. 1559, 63.

Oh false fortune, fortune, vengeaunce on thee, I crye:

Which offering a sop of sweet receyt,

Haste made me byte the hooke in steede of bayt. 1578.

[487] A Brytton borne. 1578.

[488] Of a gentle blood. Fol. 1559, 63.

[489] Make men good. Fol.

[490] So doth not soule or mynd. Fol. 1559, 63.

[491] Them doo render. Fol.

[492] And generally. Fol.

[493] Doth any property that theyr dame had, want. Fol. 1559, 63.

[494] In vertuous deedes. Fol. 1559, 63.

[495] Of vertue’s life. 1578.

[496] For. Fol.

[497] The pryde. 1559, 63.

[498] To which the mule. 1559, 63.

[499] The braging mule could nere. N.

[500] Wer. Fol. Is. 1559, 63.

[501] May, omitted. 1578.

[502] Is. Fol. 1559.

[503] Our parents’ good is theirs. N.

[504] Vertues theyrs are and not ours. Fol. 1559, 63.

[505] Noble kynd. Fol. 1559, 63.

[506] Or shine. N.

[507] Be his. Fol.

[508] Doth make a gentilman. Fol. 1559. Make a gentyll man. 1563.

[509] Of elders shew he can. Fol. 1559, 63.

[510] Merlin, whose father was an hob. Fol.

[511] For omitted. N.

[512] By many of Merlyne’s tales. Fol. 1559, 63.

[513] Such mates. N.

[514] I, inserted. 1571. So perforce I. N.

[515] Did. 1557.

[516] And with rich spoyles did homward. Fol.

[517] ’Gainst. N.

[518] A renowned knight. N.

[519] A, omitted. N.

[520] That, inserted. 1571. Omitted. N.

[521] A, omitted. N.

[522] Other. Fol.

[523] T’abide. N.

[524] And pitched downe his field hard. N.

[525] Neither other’s power durst. N.

[526] To the mountaines. Fol.

[527] See. Fol. 1559, 63.

[528] Got. Fol. 1559.

[529] The fragment of the folio, in the British Museum, ends here.

[530] Strifes. N.

[531] To put hym, 1557, 63.

[532] Holy. N.

[533] Apt. N.

[534] Here I passe ouer to declare howe a certayne writer writeth that

this earle of Marche, the lorde Percy, and Owen Glendor were vnwisely

made beleue by a Welsh prophecier, that kyng Henry was the moldwarpe,

cursed of Godde’s owne mouthe, that and they thre were the dragon, the

lion, and the wolffe, whiche shoulde deuide this realme betwene theim,

by the deuiacion and not deuinacion of that mawmet Merlin. I wyll not

reherse howe they by their deputies in the howse of the archdeacon of

Burgor, seduced with that falce fained prophesie deuided the realme

amongest them, nor yet write howe by a tripartie endenture sealed with

their seales, all Englande, from Seuerne and Trent, south and eastward,

was assigned to the erle of Marche; nor how all Wales, and the landes

beyond Seuerne westward, were appoincted to Owen Glendor, and all the

remnaunt from Trent northwarde to the lorde Percie. _Hall._

[535] So folly did assure. N.

[536] As sures by sots. 1559, 63, 71, 75, 78. As carelesse sots. N.

[537] Thine vncle Thomas Percy forst. N.

[538] When Henry kyng. 1559, 63. When Henry this great victory. N.

[539] Luckly. N.

[540] The prophet. N.

[541] Else. N.

[542] Payn prayed. 1559, 63.

[543] Stronge. 1578.

[544]

Forst mee to feede on barke of trees, and wood,

And last of all, to gnaw my flesh and bloud. 1578.

[545] A, omitted. N.

[546] For him that did so ill. 1578.

[547] The vayne desires, when wit doth yeeld to will. 1578.

[548] Fly false prophets. N.

[549] Lyinge skill. 1578.

[550] Owen and his sedicious fautors, which beyng dismaied and in maner

desperate of all comfort by the reason of the kynge’s late victory

fled in desert places and solitary caues, where he receiued a finall

reward mete and prepared by Godde’s prouidence for suche a rebell and

sedicious seducer. For beyng destitute of all comfort, dreadyng to

shewe his face to any creature, lackyng meate to sustain nature, for

pure hunger and lacke of fode miserably ended his wretched life. This

ende was prouided for suche as gaue credence to false prophesies.

This ende had they that by diabolical deuinations wer promised great

possessions and seignories. This ende happeneth to suche as beleuyng

suche fantasticall folies, aspire and gape for honor and high

promocions. _Hall._

[551] Thomas Phaer. The above signature first added in ed. 1578, is

omitted in ed. 1587, though confirmed by the next note. The name is

subscribed in Niccols.

[552] Whan mayster Phaer had ended the tragedy of thys hunger staruen

prynce of Wales, it was well liked of al the company that a Saxon would

speake so mutch for a Brytton, then sodenly one found a doubt. 1578.

[553] That. 1559, 63.

[554] Percy, added. 1571.

[555] Sir, added. 1571.

[556] As followeth, added. 1571.

[557] Anno 1407, added. 1571.

[558] Kynsfolke. 1559, 63.

[559] For our peers. N.

[560] For few there were, that were so much redoubted. N.

[561] My valyauntise were. 1559, 63.

[562] Through our foes. N.

[563] Foes. N.

[564] In favour and offyce. 1559, 63.

[565] I had a son. 1559, 63.

[566] Foes. N.

[567] Syr Henry Hotspur they gaue hym to name. 1559, 63.

[568] Clere from. 1559, 63, 71. N.

[569] And openly proclaymed trayterous knight. 1559, 63. A most

disloyall knight. N.

[570] And soone. N.

[571] This alonely. 1559, 63.

[572] Nor age. N.

[573] Foes. N.

[574] With chaines fast bound. N.

[575] ’Gainst Mortimer and me. N.

[576] That. 1559, 63.

[577] To. N.

[578] Our. N.

[579] Seased. N.

[580] Into Scotland fled. N.

[581]

Who in my cause with many more made head,

And when on hope of greater aid I fed. N.

[582] Vnend. 1559, 63.

[583] Therle of Northumberland, which had been in Fraunce and other

regions to obteigne aide against kyng Henry, and had missed of his

purpose, nowe putte his whole confidence in the Scottes, and in

especiall in hys old frende George earle of Marche, and so assembled

a greate power of the Scottish nacion to inuade Northumberlande, and

recouered diuerse of his owne castles and seignories, to whome the

people without nombre daily resorted. Wherfore he entendyng to be

reuenged of hys olde greues, accompaignied with the lorde Bardolffe

and diuerse other Scottes and Englishemen entred into Yorkeshire and

there began to destroy and depopulate the countrye. Wherof the kynge

beyng aduertised, caused a greate army to bee assembled and marched

toward his enemies, but or the kyng came to Notyngham, Raufe Rekesbie,

shrife of Yorkshire, in the middest of February, with the power of

the countrye, sodainly set on therle and his compaignie, at the place

called Bramham More, where after long fighting, the erle and the lorde

Bardolffe, and many other, were taken and brought to Yorke and there

executed, and their heddes sent to London. _Hall._

[584] Scape. N.

[585] This legend is without signature in all the editions, but usually

attributed to William Baldwin.

[586] In the ix yere was syr Edmond erle of Kent made amerall of the

see, whyche kept the see worthyly wyth many ryall shyppes. And at

laste he londed at the costes of Brytayn in the yle of Bryak, and

beseged the castell, and sawted it. And with a quarel he was slayn. But

neuertheless the castel was goten. And thenne his meyne came home agayn

wyth therles body, whyche was buryed wyth his auncestres worshipfully.

_Polychronicon._

[587] Plantagenet, added. 1571.

[588] Anno Dom. 1415. added. 1571.

[589] Most. 1578.

[590] As. 1578.

[591] Meaners. 1578.

[592] Do. 1578.

[593] Wer’t. N.

[594] Of the. 1559, 63.

[595] The night before the day of deperture appoincted, he (the king)

was credebly informed that Richarde, earle of Cambridge, brother to

Edward, duke of Yorke, and Henry, lorde Scrope, and syr Thomas Gray,

knyght, had compassed his death and finall destruction: wherfore he

caused theim to be apprehended lamentyng sore his chaunce that he

should be compelled to loose suche personages by whose valiantnes and

puissaunce he shuld be more dreadfull and fearefull to his foes and

enemies. When these prisoners were examined, they not onely confessed

the conspiracy, but also declared that for a great some of mony which

they had receiued of the Frenche kyng, they intended either to deliuer

the kyng aliue in to the handes of his enemies, or els to murther hym

before that he should arriue in the duchy of Normandy. _Hall._

[596] Rules. N.

[597] God. 1559, 1563.

[598] W. Baldwine. N.

[599] Q. for quoth. 1563.

[600] The, added. 1587.

[601] So, added. 1571.

[602] Of fortune, iustly may say thus. 1559, 63.

[603] The earle. 1559, 63.

[604] At Orleaunce, added. 1571.

[605] The 3 of Nouember, Anno 1428, added. 1571.

[606] A goodly thing we deeme of good report. N.

[607] Seen. 1559, 63, 75, 78.

[608] In. 1559, 63.

[609] How some. N.

[610] My sire and th’earle. N.

[611] Purpose well. N.

[612] Of wrath. 1578.

[613] Hath, misprint. 1563. Hateth. N.

[614] My lims. N.

[615] Hys. 1559, 63.

[616] The, misprint. 1563.

[617] Where ere. N.

[618] Lorde Thomas Montacute, earle of Salisbury, a man bothe for his

greate pollicie and haut corage more to be compared to the old valiant

Romans then to men of his daies. _Hall._

[619] Do norish. 1578.

[620] And in theyr spech for to declare of. 1559.

[621] He was the man at that tyme, by whose wit, strength, and

pollicie, the Englishe name was muche fearfull and terrible to the

Frenche nacion, whiche of hymselfe might bothe appoynt, commaunde

and do all thynges in maner at hys pleasure, in whose power (as it

appeared after hys deathe) a greate part of the conquest consisted and

was estemed, because he was a man bothe painfull and diligent, redy

to withstand thynges perilous and imminent, and prompt in counsail,

and with no labor be weried, nor yet hys corage at any tyme abated or

appalled, so that all men put no more trust in any one man, nor no

synguler person gat more the hartes of all men. _Hall._

[622] Confesse. N.

[623] Covet them to spoyle. 1559.

[624] Had. 1559.

[625] The text is restored here from the editions of 1559, and 63, as

in the others it uniformly stands ‘hee.’

[626] The dolphyn sent lorde Wyllyam Stuard, constable of Scotland, and

therle of Ventadore in Auergne, and many other nobles of his part to

laie siege to the toune of Crauant, in the countie of Auxerre, within

the partes of Burgoyn, wherof heryng the lorde regent and the duke

of Burgoyn thei assembled a greate armie, the erle of Salisbury was

ordeined capitaine of the whiche. _Hall._

[627] After thys fortunate vyctorye obteigned, the englishemen fyrste

gaue greate laudes and thankes to allmyghtie God and after entered into

the towne of Crauant much praisinge the doynges of the capitaines and

the fidelitie of the citezens, and when they had set all thynges in an

ordre they returned to Paris where of the regente they wer ioyously

receiued, whiche there constituted therle of Salisbury (as he was

wel worthy) vicegerent and lieftenaunt for the king and him in the

countries of Fraunce, Bry, and Champaigne. _Hall._

[628] Causde me go. N.

[629] Therle of Salisbury whiche could not slepe in his great office

of truste, layde siege to the toune and castle of Monntaguilon in Bry,

wherof were capitainis Pregent of Cotyny, and Giulle Bourgoys, Brytons,

whiche valiantly defended the castle by the space of v. monethes, &c.

_Hall._

[630] With earles, with lordes. N.

[631] To driue the treacherous dolphin out of France. N.

[632] T’Aniow. N.

[633] Flee. 1563.

[634] As might or help. N.

[635] The boldest Frenchmen. N.

[636] ‘Will’ in all the editions except that of 1587.

[637]

Being fortie thousand well arm’d in field,

Fiue hundred men enforced them to yeeld. N.

[638] Did assault them. 1559. Fresh assaulted. N.

[639] Soone. N.

[640] Where in good hope to. N.

[641] Forth. N.

[642] Forward. 1559, 63, 71, 78.

[643] But would hope sure. 1559.

[644] It so chaunced that the lix. daie after the siege laied before

the cytie, therle of Salisbury, sir Thomas Gargraue, and Wyllyam

Glasdale, and diuerse other, went into the said toure and so into the

highe chambre, and loked out at the grate, and within a shorte space,

the sonne of the maister gonner, perceiued men loking out at the

wyndowe, tooke his matche, as his father had taughte hym whiche was

gone doune to dinner, and fired the gonne, whiche brake and sheuered

the yron barres of the grate, wherof one strake therle so strongly on

the hed, that it stroke away one of his iyes and the side of hys cheke.

Sir Thomas Gargraue was lykewyse striken, so that he died within two

daies. Therle was conueyed to Meum vpon Loyre, where he laie beyng

wounded viii. dayes, duryng whiche tyme he receiued deuoutly the holy

sacramentes, and so commended his soule to almighty God, whose body

was conueyed into Englande with all funerall and pompe, and buried at

Bissam, by his progenitors. _Hall._

[645] Of glory. 1559, 63, 71, 75. The most vncertaine glorie. N.

[646] Sure be, misprint. 1587. Then mortall fooles. N.

[647] W. Baldwine. N.

[648] Quoth. 1559, 63.

[649] Nor the last. 1559, 63, 71, 75.

[650] The heire (sir Stephen de Veignolles) perceiuynge the hartes,

corage, and defence of the Englishe people, caused thre culuerynes to

be shot emongest theim, whereof one strake the erle (of Arundel) on the

ancle, and so brake hys legge that for pain he fell from hys horsse,

then the Frenche men entered emongest the Englishe army, and tooke the

erle beyng on the grounde, prisoner.... The erle was caried to Beauoys,

where of this hurte he shortly died, and was buried in the frier’s

minors. He was a man of a singuler vertue, constancie and grauitie,

whose death in so troubelous a worlde, did sore appall the hartes of

his nacion. _Hall._

[651] Anno 1437, added. 1571.

[652] Write. 1559, 63, 71.

[653] For fault of foode. 1559, 63, 71, 75, 78.

[654] A trusted brother ’stroy hys brother’s blood. 1559, 63. Trusted

brother distroy. 1571.

[655] Hys deth. 1559, 63.

[656] To auoyd. 1559, 63, 71, 75, 78.

[657] Me prysoner. 1559, 63, 71.

[658] An, misprint. 1587.

[659] This young prince and Henry Percie, sonne to the lorde Percie

slaine before at Shrewesbury, by rigor of tempest were driuen on the

cost of Holdeines, called Flamborough hed, the xxx daie of Marche,

where the yonge prince for to refreshe hymselfe toke lande. He wrought

not so preuely, but he was knowen and taken with all his company, and

conueighed to the kyng beynge at Winsore. _Hall._

[660] I were. 1559, 63, 71.

[661] Before that tyme the people of Scotland were rude, rusticall,

without any vrbanitie, hauyng litle lernyng, and lesse good maners, and

good qualities least of all. This prince beeyng XVIII. yeres prisoner

within this realme, was so instructed and taught by hys schoolmaster,

and pedagoges apointed to hym by the onely clemencie of the kynge, that

he not onely florished in good learnynge and freshe litterature (as

the tyme then serued) but also excelled in all poynctes of marciall

feates, musicall instrumentes, poeticall artes and liberall sciences.

In so muche that at hys returne from captiuitee, he furnished hys

realme bothe with good learnynge and cyuill policye, whiche before was

barbarous, seuage, rude, and without all good nurtur. _Hall._

[662] The protector of the realme of Englande, by the consent of

the whole baronage of the same gaue to him in maryage the lady Jane

doughter to Jhon earle of Sommerset, desceased, not onely syster to

Iohn then duke of Sommerset, but also cosyn germayne remoued to the

kynge and nece to the cardynall of Winchester and the duke of Exceter.

_Hall._

[663] The heyre. 1559, 63, 71, 75, 78.

[664] Mardo, in ed. 1587; all the others support the above correction.

[665] Neither regarding his othe, nor estemynge the great abundaunce

of plate and riche clothes of Arras, to hym by the mother and vncles

of his wife liberally geuen and frendly deliuered, (of whiche sorte of

riches fewe or none before that daie wer euer seen in the countrey of

Scotlande) like a dogge whiche hath cast vp his stomacke and retourneth

to his vomet, or like a snake whiche after his engenderyng with a

lampray taketh again his old poyson, after he had once taken the ayre

and smelled the sent of the Scottishe soyle became like his false

fraudulent forefathers, an vntrue prince, &c. _Hall._

[666] The. 1559, 63.

[667] He (Walter Steward, erle of Atholl) perswaded Robert Steward, hys

nephew, and Robert Grame, hys cosyn, and dyuerse other, to murther and

sleye the kynge theyre souereigne lorde, whiche therto by diuelyshe

instigacyon incenced and procured, came to the toune of Pertho

(commonly called S. Ihon’s towne) and there entered into the kinge’s

priuy chambre, and slewe first diuerse of hys seruauntes, whiche made

resistance and after kylled the kyng with many mortall strokes, and

hurt the quene, whiche, in defence of her husband, felled one of the

traytors. _Hall._

[668] Or. 1559, 63, 71, 78.

[669] Such as. 1559.

[670] Without signature in every edition, and therefore attributed to

Baldwin.

[671] The legends of dame Elinour Cobham, and of Humphrey, duke of

Gloucester, were only first printed 1578. That they were written, and

probably printed, in 1559, (if not for the edition in folio,) appears

certain as well by the table of contents, where they are enumerated, as

by the interlocutory connection being nearly the same with the above,

and which in the succeeding editions of 1563, 1571, and 1575, is varied

according to the notes upon the prefixture of the legend of the duke of

Suffolk, given p. 146.

[672] Quod. 1559.

[673] (Q. M. Fer.) and as. 1559.

[674] Haue here ready penned ii. 1559.

[675] The. 1559.

[676] Is fyrst to be placed in. 1559.

[677] Was cause of ouerthrow to both. 1559.

[678] Blith. N.

[679] Form. N.

[680] Dames. N.

[681] For to diuine. N.

[682] There was taken also Margerie Gurdemaine, a witch of Eye, besides

Westminster, whose sorcerie and witchcraft the said Elianor had long

time vsed, and by hir medicines and drinkes enforced the duke of

Glocester to loue hir, and after to wed hir. _Stowe._

[683] Furies and feends her. N.

[684] Corps. N.

[685] Roger Bolinbrooke, a great astronomer, with Thomas Southwell,

a chanon of S. Stephen’s chappell at Westminster, were taken as

conspiratours of the king’s death, for it was said that the same Roger

should labour to consume the king’s by waie of negromancie, and the

said Thomas should say masses in the lodge of Harnesey parke, beside

London, vpon certaine instruments, with the which the said Roger should

vse his crafte of negromancie, against the faith, and was assenting

to the said Roger in all his workes. And the fiue and twentith day of

Julie, being Sondaie, Roger Bolingbroke, with all his instruments of

negromancie, that is to say, a chayre painted wherein he was woont to

sit; vppon the foure corners of which chayre stoode foure swordes,

and vpon euery sworde an image of copper hanging, with many other

instrumentes: he stoode on a high scaffolde in Paule’s churchyarde,

before the crosse, holding a sword in his right hand, and a scepter

in his left, arrayed in a maruellous attire, and after the sermon was

ended by master Low, bishop of Rochester, he abiured all articles

longing to the crafte of negromancie, or missowning to the faith.

_Stowe._

[686] The king’s true constellation. N.

[687] Deepest. N.

[688] Nerethelesse. N.

[689] This yere (1442-3) dame Elyanour Cobham, wyfe to the sayd duke,

was accused of treason, for that she, by sorcery and enchaunment,

entended to destroy the kyng to thentent to aduaunce and promote her

husbande to the croune: vpon thys she was examined in sainct Stephen’s

chapell, before the bishop of Canterbury, and there by examinacion

conuict and iudged to do open penaunce, in iii. open places, within

the cytie of London, and after that adiudged to perpetuall prisone,

in the Isle of Man, vnder the kepyng of Sir Ihon Stanley, knyght. At

the same season wer arrested as ayders and counsailers to the said

duchesse, Thomas Southwell, prieste and chanon of saincte Stephens

in Westmynster, Ihon Hum, prieste, Roger Bolyngbroke, a conyng

nycromancier, and Margerie Jourdayne, surnamed the witche of Eye, to

whose charge it was laied, that thei, at the request of the duchesse

had deuised an image of waxe, representyng the kyng whiche by their

sorcery, a litle and litle consumed, entending therby in conclusion to

waist, and destroy the kynge’s person, and so to bryng him to deathe,

for the whiche treison, thei wer adiudged to dye, and so Margery

Jordayne was brent in Smithfelde, and Roger Bolyngbroke was drawen and

quartered at Tiborne, takyng vpon his deathe that there was neuer no

suche thyng by theim ymagined, Jhon Hum had his pardon, and Southwell

died in the toure before execution: the duke of Gloucester toke all

these thynges paciently, and saied litle. _Hall._

[690] The 9 of Nouember dame Elianor appeered before the archbishop

and other in the sayde chappell (of S. Stephen’s), and receiued her

penance which she performed. On Monday the 13 of Nouember, she came

from Westminster, by water, and landed at the Temple bridge, from

whence with a taper of waxe of two pound in hir hande, she went

through Fletestreete, hoodlesse (saue a kerchefe) to Paul’s, where she

offered hir taper at the high altar. On the Wednesday next shee landed

at the swan in Thamis streete, and then went through Bridgestreete,

Gracechurchstreete, straight to Leaden Hall, and so to Christ church

by Aldegate. On fryday she landed at Queene hiue, and so went through

Cheape to S. Michael’s in Cornehill, in forme aforesaid: at all which

times the maior, sherifes, and crafts of London, receiued her and

accompanied hir. This being done she was committed to the ward of Sir

Thomas Stanley, wherein she remained during hir life in the castle of

Chester, hauing yeerely 100 markes assigned for hir finding, in the 22

of Henry the sixt she was remooued to Kenilwoorth, there to be safely

kept, whose pride, false couetise, and lecherie, were cause of hir

confusion. _Stowe._

[691] A ballad, that has been modernized, entitled “the lamentable fall

of the dutchess of Gloucester, wife to good duke Humphry, with the

manner of her doing penance in London streets, and of her exile in the

Isle of Man, where she ended her days,” may be found in Evans’s _Old

Ballads, historical and narrative_, ed. 1784, Vol. I. p. 317.

[692] The house. 1578.

[693] I shall see you. 1578.

[694] Good peace. 1578.

[695] G. Ferrers. The peculiarity of the above signature in the

addition of _quod_ is noticeable, though, probably, it originated with

the printer.

[696] Knyt vp the ende of her. 1578.

[697] Behold me Humfrey hight by name. N.

[698]

Who in the sixt king Henrie’s rule, with fame

Twice ten yeares kept the troubled state in frame;

Note well the cause of my vnhappie case,

And ’mongst thy mirrours let the same haue place. N.

[699] Weale, let men beware mishap. N.

[700] With blind securitie. N.

[701] To trust their state. N.

[702] Most smiles to haue in memorie. N.

[703] Who in most certaintie. N.

[704] Men. N.

[705] Same approue. N.

[706] To bite on fawning flatterie’s bait did loue. N.

[707]

Had I to high degree,

And yet in fine they all beguiled mee. N.

[708] Of Henry fourth by name. N.

[709] Henry fift of that same name. N.

[710] To the sixt Henrie vncle. N.

[711] To build vpon. N.

[712] To aduance my. N.

[713] When the fift Henry by his valiancie. N.

[714] T’haue. N.

[715] Which all states do spill. N.

[716] From a feend. N.

[717] Do verefy. 1578.

[718] For euermore. N.

[719] Histories. N.

[720] Neretheless. N.

[721] Bitter. N.

[722] In this season (i of Hen. VI.) Homfrey duke of Gloucester, either

blynded with ambicion or dotyng for loue, maried the lady Jaquet or

Jacomin doughter and sole heire to William of Bauier duke of Holland,

whiche was lawfull wife to Ihon duke of Brabant then liuyng. Which

mariage was not onely woundered at of the common people but also

detested of the nobilitie, and abhorred of the clergie. But suerly the

swete tast, of this plasant mariage, brought after a sower sauce, bothe

to the amorous housbande and to the wanton wife. _Hall._

[723] Feends. N.

[724] So in editions 1578, 87, and Niccols, but appears a misprint for

convicted.

[725] With. N.

[726] Was. N.

[727] Could wake. N.

[728] Of my false foes. N.

[729] A parliament was somoned to be kept at Bery, whether resorted

all the peres of the realme, and emongest them the duke of Gloucester,

whiche on the second daie of the session was by the lord Beamonde,

then highe constable of Englande, accompanied with the duke of

Buckyngham, and other, arrested, apprehended, and put in warde, and

all his seruauntes sequestred from hym, and xxxii. of the chiefe of

his retinue, were sente to diuerse prisons, to the greate admiracion

of the common people. The duke the night after hys emprisonement, was

found dedde in his bed, and his body shewed to the lordes and commons,

as thoughe he had died of a palsey or empostome: but all indifferent

persons well knewe that he died of no natural death, but of some

violent force. _Hall._

[730] The vnsure. 1578.

[731] They lyue in. 1578.

[732] G. Ferrers. N.

[733] Both the realmes. 1578.

[734] Were the chiefe workers. 1578.

[735] Whan thys was sayd: “Let kyng Jamy go,” quod mayster Ferrers,

“and retourn we to our owne story, and se what broyles wer among the

nobylyty in the kynge’s mynorytye. How that cardinall Bewford malygneth

the estate of good duke Humfrey the kynge’s vncle and protector of the

realme, and by what driftes he first banisheth his wife from him. And

lastly howe the good duke is murderously made away through conspiracy

of queene Margaret and other: both whose tragedyes I entend at leysure

to declare, for they be notable.” “Do so, I pray you,” quod another,

“but take hede ye demurre not vpon them. And I to be occupyed the meane

tyme, wyll shew what I haue noted in the duke of Suffolke’s doynges,

one of the chefest of duke Humfrey’s destroyers, who, &c.” 1563, 71.

See p. 111, note 1.

[736] Notable death, which he may lament after thys maner. 1559, 63.

[737] And sayling. 1571, 75.

[738] Lord, omitted. 1578.

[739] And procuringe the death of Duke Humfrey of Glocester, protector

of England. 1578.

[740] Anno 1450. added 1571. Anno Dom. N.

[741] Banysht, headed so, and drowned. 1559, 63.

[742] Wherfore good Baldwin. 1578.

[743]

And therfore, Baldwyn, fro thy grave of gryefe

Reiect me not, of wretched prynces chief. 1559, 63.

[744] Or. 1559, 63.

[745] Good hap wyth vyces cannot long agree. 1559, 63.

[746] I am the prynce duke Wyllyam. 1559, 63.

[747] That was so famous in. 1559, 63.

[748] Whose vertuous paynes. 1559, 63.

[749] The. 1559.

[750] Luckly. N.

[751] Though Burgoyne duke had then the praise of all. N.

[752] Ere. N.

[753] Of. 1578.

[754] Help need to sue. N.

[755] And a princely. N.

[756] Heire. N.

[757] And of. 1578.

[758] Hated it. N.

[759] Gaine. N.

[760] Whom. 1559, 63, 71, 78.

[761] Should. 1578.

[762] Deeds. N.

[763] To have. 1559, 63, 71, 75, 78.

[764] The queene, whiche entierly loued the duke, fearynge that some

commocion and trouble might ryse, if he were let goo vnpuneshed, caused

hym to be committed to the towre, where he was kepte with as muche

pleasure as he that was at large, and oute of all captiuitie. But after

that a monethe was expyred, she ymagenynge the people to bee pacifyed

with this open emprysonment, caused hym both to be deliuered, and also

to be restored to the kynge’s fauour and grace, as muche as euer he was

before that tyme. But this doynge incensed the furye of the mutable

commons, muche more then before: openly demounsynge and saiyng, that

it was a shame to all the realme, to se such a persone, infected with

so many mysdedes, either to rule about a prince or be had in honor.

Of these wordes sprang dedes, and of this talkyng rose displeasure,

whiche had growen to greate mischiefe, if politique prouision had not,

with all celeritye, resisted the first fury: for the commons in sundry

places of the realme assembled together, gathered great companies,

and elected a capytayn, whom they called blew berde: but or they had

attempted any enterprise, their headdes were apprehended and so the

members sodainly were dispersed, without any hurte committed, or

perpetrated. _Hall._

[765] To adiourne. 1559, 63, 71, 75, 78.

[766]

As I was saylyng toward the coast of Fraunce,

The earle of Deuonshyre’s barke, of lytle pryce. 1559, 63.

[767] Whose captayne toke me by hys valyaunce. 1559, 63.

[768] But led me with hym into. 1559, 63.

[769] Where whan he had recounted me my. 1559, 63.

[770] In causyng. 1559, 63.

[771] On the edge wherof my. 1559, 63.

[772] Fortune wold not, that this flagitious person, shoulde so escape,

for when he shipped in Suffolke, entendynge to be transported into

Fraunce, he was encontered with a shippe of warre appertaininge to

the duke of Excester, the constable of the towre of London, called

the Nicholas of the Toure. The capitaine of the same barke with small

fighte, entered into the duke’s shippe, and perceiuynge his person

present, brought hym to Douer rode, and there on the one syde of a

cocke bote, caused his heade to be striken of, and left hys body with

the heade vpon the sandes of Douer, whiche corse was there founde by a

chapelayne of his, and conuaied to Wyngfelde colledge in Suffolke, and

there buried. This ende had William de la Pole, first duke of Suffolke,

as men iudge, by God’s punishment: for aboue all thynges he was noted

to be the very organ, engine, and deuiser of the destrucion of Humfrey

the good duke of Gloucester, and so the bloudde of the innocente man

was with his dolorous deathe, recompensed and punished. _Hall._

[773]

A pyteous ende, and therefore, Baldwyn, warne

All pyers and prynces, to abhorre vntroth,

For vycyous grayne must cum to fowl endes barne:

Who brueth breach of lawfull bond or oth,

God wyll ere long, cause all the world to loth:

Was neuer prynce that other dyd oppresse

Vnryghteously, but dyed in distresse. 1559, 63.

[774] Initials added in ed. 1571. W. Baldwine. N.

[775] Wycked man so maruaylously well punyshed. 1559, 63.

[776] Cade beinge but base borne, of no abylytye. 1559, 63.

[777] The passage in brackets added 1571.

[778] Naming himselfe Mortimer, added. 1571.

[779] In June Anno, 1450, added. 1571.

[780] Shall I it fortune call. N.

[781] Lifte. 1578. Rais’d. N.

[782] Vp, added. 1571.

[783] Or strength of stars, which make men high to growe? 1578.

[784] Ere. N.

[785] The will. N.

[786] Be stout. N.

[787] The grace. N.

[788] So. 1559, 63.

[789] Grace be giuen to some man. N.

[790] Yet fewe there be ’mongst men that vse it can. N.

[791] The spirit weake, and will strong. N.

[792] Comes. N.

[793] For fortune is the only foe of those. N.

[794]

Wherefore I thought to be my prince’s mate,

And by some meane his power to abate:

And for that ends Mortimer would be nam’de,

Heyre apparant of England once proclaym’de. 1578.

[795] Because the Kentishe-men be impatient in wronges, disdainyng of

to much oppression and euer desirous of new chaung, and new fangelnes;

the ouerture of this matter was put furthe firste in Kent, and to the

entente that it should not be knowen that the duke of Yorke or his

frendes were the cause of the sodaine risyng: a certaine yong man of a

goodely stature, and pregnaunt wit, was entised to take vpon hym the

name of Ihon Mortimer allthoughe his name were Iohn Cade. _Hall._

[796] As our enemies. 1578.

[797] Trap. 1559. Tray. 1563. To tary sought. 1578. To stay him. N.

[798] T’imprison. N.

[799] The, omitted. 1578.

[800] Thynges after my desyer. 1559, 63.

[801] Th’heape. N.

[802] Vpon the thyrde daye of Julii, he caused syr James Fynes, lorde

Say, and threasorer of England, to be broughte to the Gylde-halle of

London, and there to be arrayned: whiche beyng before the kynge’s

iustices put to answere, desyred to be tryed by his peers, for the

lengar delay of his life. The capytaine perceiuynge hys dilatorie ple,

by force took hym from the officers, and brought him to the standard in

Cheape, and there before his confession ended, caused his head to be

cut of, and pitched it on a hyghe poole, which was openly borne before

him through the stretes. And this cruell tyraunt not content with the

murder of the lorde Say, wente to Myle ende, and there apprehended syr

James Cromer, then shreue of Kent, and sonne in law to the said lorde

Say, and him without confession or excuse hearde, caused there like

wise to be hedded, and his heade to bee fixed on a poole, and with

these two heddes, this bloody butcher entered into the cytie agayn, and

in despite caused them in euery strete kysse together, to the greate

detestacion of all the beholders. _Hall._

[803] And into Sussex rode, all hope was lost. N.

[804] Apprehend. corrected by ed. 1578, all the others read apprend.

[805] Made men. 1559.

[806] But ere I fell I put. N.

[807] For two longe howres, our combat. 1578.

[808] A gentylman of Kent named Alexander Iden, awayted so his tyme,

that he toke hym in a gardyn in Sussex, where in the takynge of hym the

sayd Iak was slayne: and so beyng deed was brought into Southwarke the

---- day of the moneth of September, and there lefte in the Kynge’s

Benche for that nyght. And vpon morowe the deed corps was drawen

through the hyghe stretes of the cytie vnto Newgate, and there hedyd

and quarteryd, whose hede was than sent to London brydge and his iiii

quarters were sent to iiii sondry townes of Kent. _Fabyan._

[809] Debities. 1559, 63, 71.

[810] Still, restored from ed. 1563. It is omitted in all those

subsequent.

[811] As, omitted. 1578.

[812] The lord. 1559, 63.

[813] And therefore. 1559, 63. Wherefore, O Baldwine. N.

[814] Must know his state, and. 1578.

[815]

Who lyst to stand at large,

Must folowe skyll, and flye all worldly charge. 1559, 63.

This legend is subscribed W. Baldwine, by Niccols.

[816] Q. for quoth. 1559, 63.

[817] Howe vpryghtly also and howe lyke. 1559, 63.

[818] Determined the office both of magistrates and subiects. For in

deede magistrates. 1578.

[819] Wycked ende. 1559, 63. Shal neuer see good end of hys attempt.

1578.

[820] Q. 1559, 63.

[821] Nay rather let. 1559, 63.

[822] “Marched towarde London: but the kyng with his power taried

and met him at Saint Albone’s. Where whyle the kyng and he wer about

a treatye, therle of Warwyke set vpon the king’s army and slew the

duke of Somerset, the earle of Northumberland, the lorde Clyfforde,

and other, and in conclusyon got the victorye, and the duke was made

lorde protector, which so greved the quene and her accomplices, that

pryuye grutches and open dissemblyng neuer ceased tyl the duke, and his

allyes were glad to flee the field and realme, he in to Irelande, they

to Calayes: whence they came agayne with an army whereof the earle of

Salysbury was leader, and marched toward Coventry wher the king than

was and had gathered an armye to subdue them, and encountred them at

Northampton, and fought and lost the fyelde and was taken hym selfe,

the duke of Buckyngham, the erle of Shrewsbury, the vycount Beaumont,

the lord Egermount, and many other of his retynue slayn yf no man haue

any mind to any of these noble personages because they were honourably

slaine in battayle, let sum man els take the booke, for I mynde to say

sum what of this duke of Somerset.”

☞ Whyle he was deuysyng thereon, and every man sekyng farder notes, I

loked on the cronicles, and fyndyng styll fyeld vpon fyeld, and many

noblemen slaine, I purposed to haue ouerpassed all, for I was so wearye

that I waxed drowsye and began in dede to slumber: but my imaginacion

styl prosecutyng this tragical matter, brought me such a fantasye.

Me thought ther stode before vs, a tall man’s body full of fresshe

woundes, but lackyng a head, holdyng by the hande a goodlye chylde,

whose brest was so wounded that his hart might be seen, his louely face

and eyes disfigured with dropping teares, his heare through horrour

standing vpryght, his mercy crauing handes all to be mangled, and al

his body enbrued with his own bloud. And whan through the gastfulnes

of this pyteous spectacle, I waxed afeard, and turned away my face,

me thought there came a shrekyng voyse out of the wesand pype of the

headles bodye, saying as foloweth. 1559, 63. See Induction to the

legend of Plantagenet Duke of York, p. 183.

[823] Was raysed by some sly drift of the duke of Yorke, who shortly

after, by open war, manifested his title to the crowne and therefore

gathered an army in Wales, and marched towardes London: and preuentinge

the kinge goinge northward to prepare an army, in the waye at Sayncte

Albanes: who for want of a sufficient power to take the field, was

forced with sutch smal power as he had about him, to defend the lanes

and backsydes of the towne, and to send out the duke of Buckingham for

a treaty, whiche the duke of Yorke beinge head of the contrary faction,

woulde not allow without fyrst hauinge the duke of Somerset and other

at his will, duringe which treaty Richard Neuill earle of Warwicke, the

stout maintayner of Yorcke’s title, entred the towne by force, fought a

battayle in the high streat, where of the kinge’s part were slayne the

sayd duke of Somerset called Edmond Beauford, Henry Percy the second.

1578.

[824] Stafford, omitted. 1578.

[825] Besides a great number of knightes, esquiers, gentlemen and

yeomen of the kinge’s houshold and of other lorde’s seruantes, on

whom al the slaughter and bochery fell, beinge all for the more part

vnarmed. But, &c. 1578.

[826] In the edition of 1563, this legend succeeds that of Jane Shore

(see p. 460), and is followed by the Blacksmith (given p. 396), and has

the following induction: “This was so well lyked, that all together

exhorted me instantly to procure Maister Churchyarde to vndertake

and to penne as manye moe of the remaynder as myght by any meanes be

attaynted at his handes. And when I had promysed I wold do my diligence

therein, they asked me if I had any mo tragedyes yet vnred, for the

euenyng was nowe at hand and there were enow already red to make a

handsum volume. “In dede (quod I) I purpose here to ende the second

parte of this volume, for here endeth the cruel reigne of kyng Rychard

the thyrd: And in another volume hereafter, to dyscourse the resydue

from the begynning of kyng Henry the seventh to the ende of this king

and Queene’s raigne (if God so long will graunte us lyfe) and I beseche

you all that you wyll dylygently performe such storyes as you haue

vndertaken, and procure your frendes such as be learned, to help vs

with the rest: for ther is in this part mater enough to set al the

poetes in England in wurke, and I wold wishe that every fine apt wyt

wold at the leest vndertake one: For so wold it be a notable volume.

For my parte I entende to be so impudente and importunate a suiter

to so manye as I knowe or maye hereafter be acquaynted wyth, that

no excuse shall serve to shake me of: and I desyre you all to be as

earnest. And to occupye the tyme whyle we be nowe together, I wyl reade

vnto you Edmund the Duke of Somerset, which must be placed in the fyrst

parte: and than the blacke Smyth, which must serve for thyrde volume,

to thende I maye knowe youre iudgement therein.” “Do so we pray you”

(qd. they.)”

[827] Not so ill. 1578.

[828] That some attempts haue neuer happy speede. 1578.

[829] But. 1578.

[830] Out wrestle. 1563.

[831]

Or in skill,

Wynne what they will and wield the world at will. 1578.

[832] Of the first sorte myselfe I count for one. 1578.

[833] Fell despyte. 1563.

[834] Of my workes never could see. 1563.

[835] Sought. 1578.

[836] Bright, and shone like a starre. 1578.

[837] By malice of me. 1563.

[838] His fame. N.

[839]

Normandy yet nethelesse,

Alwayes I wrought that wit might well contriue,

But what bootes it against the streame to striue? 1578.

[840] Maligne and enemy to my trade. 1578.

[841] His, omitted. 1578.

[842] Swarued from Sol vnto. 1578.

[843] All, omitted. 1578.

[844] Well, wanting. 1563.

[845] A bryefe. 1563.

[846] Humfrey to damme that duke most innocent. 1578.

[847] Meane I. 1578.

[848] This worthy prince as a piller longe stood. 1578.

[849] Like to a proppe. 1563. A stronge prop. 1578.

[850]

O mad malice where with obeyeth will,

Was there euer any, whom folly did so nome:

Of all forecast, rigth, reason, wit and skill. 1578.