_Dedicatory sonnet to Lady Elizabeth Clere._ 817
_Advertisement to the Reader._ 818
_The Induction._ 819
98 Englands _Eliza_, or the victoriovs and trivmphant reigne of
that virgin Empresse of sacred memorie, _Elizabeth_ Queene of
England, France and Ireland &c. 828
[Illustration:
THE
Mirrour for Magistrates,
_Wherein may be seene_,
by
examples passed in this
_Realme, with_
how greeuous plagues vices are punished
in great Princes and Magistrates:
and how fraile and vnstable worldly
_prosperity is found, where Fortune
seemeth most highly_
to fauour.
_Felix quem faciunt aliena pericula cautum._
PART III.
By WILLIAM BALDWIN,
and others.
[Reprinted from the edition of 1587, collated with those of 1559,
1563, 1571, 1575, 1578, and 1610.]
]
[Loue and Liue.
To all the[1] nobilitie, and all other
in office, god graunt wisedome and
all thinges nedefull for the
preseruation of their
estates.
Amen.
Plato among many of[2] his notable sentences concernyng the gouernement
of a common weale hath this: Well is that realme gouerned, in which
the ambitious desire not to beare office. Whereby you may perceiue
(right honourable) what offices are, where they be duely executed:
not gainfull spoyles for the gredy to hunt for, but painefull toyles
for the heady[3] to bee charged with. You may perceiue also, by this
sentence, there[4] is nothing more necessary in a common weale then
that magistrates[5] be diligent and trusty in their charges.
And sure in whatsoeuer realme such prouision is made, that officers
be forced to do their duties, there is it as hard a matter to get an
officer, as it is in other places to repulse and shift of[6] those that
with flattery, brybes, and other shiftes, sue and preace for offices.
For the ambitious (that is to saye prollers for power or gayne) seeke
not for offices to helpe other, for whych cause officers[7] are
ordained: but with the vndoing of other, to enrich themselues.[8]
And therfore bar them once of this bayt, and force them to do their
dueties, then will they geue more[9] to be rid from their charges, than
they did at the first to come by them.[10] For they seeke onely their
priuate profite.[11] And therfore where the ambitious seeke no office,
there no doubt offices are duely ministred. And where offices are
duely ministred, it cannot be chosen, but the people are good, whereof
must nedes follow a good common weale. For if the magistrates[12] be
good, the people cannot be ill. Thus the goodnes or badnes of any
realme lieth in the goodnes or badnes of the rulers. And therfore not
without great cause do the holy appostles so earnestly charg vs to pray
for the magistrates: for in dede the wealth and quiet of euery common
weale, the disorder also and miseries of the same, come specially
thorough them. I neede not go eyther to the _Romaines_ or _Greekes_
for the profe hereof, neither yet to the _Jewes_, or other nations:
whose common weales haue alway florished whyle their magistrates[13]
were good, and decayed and ran to ruyne when vicious men had the
gouernement.[14]
Our countrey[15] stories (if we reade and marke them) wil show vs
examples enow, would God we had not sene mo than enow. I purpose not
to stand herevpon the particulars, because they be in parte setforth
in the tragedies folowing.[16] Yet by the waye, this I note (wishing
all other to doe the like) namely, that as good gouernours haue neuer
lacked their deserued praises,[17] so haue not the bad escaped infamy,
besides such plagues as are horrible to heare of. For God (the ordeiner
of offices)[18] although he suffer them for punishment of the people
to be often occupied of such, as are rather spoilers and _Judasses_,
than toilers or justices (whom the scriptures cal hypocrits)[19] yet
suffereth he them not to scape vnpunished, because they dishonour him.
For it is God’s own office, yea his chief office which they beare
and abuse. For as justice is the chief vertue so is the ministration
thereof, the chiefest office: and therfore hath God established it
with the chiefest name, honouring and calling kinges and all officers
vnder them by his owne name, gods: ye be al gods, as many as haue
in your charge any ministration of iustice. What a foule shame were
it for any nowe to take vpon them the name and office of God, and in
their doings to shew themselues deuils? God cannot of justice, but
plague suche shamelesse presumption and hipocrisie, and that with
shamful death, diseases, or infamye. Howe he hath plagued euil rulers
from time to time, in other nations, you may see gathred in _Bochas’_
boke intituled: _The fall of Princes_, translated into _English_ by
_Lydgate_, (a monke of the abbey of _Bury_ in _Suff._)[20] How he hath
delt with some of our countrymen, your auncestours, for sundry vices
not yet left, this boke named _A Mirrour for Magistrates_, shall in
parte plainlye set forth before your eyes which boke I humbly[21] offer
vnto your honours, beseching you to accept it fauorably. For here, as
in a mirror or loking glasse,[22] you shal se if any vice be found,[23]
how the like hath ben punished in other heretofore, wherby admonished,
I trust it will bee a good occasione to moue men to the[24] soner
amendment. This is the chief end why this booke is[25] set forth, which
God graunt it may talke according to the maner of the makers.[26] The
worke was begon and part of it printed in quene _Marie’s_ time, but
staid by such as then were chief in office,[27] neuertheles, through
the meanes of the right honorable Henry lord _Stafford_,[28] the first
part was licenced, and imprinted the first yeare of the raign of this
our most noble and vertuous queene, and dedicated to your honours
with this preface. Since which time, although I wanted such help as
before, yet the said good lord _Stafford_[29] hath not ceased to
cal vpon me to publish so much therof as I had gotten at other mens
hands, so that through his lordship’s earnest meanes, I haue now also
set forth another part, conteining as much as I could obtaine at the
hands of my frends. Which[30] in the name of al the authours, I humbly
dedicate vnto your honours, instantly wishing, that it may so like and
delite your minds, that your chereful receiuing thereof, may encourage
worthy wits to enterprise and perform the rest. Which as sone as I may
procure, I entend through God’s leaue and your fauourable allowance, to
publish with all expedicion. In[31] the meane whyle my lordes and gods,
(for so I may cal you) I moste humbly besech your honours fauourably to
accepte this rude worke,[32] and diligentlye to reade and consider it.
And although you shal find in it, that some haue for their virtue bin
enuied and brought vnto misery:[33] yet cease not you to be vertuous,
but do your offices to the vttermost. Embrace vertue and suppresse
the contrary, both in[34] your selues and other, so shall God, whose
officers[35] you are, eyther so maintaine you that no malice shall
preuaile, or if it do, it shall be for your good, and to your eternall
glory both here and in heauen which I beseech God you may both seek[36]
and attaine.
Amen.
Your’s most humble
W. B.[37]]
[A BRIEFE MEMORIALL OF SONDRY VNFORTUNATE ENGLISHMEN.
_WILLIAM BALDWINE_
TO THE READER.
When the printer had purposed with himselfe to print _Lidgate’s_
translation of _Bochas_, of the fall[38] of princes, and had made priuy
thereto[39] many both honorable and worshipfull: hee was counsayled
by diuers of them to procure to haue the story continued from whereas
_Bochas_ left, vnto this present time, chiefly of such as fortune hath
dalyed with here[40] in this island: which might be as a mirour for men
of all estates and degrees as well nobles as others, to beholde[41]
the slipery deceiptes of the wauering lady, and the due rewarde of all
kinde of vices. Which aduice liked him so well, that hee requyred mee
to take paynes therein: but because it was a matter passing my witte
and skill, and more thanklesse then gainefull to meddle in, I refused
vtterly to vndertake it, except I might haue the helpe[42] of such as
in witte were apt, in learning allowed, and in iudgement and estimation
able to wielde and furnish so weighty an enterprise, thinking[43] so
to shift my handes. But hee earnest and diligent in his affayres,
procured _Athlas_ to set vnder his shoulder: for shortly after,[44]
diuers learned men (whose many giftes neede fewe prayses) consented
to take vpon them parte of the trauayle. And when certayne of them to
the numbre of seauen,[45] were through a generall assent at one[46]
apoynted time and place, gathered together to deuise thereupon I
resorted vnto them, bearing with mee the booke of _Bochas_, translated
by _Dan Lidgate_, for the better obseruation of his order: which
although wee liked well[47] yet would it not conueniently[48] serue,
seeing that both _Bochas_ and _Lidgate_ were deade, neyther were there
any aliue that medled with like argument, to whome the vnfortunate
might make theyr mone. To make therefore a state meete for the matter,
they all agreede that I shoulde vsurpe _Bochas’_ rome, and the wretched
princes complayne vnto mee: and tooke vpon themselues, euery man for
his part to be sundry personages, and in theyr behalfes to bewaile vnto
mee theyr greeuous chaunces, heauy destenies, and woefull misfortunes.
This done, wee opened such bookes of chronicles as wee had there
present, and Maister _Ferrers_ (after he had founde where _Bochas_
left, which was aboute the ende of king _Edwarde_ the thirde’s raigne)
to begin the matter, sayde thus:
“I maruaile what[49] _Bochas_ meaneth to forget among his miserable
princes, such as were of our owne[50] nation, whose number is as great
as theyr aduentures wonderfull: for to let passe all, both _Britaynes_,
_Danes_, and _Saxons_, and to come to the last conqueste, what a sorte
are they, and some euen in his owne time,[51] [or not much before?[52]]
As for example [_William Rufus_ the second king of _England_ after
the conquest, slayne in the newe forest (as hee was hunting there)
by[53] _Walter Tirell_, with the shotte of an arrowe. _Robert_ duke
of _Normandy_, eldest sonne to _William Conqueror_, depriued of his
inheritance of _England_, by the sayde _William Rufus_ his second
brother, and after by _Henry_[54] his yongest brother hauing both his
eies put out, miserably[55] imprisoned in _Cardiff_ castle, whereas hee
dyed. Likewise[56] the most lamentable case of _William_, _Richarde_,
and _Mary_, children of the sayde _Henry_, drowned vpon the sea.[57]
And[58]] king _Richarde_ the first slayne with a quarrell in his chiefe
prosperity. Also king _Iohn_ his brother (as some say) poysoned.[59]
Are not theyr historyes rufull, and of rare ensample? But as it shoulde
appeare, _Bochas_ being an _Italian_, minded most the _Romayne_ and
_Italike_ story, or els perhaps hee wanted the knowledge of ours.[60]
It were therefore a goodly and notable[61] matter, to searche and
discourse our whole story from the first beginning of the inhabiting
of the isle. But seeing the printer’s mind is to haue vs followe[62]
where _Lidgate_ left, wee will leaue that greate laboure to other that
maye entende it, and (as one being bold first to breake the yse)[63]
I will begin at the time[64] of _Richarde_ the second, a time as
vnfortunate as the ruler therein.[65] And forasmuch (friend _Baldwine_)
as it shalbe your charge to note and pen orderly the whole processe: I
will so far as my memory and iudgement serueth, somewhat further you
in the trueth of the story. And therefore omitting the ruffle made by
_Iacke Strawe_ and his meiney,[66] with[67] the murder of many notable
men which therby happened, (for _Iacke_ as yee knowe was but a poore
prince) I will begin with a notable example, which within a while after
ensued. And although the person at whome I begin, was no king nor
prince; yet[68] sithens hee had a princely office, I will take vpon
mee the miserable person of sir _Robert Tresilian_ chiefe iustice of
_England_, and of other which suffered with him: therby to warne all of
his autority and profession, to take heede of wrong iudgementes,[69]
misconstruing of lawes, or wresting the same to serue the prince’s
turnes, which rightfully brought them to a miserable ende, which they
may iustly lament in maner ensuing.”][70]
TO THE READER.
[Before the edition 1610.]
Hauing hitherto continued the storie (gentle reader) from the first
entrance of _Brute_ into this iland, with the falles of such princes,
as were neuer before this time in one volume comprised, I now proceed
with the rest, which take their beginning from the Conquest, whose
pen-men being many and diuers, all diuerslie affected in the method
of this their Mirror, I purpose only to follow the intended scope
of that most honorable personage, who, by how much he did surpasse
the rest in the eminence of his noble condition, by so much he hath
exceeded them all in the excellencie of his heroicall stile, which
with a golden pen he hath limmed out to posteritie in that worthy
obiect of his minde, the tragedie of the duke of _Buckingham_, and in
his preface then intituled master Sackuil’s induction. This worthie
president of learning, intending to perfect all this storie himselfe
from the Conquest, being called to a more serious expence of his time
in the great state affaires of his most royall ladie and soueraigne,
left the dispose thereof to _M. Baldwine_, _M. Ferrers_, and others,
the composers of these tragedies, who continuing their methode which
was by way of dialogue or interlocution betwixt euery tragedie, gaue it
onely place before the duke of _Buckingham’s_ complaint, which order I
since hauing altered, haue placed the induction in the beginning,[71]
with euery tragedie following, according to succession and the iust
computation of time, which before was not obserued; and lest any one
thinke me envious of other’s deserts, I haue subscribed the names
of all such as I could heare of, vnder such tragedies as each one
particularlie hath written; which at the request of the printer, I haue
briefely perused as the former. In which (friendly reader) if I haue
done amisse, I craue pardon for my ouersight, hoping, if paines will in
stead of penance pacifie thee, to yield thee satisfaction and content
in my additions following, to which I refer thee.
R. N.
The falle of _Robert Tresilian_ chiefe justice
of England, and other his fellowes,
for misconstruing the lawes, and
expounding them to serue the
prince’s affections.
Anno 1388.[72]
1.
In the ruefull[73] register of mischiefe and mishap,
_Baldwine_ we beseech thee with our names to begin,
Whom vnfriendly fortune did trayn vnto a trap,
When wee[74] thought our state most stable to haue bin:
So lightely leese they all, which all do weene to win:
Learne by vs ye laweyers and judges of this land,[75]
Vpright and vncorrupt[76] in dome alway to stand.
2.
And print yee this president[77] to remaine for euer,
Enrolle and record it in tables made of brasse,
Engraue it in marble that may bee razed neuer,
Where the judges[78] of the lawe may see, as in a glasse,
What guerdon is for guile,[79] and what our wages was,
Who for our prince’s pleasure,[80] corrupt[81] with
meede and awe,
Wittingly and wretchedly[82] did wrest the sence of lawe.
3.
A chaunge more newe or straunge when was there euer seene,
Then judges from the bench to come downe to the barre,
And counsaylours that were most nigh to king and queene
Exiled their countrye, from court and counsaile farre:
But such is fortune’s play, which can both make and marre,
Exalting to most highe that was before moste lowe,
And turning tayle agayne, the lofty downe to throwe.[83]
4.
And such as late afore, could[84] stoutly speake and pleade
Both in court and countrye, carelesse of the triall,
Stand muet as[85] mummers[86] without aduise or reade,
All to seeke of shifting, by trauerse or denyall,[87]
Which haue seene the day, when,[88] for a golden ryall,[89]
By finesse and conning, could haue made blacke[90] seeme white,
And most extorted wrong to haue appeared right.[91]
5.
Whilst thus on bench aboue wee had the highest place,
Our reasons were to strong, for any to confute:
But when at barre beneath, wee came to pleade our case,
Our wits were in the wane, our pleading very brute:
Hard it is for prisoners with judges to dispute:
When all men against one, and none for one shall speake,
Who weenes himselfe most wise, shall haply bee to weake.[92]
6.
To you therefore that sit, these fewe wordes will I say,
That no man sits so sure, but hee may haply stand:[93]
Wherefore whilst you haue place, and beare the swing, and sway
By fauour, without rigour let poynts of lawe bee skan’d:
Pitty the poore prisoner that holdeth vp his hand,
Ne lade him not with law, who least of law hath knowne,
Remember ere yee dye, the case may bee your owne.[94]
7.
Behold mee vnfortunate forman of this flocke,[95]
_Tresilian_, sometime[96] chiefe justice of this land,
A gentleman by byrth,[97] no staine was in my stocke,
_Locketon_, _Holte_, and[98] _Belknap_, with other of my band,
Which the lawe and justice had wholly in our hand,
Under the second _Richarde_ a prince of great estate,[99]
To whome and vs also, blinde fortune gaue the mate.[100]
8.
In the common[101] lawes our skill was so profounde,
Our credite and autority such, and so esteemde,
That what wee[102] concluded[103] was taken for a grounde,
Allowed was for lawe what so to vs best seemed,
Life, death, landes, goods,[104] and all by vs was deemed:
Whereby with easy paine great gayne wee did in fet,[105]
And euery thing was fishe, that came vnto our net.
9.
At sessions and at sises,[106] wee bare the stroake and sway,
In patentes and commission, of _quorum_ alwaye chiefe:[107]
So that to whether syde soeuer wee did way,
Were it by right or wrong, it past, without repriefe:
The true man wee let hang[108] somewhiles to saue a thiefe,
Of gold, and of siluer, our handes were neuer empty,
Offices, fermes, and fees, fell to vs in great plenty.
10.
But what thing may suffice vnto the greedy man?
The more hee hath in hold, the more hee doth desire:
Happy and twise happy is hee, that wisely can
Content himselfe with that, which reason doth require,
And moyleth for no more then for his needefull hire:
But greedines of minde doth seldome keepe[109] the syse,
To whom enough and more doth neuer well suffice.[110]
11.
For like as dropsy pacients drinke and still bee dry,
Whose vnstaunchst thirst no liquor can alay,
And drinke they nere so much, yet thirst they by and by:[111]
So catchers and snatchers[112] toile both night and day,
Not needy, but greedy, still prolling[113] for their pray:
O endlesse thirste of gold, corrupter of all lawes,
What mischiefe is on moulde whereof thou art not cause?
12.
Thou madest vs forget the fayth of our profession,[114]
When sergeants wee were sworne to serue the common lawe,
Which was, that in no point wee should make digression[115]
From approued principles, in sentence nor in sawe:
But wee vnhappy wightes[116] without all dread and awe
Of the judge eternall, for worlde’s vaine promotion,
More to man then God did beare our whole deuotion.[117]
13.
The lawes wee did interprete[118] and statutes of the land,
Not truely by the texte, but newly by a glose:
And wordes that were most playne, when they by vs were skand,
Wee tourned by construction to[119] a _Welshman’s_ hose,
Whereby many a one[120] both life and land did lose:
Yet this wee made our meane to mount aloft on mules:
And seruing times and turnes peruerted lawes and rules.[121]
14.
Thus climing and contending alway to the toppe,
From hie vnto higher, and then to bee most hye,
The honny dewe of fortune so fast on vs did droppe,
That of king _Richarde’s_ counsayle wee came to bee most nye:[122]
Whose fauour to attayne wee[123] were full fine and slye:
Alway to his profite[124] where any thing[125] might sounde,
That way (all were it wrong) the lawes[126] wee did expounde.
15.
So working lawe like waxe, the subiect was not sure
Of life, land,[127] nor goodes but at the prince’s will,
Which caused his kingdome the shorter time to dure:
For clayming power absolute both to saue and spill,
The prince thereby presumed his people for to pill,
And set his lustes for lawe, and will had reason’s place,
No more but hang and drawe, there was no better grace.
16.
Thus the king outleaping the limits of his lawe,
Not raigning but raging, as youth[128] did him entice,
Wise and worthy persons from court did dayly drawe,
Sage counsayle set at naught, proude vaunters were in price,
And roysters bare the rule, which wasted all in vice:
Of ryot and excesse, grewe scarsity and lacke,
Of lacking came taxing, and so went welth to wracke.[129]
17.
The barons[130] of the land not bearing this abuse,
Conspiring with the commons assembled by assent,
And seeing neyther reason,[131] nor treaty, could induce
The king in any thing his rigour to relent,
Maugre[132] his might they[133] calde a parliament:
Franke and free for all men without checke[134] to debate
As well for weale publique, as for the prince’s state.
18.
In this[135] high assembly, great thinges were proponed
Touching the prince’s state, his regalty[136] and crowne,
By reason that the king[137] (which much was to be moned)
Without regarde at all, of honour or renowne,
Misledde by ill aduice, had tournde all vpside downe,
For surety of whose state, them thought it did behoue
His counsaylours corrupt by reason[138] to remoue:[139]
19.
Among whome, _Robert Veer_[140] calde duke of _Irelande_,
With _Mighell Delapole of Suffolke_ newe made earle,
Of _Yorke_ also the archbishop, dispacht were out of hande,[141]
With _Brembre_ of _London_ a full vncurteous churle:[142]
Some learned in the lawe in exile they did hurle:
But I poore[144] _Tresilian_ (because I was the chiefe)
Was dampned to the gallowes most vily as[145] a thiefe.
20.
Lo the fine of falshood, [the] stipend of corruption,
The fee of dowble fraude,[146] the fruites it doth procure:
Yee judges vpon earth,[147] let our iuste punition[148]
Teach you to shake off bribes, and kepe your handes pure:[149]
Riches and promotion bee vayne thinges and vnsure,
The fauour of a prince is an vntrusty staye,
But iustice hath a fee that shall remayne alway.
21.
What glory can bee greater before God[150] or man,
Then by pathes of justice[151] in iudgement to proceede?
So duely and so truely[152] the lawes alway[153] to skan,[154]
That right may take his place without regarde[155] or meede:
Set apart all flattery and vayne wordly dreede,
Set[156] God before your eyes the iuste[157] judge supreme,
Remembre well your reckoning at the day extreme.
22.
Abandon all affray, bee soothfast in your sawes,
Be constant, and carelesse of mortall men’s displeasure,[158]
With eyes shut and handes close[159] you should pronounce the
lawes:
Esteeme not worldly goodes,[160] thinke there is a treasure
More worth then golde [or stone] a thousand times in valure
Reposed for all such as righteousnes ensue,
Whereof you can not fayle, the promise made is true.
23.
If judges in our dayes woulde ponder well in minde
The fatall fall of vs, for wresting lawe and right,
Such statutes as touche life should not bee thus definde,
By sences constrayned against true meaning quite,
As well they might affirme the blacke for to bee white:
Wherefore wee wish they woulde our acte and end compare,
And weying well the case, they will wee trust beware.[161]
G. F.[162]
ROGER MORTIMER.
[When maister _Ferrers_ had finished his[163] tragedy,[164] which
seemed not vnfit for the persons touched in the same: another,
which in the meane time had stayed vpon sir _Roger Mortimer_,
whose[165] miserable ende (as it shoulde appeare) was somwhat
before the others, sayed as foloweth: “Although it be not greatly
appertinent to our purpose,[166] yet in my iudgement I thinke it
woulde doe well to obserue the times of men, and as they be more
auncient, so to place them.[167] For I finde that before these,
(of whome maister _Ferrers_ here hath spoken) there were two
_Mortimers_,[168] the one[169] in _Edwarde_[170] the iij. time,
out of our date; an other slayne in _Ireland_ in _Richarde_ the
seconde’s time,[171] a yeare before the falle of these iustices:
whose history sith it is notable, and the example fruitefull,
it were not good to ouerpasse it: and therefore by your licence
and agreemente,[172] I will take vpon mee the personage of
the laste, who full of woundes mangled,[173] with a pale
countenaunce, and griezly looke, may make his mone to _Baldwine_,
as foloweth.”[174]]
How the two _Rogers_, surnamed _Mortimers_,
for their sundry vices ended their liues
vnfortunately, the one An. 1329,
the other, 1387.[175]
1.
Among the riders of[176] the rolling wheele
That lost their holdes, _Baldwine_, forget not mee,
Whose fatall thred false fortune needes would reele,[177]
Ere it were twisted by the sisters three:
All folke be fraile, their blisses brittle bee:
For proofe whereof, although none other were,
Suffise may I, sir _Roger Mortimer_.
2.
Not hee that was in _Edwarde’s_ dayes the thyrde,
Whom fortune brought to boote and eft to bale,[178]
With loue of whome, the king so much shee sturde,
That none but hee was heard in any tale:[179]
And whiles shee smooth blew on this pleasaunt gale,[180]
Hee was created earle of _March_, alas,
Whence enuy sprang which his destruction was.[181]
3.
For welth breedes[182] wrath, in such as welth doe want,
And pride with folly in[183] such as it possesse,
Among a thousand shall you finde one[184] skant,
That can in welth his lofty harte represse,
Which in this earle due proofe did playne expresse:
For whereas hee was somewhat haut before,[185]
His high degree hath made him now much more.[186]
4.
For now alone hee ruleth as him lust,
Ne recketh[187] for reade, saue of king _Edwarde’s_ mother:[188]
Which forced enuy foulder[189] out the rust,
That in men’s hartes before[190] did lye and smother:
The peeres, the people, as well the one as other,[191]
Against him made so haynous a complaynt,
That for a traytour hee was taken and attaynt.[192]
5.
Then all such faultes as were forgot afore,[193]
They skowre afresh, and somwhat to them adde:
For cruell enuy[194] hath eloquence in store,
When fortune bids to worse things meanly badde:[195]
Fiue haynous crimes agaynst him soone were had,
First, that hee causde the king to yeelde the _Scot_,
To make a peace, townes that were from him got:[196]
6.
And therewithall the charter called _Ragman_,
That of the _Scots_ hee had[197] bribed priuy gayne,[198]
That through[199] his meanes sir _Edwarde_ of _Carnaruan_,
In _Barkeley_ castle most[200] trayterously was slaine:
That with his prince’s mother hee had layne,
And finally with polling[201] at his pleasure,
Had robde[202] the king and commons of theyr treasure.
7.
For these things lo, which erst were out of minde,
Hee was condempned,[203] and hanged at the last,[204]
In whome dame fortune fully shewed her kinde,
For whom shee heaues shee hurleth downe as fast:
If men to come would learne by other past,
This cosin of mine might[205] cause them set aside
High climing, bribing, murdering, lust, and pride.[206]
8.
The finall cause why I this processe tell,
Is that I may bee knowen from this other,
My like in name, vnlike mee, though hee fell,
Which was I thinke[207] my grandsire, or his brother:
To count my kin, dame _Phillip_ was my mother,
Deare[208] daughter and heyre of douty _Lionell_,
The second son of a king who did[209] excell.[210]
9.
My father hight sir _Edmund Mortimer_,
True[211] earle of _March_, whence I was after earl
By iust[212] discent, these two my parentes were,
Of which the one of knighthood bare the ferll,
Of womanhood the[213] other was the pearle:
Through theyr desert so calde of euery wight,
Till death them tooke, and left mee in[214] theyr right.[215]
10.
For why th’attaynter of my[216] elder _Roger_,
(Whose shamefull death I tolde you but of late)
Was founde to bee vniuste, and passed ouer,[217]
Agaynst the lawe, by those that bare him hate:
For where by lawe the lowest of[218] free estate
Should personally bee hearde ere iudgement passe,
They barde him this, where through distroyde he was.[219]
11.
Wherefore by doome of court in[220] parliament,
When we had prou’de our cosin ordered thus,[221]
The king, the lordes, and commons, of assent
His lawles death vnlawfull did discusse:
And both to bloud and good restored vs:
A president most worthy, shewed, and lefte
Lordes liues to saue, that laweles might bee refte.[222]
12.
While fortune thus did forder mee a mayne,[223]
King _Richarde’s_ grace, the second of that[224] name,
(Whose dissolute[225] life did soone abridge his raine)[226]
Made mee his mate in earnest and in game:
The lordes themselues so well allowed the same,
That through my titles duely comming downe,
I was made heyre apparant to the crowne.
13.
Who then but I was euery where esteemed?
Well was the man that might with mee acquaynt,[227]
Whom I allowed, as lordes the people deemed:
To whatsoeuer folly had me bent,
To like it well the people did assent:[228]
To mee as prince attended great and small,
I hoapt[229] a day would come to pay for all.
14.
But seldome ioy continueth trouble voyde,
In greatest charge cares greatest doe ensue,
The most possest are euer most anoyde,
In largest seas sore tempestes lightly brue,
The freshest coulours soonest fade the hue,[230]
In thickest place is made the deepest wounde,
True proofe whereof my selfe too soone haue founde.
15.
For whilst fayre fortune luld[231] mee in her lap,
And gaue mee giftes more then I did require,
The subtile queane[232] behinde mee set a trap,
Whereby to dash[233] and lay all in the myre:
The _Irish_ men[234] agaynst mee did conspyre,
My landes of _Vlster_ fro mee to haue refte,
Which heritage my mother had mee lefte.[235]
16.
And whiles I there, to set all thinges in stay,
(Omit my toyles and troubles thitherwarde)
Among mine owne with my retinue lay,
The wylder men, whom litle I did regarde,[236]
(And had therefore the reckles man’s rewarde)[237]
When least I thought set on mee in such numbre,
That fro my corps my life they rent asunder.[238]
17.
Naught might auayle my courage nor my force,
Nor strenght of men[239] which were (alas) to fewe:
The cruell folke assaulted so my horse:
That all my helpes in peeces they to hewe:
Our bloud distayned the grounde as drops of dewe,
Naught might preuayle to flye nor[240] yet to yeelde,
For whome they take they murder in the fielde.
18.
They know no law of armes,[241] nor none will learne,
They make not warre (as other doe) a play:
The lord, the boy, the gallowglas, the kerne,
Yeelde or not yeelde, whome so they take they slay:
They saue no prisoners[242] for ransome nor for pay:
Theyr chiefest boote they counte theyr bodoh’s heade,[243]
Theyr end of warre to see theyr enmy deade.[244]
19.
Amongst these men or rather sauage beastes
I lost my life, by cruell murder slayne:
And therefore, _Baldwine_, note thou well my geastes,
And warne all princes rashnes to refrayne:
Bid them beware theyr enmies when they faine,[245]
Nor yet presume vnequally to striue:
Had I thus done, I had beene man aliue.[246]
20.
But I dispised the naked _Irish_ men,
And, for they flew, I feared them the lesse:
I thought one man enough to match with ten,
And through this carelesse vnaduisednes
I was destroyde, and all my men I gesse,[247]
At vnawares assaulted by our foen,
Which were in nombre forty to vs one.
21.
See here the stay of fortunate estate,
The vayne assurance of this brittle life:[248]
For I but yong-proclaymed prince of late,
Right fortunate in children and in wife,[249]
Lost all at once by stroke of bloudy knife:
Whereby assurde let men themselues assure,
That welth and life are doubtfull to endure.
Ca.[250]
THOMAS DUKE OF GLOCESTER.
[After this tragedy was[251] ended, maister _Ferrers_ sayde:
seeing it is best to place eche person in his order, _Baldwine_,
take you the chronicles and marke them as they come: for there
are many worthy to bee noted, though not treated[252] of. First
the lord _Murrey_, a _Scotishman_, who tooke his death’s wound
through a stroke lent him by the earle of _Notyngham_, whom hee
chalenged at the tylt.[253] But to omit him, and also the fatte
pryor of _Tiptre_, pressed to death with throng of people vpon
_London_ bridge at the queene’s entry,[254] I will come to the
duke of _Glocester_, the king’s vncle, a man mynding[255] the
common welth, and yet at length miserably made away. In whose
person if yee will gieue eare, yee shall heare what I thinke
meete to be saied.]
How Syr _Thomas_ of _Woodstocke_ Duke of Glocester,
vncle to King_Richarde_ the second,
was vnlawfully murdered,
Anno 1397.[256]
1.
Whose state stablisht is,[257] in seeming most sure,
And so far from daunger of fortune’s blastes,
As by the compasse of man’s coniecture,
No brasen piller may be fyxt more fast:
Yet wanting the stay of prudent forecast,
Whan froward fortune list for to frowne,
May in a moment turne vpside downe.
2.
In proofe whereof, O _Baldwine_, take payne,
To hearken a while to[258] _Thomas_ of _Woodstocke_,
Addrest in presence his fate to[259] complayne,
In the forlorne hope of[260] _English_ flocke:
Extract by discent from the[261] royall stocke,
Sonne to king _Edwarde_, thirde of that name,
And second to none in glory and fame.
3.
This noble father to mayntayne my state,
With _Buckingham_ earledome did mee indowe,
Both nature and fortune to mee were greate,
Denying mee nothing[262] which they might allowe:
Theyr sundry graces in mee did so flowe,
As beauty, strength, high fauour and fame,
Who may of God more wish then the same?
4.
Brothers wee were to the nombre of seauen,
I being the sixt, and yongest but one:
A more royall race was not vnder heauen,
More stout or more stately of stomacke and person,
Princes all peerelesse in eche condition:
Namely sir _Edwarde_, called the blacke prince,
When had _England_ the like before, or euer since?[263]
5.
But what of all this, any man to assure,
In state vncarefull of fortune’s variaunce?
Syth dayly and hourely wee see it in vre,
That where most cause is of affiaunce,
Euen there is founde most weake assurance:
Let none trust fortune, but follow reason:
For often wee see in trust is treason.
6.
This prouerbe in proofe ouer true I tried,
Finding high treason in place of high trust,
And most fault of fayth[264] where I most affied,
Being, by them that should haue been iuste,
Trayterously entrapt, ere I could mistrust:
Ah wretched world what it is to trust thee?
Let them that will learne now hearken to mee.
7.
After king _Edwarde_ the thirde’s decease,
Succeeded my nephewe _Richarde_ to raigne,
Who for his glory and honour’s encrease,
With princely wages did mee entertayne,
Against the _Frenchmen_ to bee his chieftayne:
So passing the seas with royall puissaunce,
With God and S. _George_ I inuaded _Fraunce_.
8.
Wasting the countrey with sworde and with fire,
Ouerturning townes, high castles and towers,
Like _Mars_ god of warre, enflamed with ire,
I forced the _Frenchmen_ t’abandon theyr bowres:
Where euer wee matcht[265] I wanne at all howres,
In such wise visiting both city and village,
That alway my souldiers were laden with pillage.
9.
With honour and triomph was my returne,
Was none more ioyous than yong king _Richarde_:
Who minding more highly my state to adorne,
With _Glocester_ dukedome did mee rewarde:
And after in mariage I was prefarde,
To a daughter of _Bohun_, an earle honourable,
By whome I was of _England_ high constable.
10.
Thus hoysed so high on fortune’s wheele,[266]
As one on a stage attending a play,
Seeth not on which side the scaffolde doth reele,
Till timbre and poales and all fly away:
So fared it by mee: for day by day,
As honour encreased I looked still higher,
Not seeing the daunger of my fond desire.
11.
For fortune’s floude thus running with[267] full streame,
And I a duke discended of great kinges,[268]
Constable of _England_, chiefe officer of[269] the realme,
Abused with desperaunce[270] in these vayne thinges,
I went without feete, and flewe without winges,
Presuming so farre vpon my high estate,
That dreade set apart, my prince I would mate.
12.
For where as all[271] kinges haue counsayle of theyr choyse,
To whom they refer the rule of theyr land,
With certayne familiers in whome to reioyce,
For pleasure or profite, as the case shall stand,
I not bearing this, would needes take in hand,
Maugre his will, those persons to disgrace,
And such as I thought fit to settle[272] in theyr place.[273]
13.
But as an old booke sayeth, who so[274] will assay
Aboute the cat’s necke to hang on any[275] bell,
Had first neede to cut the cat’s clawes away,
Least if the cat bee curst, and[276] not tamed well,
She haply[277] with her nayles may clawe him to the fell:
So putting on[278] the bell about the cat’s necke,
By being to busy I caught a cruell checke.[279]
14.
Reade well the sentence of the rat of renowne,[280]
Which _Pierce_ the plowman describes in his dreame,[281]
And who so hath wit the sence to expowne,[282]
Shall finde that to bridell[283] the prince of a reame,
Is euen (as who sayth) to striue with the streame:
Note this all subiects, and construe it well,
And busie not your braines about[284] the cat’s bell.
15.
But in that yee bee lieges learne to obay,[285]
Submitting your willes to your prince’s lawes:
It fitteth not a subiect to haue[286] his owne way,
Remember this prouerbe[287] of the cat’s clawes:
For princes like lions haue long and[288] large pawes
That reache at randon, and whome they once twitch,
They clawe to the bone before the skin itch.
16.
But to my purpose, I being once bent,
Towardes the atchieuing of my attemptate,
Fower bould barons were of mine assent,
By oth and allyaunce fastly confederate:
First _Henry_ of _Derby_, an earle of estate,
_Richard_ of _Arundell_, and _Thomas_ of _Warwicke_,
With _Mowbray_ the[289] _Marshall_, a man most warlicke.
17.
At _Ratecote_ bridge assembled our bande,
The commons in clusters came to vs that day
To daunt _Robert Veere_, then duke of _Irelande_,
By whome king _Richard_ was ruled alway:
Wee put him to flight, and brake his aray,
Then maugre the king, his leaue or assent,
By constable’s power wee calde a parliament.[290]
18.
Where not in roabes, but with[291] baslardes bright,
Wee came [for] to parle of the publike weale,
Confirming our quarell with maine and [with] might,
With swordes and no wordes wee tried our appeale:
In steede of reason declaring our zeale,
And whome so wee knew with the king in [good] grace,
Wee plainely depriued of[292] power and [of] place.
19.
Some with short processe were banisht the land,
Some executed with capytall paine,
Whereof who so list, the whole to vnderstand,[293]
In the parliament roll it appeareth plaine,
And furder how stoutly wee did the king straine,
The rule of his realme wholly to resygne,
To the order of those, whome wee did assigne.
20.
But note the sequele of such presumption,
After wee had these miracles wrought,[294]
The king inflamed with indignation,
That to such bondage hee should bee brought,[295]
Suppressing the ire of his inwarde thought,
Studied naught else but how that hee might
Bee highly reuenged of this[296] high dispite.
21.
Aggreeued was also this latter offence,
With former matter his ire to[297] renue:
For once at _Windsore_ I brought to his presence,
The maior of _London_ with all his retinue,
To aske a reckoning[298] of the realme’s reuenue:
And the souldiers of _Brest_ by mee were[299] made bolde,
Their wages to claime[300] when the towne was solde.[301]
22.
These griefes remembred with all the remnaunt,
Hourded in his harte hate out of measure,[302]
Yet openly in shewe made hee no semblaunt,
By word or[303] by deede to beare displeasure:
But loue dayes dissembled doe neuer endure,[304]
And who so trusteth a foe reconcylde,
Is for the most part alwayes beguilde.
23.
For as fyre ill quencht will vp at a starte,
And sores not well salued doe breake out of newe,
So hatred hidden in an irefull harte,
Where it hath had long season to brewe,
Upon euery occasion doth easely renewe:
Not failyng at last, if it bee not let,
To pay large vsury besides the due det.
24.
Euen so it fared by this frendship fayned,
Outwardly sounde, and inwardly rotten:
For whan the kinge’s fauour in seeming was gayned,
All olde displeasures forgieuen and forgotten,
Euen than at a sodayn the shafte was shotten,
Which pearced my harte voyde of mistrust:
Alas, that a prince should bee so vniust.
25.
For lying at _Plashey_ my selfe to repose,
By reason of sickenesse which helde mee full sore:[305]
The king espying mee apart from those,
With whom I confedered in hand before,[306]
Thought it not meete to tract the time more,
But glad to take mee at such a vauntage,[307]
Came to salute mee with friendly visage.
26.
Who hauing a band bound to his bent,
By colour of kindnesse to visite his eame,[308]
Tooke time to accomplishe his cruell entent:
And in a small vessell downe by the streame,
Conuey’d mee to _Calais_ out of the realme,
Where without processe or dome of my peeres,
Not nature but murder abridged my yeeres.
27.
This act was odious to God and to man,
Yet rygour to cloake in habit of reason,
By crafty compasse deuise they can,
Articles nine of right haynous treason:
But doome after death is sure out of season,
For who euer sawe so straunge a president,
As execution done before[309] iudgement.
28.
Thus hate harboured in depth of minde
By sought occasion burst out of newe,
And cruelty abused the lawe of kinde,
When that the nephue the vncle slewe:
Alas, king _Richard_, sore maist thou rue,
Which by this fact preparedst the way,[310]
Of thy hard destiny to hasten the day.
29.
For bloud axeth bloud as guerdon due,
And vengeaunce for vengeaunce is iust rewarde:
O righteous God, thy iudgementes are true,
For looke what measure wee other awarde,[311]
The same for vs agayne is preparde:
Take heede yee princes by examples past,
Bloud will haue bloud, eyther first or last.
G. F.[312]
[When maister _Ferrers_ had ended his[313] fruitfull tragedy,
because no man was ready with any other, I, hauing perused the
story which came next, sayed: “Because you shall not say, my
maisters, but that I will somewhat doe my part, I will, vnder
your correction, declare the tragedy of _Thomas Mowbrey_, duke of
_Northfolke_,[314] the chiefe worker of the duke of _Glocester’s_
destruction: who to admonishe all counsailours to beware of
flattering princes, or falsely enuying or accusing their
peregualles, may lament his vices in maner following.”]
How the Lord _Mowbrey_, promoted by King _Richard_
the second, to the state of a Duke,[315]
was by him banished the realme,
the yeare of Christ, 1398,
and after died miserably
in exile.
1.
Though sorrowe and shame abash mee to rehearse
My lothsome life, and death of due deserued,
Yet that the paynes thereof may other pearce
To leaue the like, leaste they bee likewise[316] serued,
Ah _Baldwine_, marke, and se how that I swerued:[317]
Dissembling, enuy, and flattery, bane that bee
Of all their hostes, haue shewde their power on mee.
2.
I blame not fortune, though shee did her parte,
And true it is shee can doe litle harme:
Shee guideth goodes, shee hampreth not the hart,
A minde well bent,[318] is safe from euery charme:
Vice, only vice, with her stout strengthlesse arme,
Doth cause the harte from good to ill encline,[319]
Which I, alas, doe finde to true by mine.
3.
For where by birth I came of noble race,[320]
The _Mowbrey’s_ heyre, a famous house and old,
Fortune I thanke, gaue mee so good a grace,[321]
That of my prince I had what so I would:
Yet neyther was to other greately hold,[322]
For I through[323] flattery abusde[324] his wanton youth,
And his fond trust augmented my vntruth.
4.
Hee made mee first the earle of _Notyngham_,
And marshall of the realme,[325] in which estate
The peeres and people ioyntly to mee came,
With sore complaint against them, that of late
Made[326] officers, had brought the king in hate,
By making sale of justice, right and lawe,
And liuing naught, without all dread or awe.
5.
I gaue them ayde these euills to redresse,
And went to _London_ with an army strong,
And caused the king, agaynst his will oppresse
By cruell death, all such as led him wrong:
The lord chiefe justice suffered these among,
So did the steward of his household head,
The chauncellour scapte, for hee aforehand[327] fled.
6.
These wicked men thus from the king remoued,
Who best vs pleased succeeded in their place:
For which both king and commons much vs loued,
But chiefly I with all stoode high in grace:
The king ensued my rede in euery case,
Whence selfe-loue bred: for glory maketh proude,
And pride aye looketh[328] alone to bee allowde.
7.
Wherefore to th’end I might alone enioy
The king’s good will,[329] I made his lust my lawe:
And where of late I laboured to distroy
Such flattering folke, as thereto stoode in awe,
Now learned I among the rest to clawe:
For pride is such, if it bee kindely caught,
As stroyeth good, and stirreth vppe euery naught.
8.
Pride pricketh men to[330] flatter for the pray,
T’oppresse and poll[331] for maintnaunce of the same,
To malice such as match vnethes it may:
And to bee briefe, pride doth the harte enflame,
To fyre what mischiefe any fraude may frame,
And euer[332] at length the euyls by it wrought
Confound the worker, and bring him vnto[333] nought.
9.
Behold in mee due proofe of euery part:
For pride first forced mee my prince to flatter[334]
So much that whatsoeuer[335] pleased his harte
Were it neuer[336] so euill, I thought a lawfull matter,
Which causde the lordes afreshe agaynst him clatter:
Because hee had his holdes beyond sea solde,[337]
And seene his souldiers of theyr wages polde.
10.
Though all these ils were done by mine[338] assent,[339]
Yet such was lucke that each man deemed no:
For see, the duke of _Glocester_ for mee sent,[340]
With other lordes, whose hartes did bleede for woe,
To see the realme so fast to ruin goe:
In fault whereof, they sayd the two dukes were,
The one of _Yorke_, the other [of] _Lancaster_.
11.
On whose remoue fro being about[341] the king
Wee all agreed, and sware a solemne oth,
And whilst the rest prouided for this thing,
I, flatterer I, to winne the prayse of troth,
Wretch that I was, brake fayth and promise both,
For I bewrayed to th’king[342] theyr whole intent,
For which vnwares they all were tane and shent.[343]
12.
Thus was the warder of the common weale
The duke of _Glocester_ giltlesse made away,
With other moe, more wretch I so to deale,
Who through vntruth theyr trust did ill betray:
Yet by this meanes obtayned I my pray,
Of king and dukes I found for this such fauour,
As made mee duke of _Northfolke_ for my labour.
13.
But see how pride and enuy ioyntly runne,
Because my prince did more than mee prefer,
Sir _Henry Bolenbroke_, the eldest sonne
Of _Iohn_ of _Gaunt_, the duke of _Lancaster_,
Proud I, that would alone bee blasing starre,
Enuyde this duke[344] for naught saue that the shyne
Of his desertes did glister more than mine.
14.
To th’end therefore his light should bee the lesse,
I sliely sought all shiftes to put him[345] out:
But as the poyze that would the palme tree presse[346]
Doth cause the bowes sprede larger rounde about,
So spite and enuy causeth glory sprout,
And aye the more the top is ouertrode,
The deeper doth the sound roote sprede abroade.
15.
For when this _Henry_ duke[347] of _Hereforde_ sawe,
What spoyle the king made of the noble bloud,
And that without all justice, cause, or lawe:
To suffer him so hee thought not sure, nor good,
Wherefore to mee, twofaced in one hood,
As touching this, hee fully brake his minde,
As to his friend that should remedy finde.
16.
But I, although I knewe my prince did ill,
So that my harte abhorred sore the same,
Yet mischiefe so through malice led my will,
To bring this duke[348] from honour vnto shame,
And toward my selfe, my soueraygne to enflame:
That I bewrayed his wordes vnto the king,
Not as a reade, but as a [most] haynous thing.
17.
Thus where my duty bound mee to haue tolde
The prince his fault, and wil’d him to refrayne,
Through flattery loe, I did his ill vpholde,
Which turnde at length both him and mee to payne:
Woe, woe to kinges, whose counsaylours doe fayne,
Woe, woe to realmes, where such are put in trust
As leaue the lawe, to serue the prince’s lust.
18.
And woe to him that by his flattering reede,
Mayntaynes[349] a prince in any kind of vice:
Woe worth him eke for enuy, pride, or meede,
That misreportes any[350] honest enterprise:
Because I beast in all these poynts was nice,
The plagues of all together on mee light,
And due for ill, doers doth acquite.
19.
For when the duke[351] was charged with my plaint,
Hee flat denyde that any part was true,
And claymde by armes to aunswere his attaynt,
And I by vse that warlyke[352] feates well knewe,
To his desire incontinently drewe:
Wherewith the king did seeme right well content,
As one that past not much with whome it went.
20.
At time and place apoynted wee appearde,
At all poynts armde to proue our quarells iust,
And when our friends on each part had vs chear’d,
And that the herolds bad vs doe our lust,
With speare in rest[353] wee tooke a course to iust:
But ere our horses had run halfe their way,
A shout was made, the king commaunded stay.
21.
And for t’auoyde the sheeding of our bloud
With shame and death, which one must needes haue had,
The king through counsayle of the lordes thought good
To banishe both, which iudgement strayt was rad:
No maruayle then though both were wroth and sad,
But chiefly I, that was exilde for aye,
My enmy straungde but for a ten yeares day.[354]
22.
The date expirde, whan by this doulfull[355] dome
I should depart to liue in banisht land,
On paine of death to _England_ not to come,
I went my way: the king seasde in his hand
Myne offices, my honours, goods, and land,
To pay the due (as openly hee tolde)
Of mighty summes, which I had from him polde.
23.
See, _Baldwine_, see, the salary of sinne,
Marke with what[356] meede vile vices are rewarded:
Through [pride and] enuy I lose both kith and kinne,
And for my flattering playnt so well regarded,
Exile and slaunder[357] are iustly[358] mee awarded:
My wife and heire lacke lands and lawfull right,
And me their lord made dame _Dianae’s_ knight.
24.
If these mishaps at home bee not enough,
Adioyne to them my sorowes in exile:
I went to _Almayne_ first, a land right roughe,
In which I found such churlish folke and vile,
As made mee loeth my life ech other while:
There lo, I learned what [it] is to bee a gest
Abroade, and what to liue at home in rest.
25.
For they esteeme no one man more than eche,
They vse as well the lackey as the lorde,
And like theyr maners churlishe in[359] theyr speeche,
Theyr lodging harde, theyr bourd to bee abhord:
Theyr pleited garments therewith[360] well accord,
All iagde and frounst, with diuers colours deckt,
They swere, they curse, and drinke, till they be fleckt.
26.
They hate all such as these theyr maners hate,
Which reason would no wiseman should allowe,
With these I dwelt, lamenting mine estate,
Till at the length they had got knowledge, howe
I was exilde, because I did avow
A false complaynt against my trusty friende,
For which they namde me traytour, still vnhende.[361]
27.
That what for shame and what for werines[362]
I stale fro thence,[363] and went to _Venise_ towne,[364]
Where as I found more ease and friendlines,[365]
But greater griefe:[366] for now the great renowne
Of _Bolenbroke_, whom I would haue put downe,
Was waxt so great in _Britayne_ and in _Fraunce_,
That _Venise_ through, eche man did him auaunce.
28.
Thus lo, his glory grewe through great despite,[367]
And I thereby encreased in defame:
Thus enuy euer doth her most acquite[368]
With trouble, anguish, sorrow, smart, and shame,
But sets the vertues of her foe in flame:[369]
Like water waues which clense the muddy stone,
And soyles themselues by beating[370] thereupon.
29.
Or eare I had soiournd there a yeare,
Straunge tidinges came hee was to _England_ gone,
Had tane the king, and that which touched him neare,
Imprisoned him with other of his fone,
And made him yeelde him vp his crowne, and throne:
When I these thinges for true by search had tryed,
Griefe gript mee so, I pinde away and dyed.
30.
Note here the end of pride, see flatteries fine,
Marke the rewarde of enuy and [false] complaynt,
And warne all people from them to decline,
Lest likely fault doe finde the like attaynt:
Let this my life to them bee a restraynt:
By other’s harmes who listeth take no heede,
Shall by his owne learne other better reede.
T. Ch.[371]
This tragicall example was of all the company well liked,
howbee it a doubt was found therein, and that by meanes of the
diuersity of the chronicles: for whereas _Hall_ (whose chronicle
in this worke wee chiefly followed) maketh _Mowbrey_ appellant
and _Bolinbroke_ defendant, _Fabian_ reporteth the matter quite
contrary, and that by record of the parliament roll, wherein
it is playne that _Bolinbroke_ was appellant and _Mowbrey_
defendant.[372] Wherefore whatsoeuer shall bee sayde here in the
person of _Mowbrey_, (who being a most noble prince, had too much
wrong to bee so causeles defamed after his death) imagine that
to bee spoken agaynst his accuser. Which matter[373] sith it is
more hard to decide than needefull to our purpose, which minde
only to disswade from vices and exalt vertue, wee referre to such
as may come by the recordes of the actes of the parliament,[374]
contented in the meane while with Maister _Halle’s_ iudgement,
which maketh best for[375] our forshewed purpose. This doubt thus
let passe. “I would,” sayde Maister _Ferrers_, “say somewhat
for king _Richard_,[376] after whose depriuing, his brother[377]
and diuers others made a maske, minding by king[378] _Henrye’s_
destruction to haue restored him, which masker’s matter so
runneth in this, that I doubt which ought to goe before, but
seeing no man is ready to say ought in theyr behalfe, I will giue
(who so listeth) leasure to looke[379] therevpon, and in the
meane time to furder your enterprise, I will in king _Richarde’s_
behalfe[380] recount such part of his story as I thinke most
necessary. And therefore imagine _Baldwine_ that you see the
corps of this prince all[381] to be mangled with blewe woundes,
lying pale and wan, all naked vpon the cold stones in[382]
_Paule’s_ church, the people standing round about him, and making
his complaynt in manner as followeth.”[383]
How King _Richard_ the second was for
his euill gouernaunce deposed from
his seate, in the yeare 1399,
and murdered in prison[384]
the yeare following.
1.
Happy is the prince, that hath in welth the grace
To followe vertue, keeping vices vnder,[385]
But woe to him whose will hath wisdome’s place:
For who so renteth right and lawe asunder,
On him at length all the worlde shall wonder:
High byrth, choyce fortune, force, nor princely mace,[386]
Can warrant king or keyser fro the case:
[Shame sueth sinne, as rayne drops doe the thunder:[387]
Let princes therefore vertuous life embrace,[388]
That wilfull pleasures[389] cause them not to blunder.]
2.
Behold my hap, see how the seely rout
On mee doo gaze,[390] and ech to other say:
See where hee lyeth, but late that was so stout,[391]
Loe how the power, the pride, and rich aray
Of mighty rulers[392] lightly fade away:
The king, which erst kept all the realme in doute,
The veriest rascall now dare checke and floute:[393]
[What moulde bee kinges made of, but carion clay?[394]
Behold his woundes how blew they bee about,
Which while hee liued, thought[395] neuer to decay.]
3.
Mee thinke I heare the people thus deuise:
Wherefore, _Baldwine_, sith thou wilt declare[396]
How princes fell, to make the liuing wise,
My lawlesse life[397] in no poynt see thou spare,
But paynt it out, that rulers may beware
Good counsayle, lawe, or vertue to despise:
For realmes haue rules, and rulers haue a sise,
[Which if they breake, thus much to say I dare[398]
That eyther’s griefes the other shall agrise
Till one[399] bee lost, the other brought to care.]
4.
I was a king, who ruled all by lust,
Forcing but light of[400] justice, right,[401] or lawe,
Putting alwayes flatterers false in trust,[402]
Ensuing such[403] as could my vices clawe,
By faythfull counsayle passing not an hawe,[404]
As pleasure prickt, so needes obay I must:
Hauing delight to feede and serue the gust,[405]
[Three meales a day could scarse content my mawe:[406]
Mee liked least to torney or to just,
To _Venus_ sport my fancy did mee[407] drawe:][408]
5.
Which to mayntayne, my people were sore polde[409]
With fines, fifteenes, and loanes by way of prest,[410]
Blanke charters,[411] othes, and shiftes not knowne of olde,
For which the commons[412] did mee sore detest:[413]
I also solde the noble towne[414] of _Brest_,
My fault wherein because mine vncle tolde,
[(For prince’s actes may no wise bee[415] controlde)]
I found the meanes his bowels to vnbrest,[416]
[The worthy peeres, which his cause did vpholde[417]
With long exile, or cruell death opprest.][418]
6.
None ayde I lackt in[419] any wicked deede,
For gaping gulles whome I promoted had,
Would furder all in hope of higher meede:
There can no king imagine[420] ought so bad,
But shall finde some that will[421] performe it glad:[422]
For sicknes seldome doth so swiftly breede,
As humours ill doe growe[423] the griefe to feede:
[Thus kinge’s estates of all bee worst[424] bestad,
Abusde in welth, abandoned at neede,
And nerest harme when they bee least adrad.]
7.
My life and death the trueth of this hath tryde:[425]
For while I fought in _Ireland_ with my foes,
Mine vncle _Edmund_[426] whome I left to guide
My realme at home, rebelliously arose
_Percyes_ to helpe,[427] which plied my depose:[428]
And calde fro _Fraunce_ earle _Bolenbroke_, whom I
Exiled had for ten yeares there to lye:[429]
[Who cruelly did put to death all those[430]
That in mine ayde durst looke but once awrye,
Whose numbre was but slender I suppose.][431]
8.
For comming backe this soden stur[432] to stay,
The earle of _Worcester_ whome[433] I trusted moste,
(Whiles I in _Wales_ at _Flint_ my castle[434] lay,
Both to refresh and multiply myne hoste)
There[435] in my hall, in sight of least and most,[436]
His staffe did breake, which was my householde stay,[437]
Bad ech make shift, and rode himselfe away:
[See princes, see the strength whereof wee bost,
Whom most wee trust, at neede doe vs betray:
Through whose false fayth my land and life I lost.][438]
9.
My stuard false, thus being fled and gone,
My seruants sly shranke of on euery side,
Then caught I was and led vnto my foen,
Who for theyr prince no pallace did prouide,
But pryson strong, where _Henry_ puft with pride
Causde mee resigne my kingly state and throne:[439]
And so forsaken and left as post[440] alone,
[These hollow friendes, by _Henry_ soone espyed,
Became suspect, and fayth was giuen to none,
Which caused them from fayth agayne to slyde.][441]
10.
And strayt conspyrde[442] theyr newe king[443] to put downe,
And to that end a solemp[444] oth they swore,
To render mee my royall seate[445] and crowne:
Whereof themselues depriued mee before:
But late medcynes can help no sothbynde sore:[446]
When swelling flouds haue ouer flowen the towne,
To late it is to saue them that shall drowne:
[Till sayles bee spred a ship may keepe the shore,
No anker holde can keepe the vessel downe,
With streme and stere perforce it will bee bore.][447]
11.
For though the peeres set _Henry_ in his state,[448]
Yet could they not displace him thence agayne:
And where they easely depriued[449] mee of late,[450]
They could restore mee by no manner payne:[451]
Thinges hardly mend, but may bee mard amayne,
And when a man is fallen in[452] froward fate,
Still mischiefs light one on[453] another’s pate:
[And meanes well meant all mishaps[454] to restrayne
Waxe wretched mones, whereby his ioyes abate,
Due proofe whereof in this appeared playne.][455]
12.
For whan the king did know[456] that for my cause,
His lordes in maske[457] would kill him on a night,[458]
To dash all doubtes hee tooke no farder pause,
But _Pierce_ of _Exton_, a cruell murdering[459] knight,
To _Pomfret_ castle sent him, armed bright,[460]
Who causelesse kild mee there against all lawes,[461]
Thus lawles life to lawles death ey drawes:
[Wherefore bid kinges bee rulde and rule by right:
Who worketh his will, and shunneth wisedome’s sawes,
In snares of woe, ere hee bee ware, shall light.][462]
G. F.[463]
[When hee had[464] ended this so woefull a tragedy,[465] and to
all princes a right worthy[466] instruction, wee paused:[467]
hauing passed through a miserable time full of piteous tragedies.
And seeing the raigne of _Henry_ the fourth ensued, a man[468]
more wary[469] and prosperous in his doings, although not
vntroubled with warres both of outforth and inward enemies, wee
began to searche what peeres[470] were fallen therein, whereof
the nombre was not small: and yet because theyr examples were
not much to be noted for our purpose, we passed ouer al the
maskers (of whom king _Richard’s_ brother was chief) which were
all slayn and put to death for theyr trayterous attempt. And
finding _Owen Glendour_ next, one of fortune’s owne whelpes, and
the _Percies_ his confederates, I thought them vnmeete to be
ouerpassed, and[471] therefore sayd thus to the sylent company:
“What my maisters is euery man at once in a browne study? hath
no man affection to any of these stories? you minde so much some
other belike, that these doe not moue you: and to say the[472]
truth, there is no speciall cause why they should.[473]How be it
_Owen Glendour_, because he was one of fortune’s owne darlings,
and affected to bee prince[474] of _Wales_, although to his
owne mischiefe and destruction, rather then he should bee
forgotten, I wil take vpon mee (by your fauour) to say somewhat
in his personne:[475] which[476] _Owen_ comming out of the wilde
mountaynes of _Wales_ like the image of death in all poyntes (his
harte onely excepted) as a ghost forpined with extreame famine,
cold, and hunger, may lament his great misfortune after[477] this
manner.”][478]
How _Owen Glendour_ seduced by false prophesies,
tooke vpon him to bee Prince of Wales, and
was by _Henry_ Prince[479] of England
chased[480] to the mountaynes,
where hee miserably died
for lack of foode.[481]
Anno 1401.[482]
1.
I pray thee, _Baldwine_, sith thou doest entende
To shewe the fall[483] of such as climbe to hie,
Remember mee, whose miserable end
May teach a man his vicious life to flye,[484]
Oh fortune, fortune, out on thee,[485] I crye:
My liuely corps thou hast made leane and slender,
For lacke of foode, whose name was _Owen Glendour_.[486]
2.
A _Welshman_ borne,[487] and of the _Troyan_ bloud,[488]
But ill brought vp, whereby full well I finde,
That neyther byrth nor linage make vs good,[489]
Though it bee true that cat will after kinde:
Fleshe gendreth fleshe, but not the soule or minde,[490]
They gender not, but fouly doe degender,
When men to vice from vertue them surrender.[491]
3.
Each thing by nature tendeth to the same
Whereof it came, and is disposed like:
Downe sinkes the mould, vp mounts the fiery flame,
With horne the hart, with hoofe the horse doth strike,
The wolfe doth spoile, the suttle foxe doth pike,
And to conclude,[492] no fishe, fleshe, foule or plant,
Of their true dame the property doth want.[493]
4.
But as for men, sith seuerally they haue
A minde, whose maners are by learning made,
Good bringing vp all only doth them saue
In honest actes,[494] which with their parents fade:
So that true gentry standeth in the trade
Of vertuous life,[495] not in the fleshely line:
For bloud is brute, but gentry is deuine.
5.
Experience doth cause mee thus to say,
And that the rather for my countreymen,
Which vaunt and boast themselues aboue the day,
If they may straine their stocke fro[496] worthy men:
Which let bee true, are they the better than?
Nay far the worse, if so they bee not good,
For why, they staine the bewty of their blood.
6.
How would wee mocke the burden bearing mule,
If hee would brag hee were an horse’s sonne,
To presse his pride[497] (might nothing else him rule)
His boastes to proue no more but bid him run:
The horse for swiftnes hath his glory wonne:
The mule[498] could neuer[499] the more aspyer,
Though hee should proue that _Pegas_ was[500] his sier.
7.
Each man may[501] crake of that which was[502] his owne,
Our parents’ vertues are theirs,[503] and no whit ours:[504]
Who therefore will of noble birth[505] bee knowne,
Ought[506] shine in vertue like his auncestours:
Gentry consisteth not in landes and towers:
Hee is a churle, though all the world were his,[507]
Yea _Arthur’s_ heyre, if that hee liue amis.
8.
For vertuous life a gentleman doth make[508]
Of her possessour all bee hee poore as _Iob_,
Yea though no name of elders hee can take,[509]
For proofe take _Merlin_ fathered by an hob:[510]
But who so sets his minde to spoyle and rob,
Although hee come by due discent from _Brute_,
Hee is a chorle, vngentle, vile, and brute.
9.
Well, thus did I for want of better wit,
Because my parents naughtely brought mee vp:
For gentlemen (they sayd) was nought so fyt,
As to attast by bold attempts the cup
Of conquest’s wine, whereof I thought to sup:
And therefore bent my selfe to rob and ryue,
And whome I could of landes and goodes depriue.
10.
For[511] _Henry_ the fourth did then vsurpe the crowne,
Despoyled the king, with _Mortimer_ the heyre:
For which his subiects sought to put him downe,
And I, while fortune offered mee so fayre,
Did what I might his honour to appayre:
And tooke on mee to bee the prince of _Walles_,
Entiste thereto by prophesies and tales.[512]
11.
For which, such idle[513] as wayt vpon the spoyle,
From euery part of _Walles_ vnto mee drewe:
For loytering youth vntaught in any toyle,
Are ready aye, all mischiefe to ensue:
Through helpe of these so great my glory grewe,
That I defied my king through lofty hart,
And made sharpe warre on all that tooke his part.
12.
See lucke, I tooke lord _Raynold Gray of Rythen_,
And him enforst my daughter to espouse,
And so vnraunsomed I[514] held him still; and sythen
In _Wigmore_ land through battayle rigorous,
I caught the right heyre of the crowned house,
The earle of _March_, sir _Edmund Mortimer_,
And in a dungeon kept him prisoner.
13.
Than all the marches longing vnto _Wales_,
By _Syuerne_ west, I did inuade and burne:
Destroyed the townes in mountaynes, and in vales,
And rich in spoyles had[515] homeward[516] safe returne:
Was none so bolde durst once agaynst mee spurne:
Thus prosperously doth fortune forward call,
Those whome shee mindes to geue the sorest fall.
14.
Whan fame had brought these tidings to the king,
(Although the _Scots_ than vexed him right sore)
A mighty army against[517] mee hee did bring:
Whereof the _French_ king being warned afore,
Who mortall hate against king _Henry_ bore,
To greeue our foe hee quickely to mee sent
Twelue thousand _Frenchmen_, armed to warre and bent.
15.
A part of them led by the earle of _March_,
Lord _Iames_ of _Burbon_, a valiaunt tried knight,[518]
With held by wyndes to _Walles_ ward forth to march,
Tooke land at _Plimmouth_ priuely on a[519] night:
And whan hee had done all that[520] hee durst or might,
After that a[521] meyney of his men were slaine,
Hee stole to ship and sailed home agayne.
16.
Twelue thousand moe[522] in _Milford_ did ariue,
And came to mee, then lying at _Denbigh_:
With armed _Welshmen_ thousands double fiue,
With whome wee went to _Worcester_ well nigh,
And there encampt vs on a mount on high,
To abide[523] the king who shortly after came,
And pitched his field, on a hill hard[524] by the same.
17.
There eyght dayes long our hostes lay face to face,
And neyther durst other’s power[525] assayle:
But they so stopt the passages the space,
That vitayles could not come to our avayle,
Where through constraynde our hearts began to fayle,
So that the _Frenchmen_ shranke away by night,
And I with mine to th’ mountaynes[526] tooke our flight.
18.
The king pursued greatly to his cost,
From hilles to woods, from woods to valleys playne:
And by the way his men and stuffe hee lost:
And when hee sawe[527] hee gayned naught but payne,
Hee blewe retreate and gate[528] him home agayne:
Then with my power I boldly came abroade,
Taken in my countrey for a very god.[529]
19.
Immediately after fell a ioly jarre
Betweene the king, and _Percie’s_ worthy blouds,
Which grue at last vnto a deadly warre:
For like as drops engender mighty flouds,
And litle seedes sprout forth great leaues and buds,
Euen so small striues,[530] if they bee suffered run,
Breede wrath and war, and death or they be don.
20.
The king would haue the ransome of such _Scots_
As these the _Percies_ tane had in the fielde:
But see how strongly lucre knits her knots,
The king will haue, the _Percies_ will not yeelde,
Desire of goods some craues, but graunteth seelde:
Oh cursed goods, desire of you hath wrought
All wickednes, that hath or can bee thought.
21.
The _Percies_ deemde it meeter for the king
To haue redeemde theyr cosin _Mortimer_,
Who in his quarell all his power did bring
To fight with mee, that toke him prisoner,
Than of their pray to rob his souldier:
And therefore willed him see some meane were founde,
To quite forth him whome I kept vily bounde.
22.
Because the king misliked theyr request,
They came themselues and did accorde with mee,
Complayning how the kingdome was opprest
By _Henrye’s_ rule: wherefore wee did agree
To plucke[531] him downe, and part the realme in three:
The north part theyrs, _Wales_ wholy[532] to bee mine,
The rest, to rest to th’earle of _Marche’s_ line.
23.
And for to set vs hereon more agog,
A prophet came (a vengeaunce take them all)
Affirming _Henry_ to bee _Gogmagog_,
Whom _Merline_ doth a mouldwarp euer call,
Accurst of God that must bee brought in thrall
By a wolfe, a dragon, and a lion strong,
Which should deuide his kingdome them among.
24.
This crafty dreamer made vs three such beastes,
To thinke wee were the foresayde beastes in deede:
And for that cause our badges and our creastes
Wee searched out, which scarsly well agreede:
Howbeit the heroldes, ready[533] at such a neede,
Drewe downe such issues from olde auncesters,
As proued these ensignes to bee surely oures.[534]
25.
Yee crafty _Welshmen_, wherefore doe yee mocke,
The noble men thus with your fayned rymes?
Yee noble men, why fly yee not the flocke
Of such as haue seduced so many times?
False prophesies are plagues for diuers crimes,
Which God doth let the deuilish sort deuise,
To trouble such as are not godly wise.
26.
And that appearde by vs three beastes indeede,
Through false perswasion highly borne in hand,
That in our feate wee coulde not chuse but speede,
To kill the king and to enioy his land:
For which exployt wee bound our selues in band,
To stand contented ech man with his parte,
So fully folly assurde[535] our foolish hearte.
27.
But such, they say, as fishe before the net,
Shall seeldome surfet of the pray they take:
Of thinges to come the haps bee so vnset,
That none but fooles may warraunt of them make:
The full assured successe doth oft forsake:
For fortune findeth none so fit to flout,
As sure be[536] sots which cast no kinde of doubt.
28.
How sayst thou, _Henry Hotspur_, doe I lye:
For thou right manly gauest the king a fielde,
And there wast slayne because thou wouldest not fly:
Syr _Thomas Percy_ thine vncle forst[537] to yeelde,
Did cast his head (a wonder seene but seelde)
From _Shrewsbury_ towne to th’top of _London_ bridge:
Loe thus fond hope did both theyr liues abridge.
29.
When king _Henry_[538] this victory had wonne,
Destroyde the _Percyes_, put theyr power to flight,
Hee did apoynt prince _Henry_, his eldest sonne,
With all his power to meete mee if hee might:
But I discomfyt, through my partner’s fight,
Had not the heart to meete him face to face,
But fled away, and hee pursued the chase.
30.
Now, _Baldwine_, marke, for I, calde prince of _Wales_,
And made beleeue I should bee hee in deede,
Was made to fly among the hilles and dales,
Where all my men forsooke mee at my neede:
Who trusteth loyterers seelde hath lucky[539] speede:
And when the captayne’s courage doth him fayle,
His souldier’s hearts a litle thing may quayle.
31.
And so prince _Henry_ chased mee, that loe,
I found no place wherein I might abide:
For as the dogges pursue the seely doe,
The brache behinde, the houndes on euery side,
So traste they mee among the mountaynes wide:
Whereby I found I was the hartles hare,
And not the beast colprophet[540] did declare.
32.
And at the last: like as the litle roach,
Must eyther[541] be eate, or leape vpon the shore,
When as the hungry pickerell doth approch,
And there finde death which it escapt before:
So double death assaulted mee so sore,
That eyther I must vnto mine enmy yeelde,
Or starue for hunger in the barrayn feelde.
33.
Here shame and payne a while were at a strife,
Payne bade[542] mee yeelde, shame bad mee rather fast:
The one bad spare, the other bad spend my life,
But shame (shame haue it) ouercame at last:
Then hunger gnew,[543] that doth the stone wall brast,
And made mee eat both grauel, durt and mud,
And last of all, my dung, my flesh, and bloud.[544]
34.
This was mine end too horrible to heare,
Yet good enough for a[545] life that was so ill,[546]
Whereby, O _Baldwine_, warne all men to beare
Theyr youth such loue, to bring them vp in skill,[547]
Bid princes fly colprophet’s[548] lying byll,[549]
And not presume to climb aboue theyr states:[550]
For they bee faultes that foyle men, not theyr fates.
Th. Ph.[551]
[Whan starued _Owen_ had ended his hungry exhortation, it was
well enough liked, howbeit one founde a doubte[552] worth the
mouing, and that concerning this title, earle of _March_: for
as it appeareth, there were three men of three diuers nations
together in one time entituled by that honour: first syr _Edmund
Mortimer_, whom _Owen_ kept in pryson, an _Englishman_: the
second the lord _George_ of _Dunbar_, a valiaunt _Scot_, banished
out of his countrey, and well esteemed of _Henry_ the fouerth:
the thirde lord _Iames_ of _Bourbon_, a _Frenchman_, sent by the
_Frenche_ king to help _Owen Glendour_.
These three men had this title all at once, which caused him to
aske how it was true that euery one of these could bee earle
of _March_: whereto was answered, that euery countrey hath
_Marches_ belonging vnto them, and those so large, that they were
earledomes, and the lords thereof entituled thereby: so the[553]
lord _Edmund Mortimer_ was earle of _March_ in _England_, lord
_Iames_ of _Burbon_, of the _Marches_ of _Fraunce_, and lorde
_George_ of _Dunbar_, earle of the _Marches_ in _Scotland_.
For otherwise neyther coulde haue interest in other’s title.
This doubt thus dissolued, maister _Ferrers_ sayde: “If no man
haue affection to the _Percies_, let vs passe the times both of
_Henry_ the fourth and the fift, and come to _Henry_ the sixt,
in whose time fortune (as shee doth in the minority of princes)
bare a great stroke among the nobles. And yet in _Henry_ the
fourth’s time are examples which I would wish, _Baldewine_, that
you should not forget, as the conspiracy made by the byshop of
_Yorke_, and the lord _Mowbrey_, sonne of him whome you late
treated of, pricked forwarde by the earle of _Northumberland_,
father to sir _Henry Hotspur_, who fled himselfe, but his
parteners were apprehended and put to death, with _Bainton_ and
_Blinkinsops_, which could not see theyr duty to theyr king,
but tooke parte with _Percy_, that banished rebell.” As hee was
proceding, hee was desired to stay by one which had pondered
the story of the _Percies_, who briefly sayde: “To the end,
_Baldwine_, that you may knowe what to say of the _Percies_,
whose story is not all out of memory (and is a notable story) I
will take vpon mee the person of the lord _Henry Percy_,[554]
earle of _Northumberland_, father of sir[555] _Henry Hotspur_, in
whose behalfe this may be sayd as followeth.”][556]
How _Henry Percy_ Earle of Northumberland,
was for his couetous and trayterous
attempt put to death at Yorke,
Anno 1407.[557]
1.
O morall _Senec_, true finde I thy saying,
That neither kinne,[558] riches, strength, or fauour,
Are free from fortune, but are aye decaying:
No worldly welth is ought saue doubtfull labour,
Man’s life in earth is like vnto a tabour,
Which nowe to myrth doth mildly men prouoke
And straight to warre, with a more sturdy stroke.
2.
All this full true I _Percy_ finde by proofe,
Which whilom was earle of _Northumberland_:
And therefore, _Baldwine_, for my pier’s[559] behoofe,
To note men’s falles sith thou hast tane in hand,
I would thou should my state well vnderstand:
For fewe kinges were more than I redouted,[560]
Whom double fortune lifted vp and louted.
3.
As for my kinne their noblenesse is knowen,
My valiaunt acts were[561] folly for to prayse,
Where through the _Scots_[562] so oft were ouerthrowen,
That who but I was doubted in my dayes:
And that king _Richarde_ found at all assayes,
For neuer _Scots_[563] rebelled in his raigne,
But through my force were eyther caught or slayne.
4.
A brother I had was earle of _Worcester_,
Alwayes in office and fauour[564] with the king,
And by my wife dame _Elinor Mortimer_,
A sonne I had[565] which so the _Scots_[566] did sting,
That being yong, and but a very spring,
_Henry Hotspur_ they gaue him vnto name,[567]
And though I say it, hee did deserue the same.
5.
Wee three triumphed in king _Richard’s_ time,
Till fortune ought both him and vs a spite:
But chiefly mee, whome clerely from[568] any crime,
My king did banishe from his fauour quite,
Proclayming mee a trayterous knight:[569]
Where through false slaunder forced mee to bee,
That which before I did most deadly flee.
6.
Let men beware how they true folke defame,
Or threaten on them the blame of vices nought,
For infamy breedeth wrath, wreke followeth shame:
Eke open slannder often times hath brought
That to effect, that erst was neuer thought:
To bee misdeemed men suffer in a sort,
But none can beare the griefe of misreport.
7.
Because my king did shame mee wrongfully,
I hated him and in deede[570] became his foe:
And while hee did at warre in _Ireland_ lye,
I did conspire to turne his weale to woe:
And through the duke of _Yorke_ and other moe,
All royall power from him wee quickely tooke,
And gaue the same to _Henry Bolenbroke_.
8.
Neither did wee this onely[571] for this cause,
But to say truth, force draue vs to the same:
For hee despising God and all his lawes,
Slewe whome hee would, made sinne a very game:
And seeing neyther age[572] nor counsaile could him tame,
Wee thought it well done for the kingdome’s sake,
To leaue his rule, that did all rule forsake.
9.
But when sir _Henry_ had attaynde his place,
Hee strayght became in all poynts worse then hee,
Destroyed the peeres, and slewe king _Richard’s_ grace,
Against his othe made to the lordes and mee:
And seeking quarels how to disagree,
Hee shamelesly required mee and my sonne,
To yeelde hym _Scots_[573] which wee in fielde had wonne.
10.
My nephue also _Edmund Mortimer_,
The very heyre apparant to the crowne,
Whome _Owen Glendour_ held as prisoner,
Vilely bound[574] in dungeon deepe cast downe,
Hee would not raunsome, but did felly frowne
Against my brother and mee,[575] which[576] for him spake,
And him proclaymed traytour for our sake.
11.
This foule despite did cause vs to conspire,
To put him downe as wee did _Richard_ erst,
And that wee might this matter set on fire,
From _Owen’s_ jaile, our coosin wee remerst,
And vnto _Glendour_ all our griefes reherst,
Who made a bond with _Mortimer_ and mee,
To priue the king and part the realme in three.
12.
But when king _Henry_ heard of this deuise,
Toward[577] _Owen Glendour_ hee sped him very quicke,
Mynding by force to stop hur[578] enterprise:
And as the deuill would, than fell I sicke,
Howbeit my brother, and sonne, more polliticke
Than prosperous, with an hoast from _Scotland_ brought,
Encountred him at _Shrewesbury_, where they fought.
13.
The one was tane and kild, the other slayne,
And shortly after was _Owen_ put to flight,
By meanes whereof I forced was to fayne,
That I knewe nothing of the former fight:
Fraude oft auayles more then doth sturdy might,
For by my faining I brought him in beliefe,
I knewe not that wherein my part was chiefe.
14.
And while the king thus tooke mee for his frend,
I sought all meane my former wrong to wreake,
Which that I might bring to the sooner end,
To the bishop of _Yorke_ I did the matter breake,
And to th’earle marshall likewise did I speake,
Whose father was through _Henrie’s_ cause exiled,
The bishop’s brother with trayterous death defiled.
15.
These strayt assented to doe what they could,
So did the lord _Hastings_ and lord _Fauconbridge_:
Which altogether promised they would
Set all their power the king’s dayes to abridge:
But see the spite, before the byrdes were flydge
The king had word and seasoned[579] on the nest,
Whereby, alas, my freendes were all opprest.
16.
The bloudy tyrant brought them all to end
Excepted mee, which into _Scotland_ scapt,[580]
To _George_ of _Dunbar_ th’earle of _March_, my frend,
Who in my cause all that hee could ey scrapt:
And when I had for greater succour gapt,[581]
Both at the _Frenchmen_ and the _Fleming’s_ hand,
And could get none, I tooke such as I fand.
17.
And with the helpe of _George_ my very frend,
I did enuade _Northumberland_ full bolde,
Whereas the folke drewe to mee still on end,[582]
Bent to death my party to vpholde:
Through helpe of these, full many a fort and holde,
The which the king right manfully had mand,
I easely wonne, and seised in my hand.
18.
Not so content (for vengeaunce draue mee on)
I entred _Yorkeshire_, there to wast and spoile:
But ere I had far in the countrye gone,
The shiriffe thereof, _Rafe Rokesby_ did assoyle
My trobled hoast of much part of our toyle:
For hee assaulting freshly tooke through power,
Mee and lord _Bardolph_ both, at _Bramham_ More.
19.
And thence conueyed vs to the towne of _Yorke_,
Untill hee knewe what was the kinge’s entent:[583]
There loe lord _Bardolph_ kinder than the storke,
Did lose his head, which was to _London_ sent,
With whome for friendship mine in like case went,
This was my hap my fortune or my faute,
This life I led and thus I came to naught.
20.
Wherefore, good _Baldwine_, will the peeres take heede,
Of slaunder, malice, and conspiracy,
Of couetise, whence all the rest proceede,
For couetise ioynt with contumacy,
Doth cause all mischiefe in men’s hartes to breede:
And therefore this to _esperance_ my word,
Who causeth bloudshed shall not escape[584] the sword.[585]
[By that this was ended, I had found out the story of _Richard_
earle of _Cambridge_: and because it contained matter in it,
though not very notable, yet for the better vnderstanding of the
rest, I thought it meete to touch it, and therefore saide as
followeth: “You haue saide well of the _Percies_ and fauourably;
for in deede, as it should appeare, the chiefe cause of their
conspiracy against king _Henry_, was for _Edmund Mortimer_ their
cousin’s sake, whome the king very maliciously proclaymed to haue
yeelded him selfe to _Owen_ coulourably, when, as in deede, hee
was taken forcibly against his will and very cruelly ordered in
prison. And seeing wee are in hand with _Mortimer’s_ matter, I
will take vpon mee the person of _Richard Plantagenet_, earle
of _Cambridge_, who for his sake likewise died. And therefore I
let passe _Edmund Holland_, earle of _Kent_, whome _Henry_ the
fourth made admirall to scoure the seas, because the _Britayns_
were abroad. Which earle (as many thinges happen in war) was
slaine with an arrowe at the assaulte of _Briacke_:[586] shortly
after whose death this king died, and his sonne _Henry_ the fift
of that name, succeded in his place. In the beginning of this
_Henry_ the fifte’s raigne, died this _Richard_, and with him
_Henry_ the lord _Scrope_ and other, in whose behalfe this may
bee saide.”]
How _Richard Plantagenet_[587] Earle of
Cambridge entending the king’s
destruction, was put to
death at Southamton,
Anno Dom. 1415.[588]
1.
Haste maketh waste, hath commonly ben sayd,
And secrete mischiefe seelde hath lucky speede:
A murdering minde with proper poyze is wayd,
All this is[589] true, I finde it in[590] my creede:
And therefore, _Baldwine_, warne all states take heede,
How they conspire any other to betrappe,
Least mischiefe ment, light in the miner’s lappe.[591]
2.
For I lord _Richard_, heyre _Plantagenet_,
Was earle of _Cambridge_ and right fortunate,
If I had had the grace my wit to set,
To haue content mee with mine owne estate:
But, O, false honours, breeders of debate,
The loue of you our lewde hartes doth[592] allure,
To leese our selues by seeking you vnsure.
3.
Because my brother _Edmund Mortimer_,
Whose eldest sister was my wedded wife,
I meane that _Edmund_ that was prisoner
In _Walles_ so long, through _Owen’s_ busie strife,
Because I say that after _Edmunde’s_ life,
His rightes and titles must by lawe bee mine,
For hee ne had, nor could encrease his line.
4.
Because the right of realme and crowne was ours,
I searched meanes to helpe him thereunto:
And where the _Henries_ held it by theyr powres,
I sought a shift their tenures to vndoe,
Which being force, sith force or sleight must doe,
I voide of might, because their powre was strong,
Set priuy sleight against their open wrong.
5.
But sith the death of most part of my kin
Did dashe my hope, through out the father’s dayes
I let it slip, and thought it best begin,
Whan as the sonne should dred least such assaies:
For force through spede, sleight speedeth through delayes,
And seeld doth treason time so fitly finde,
As whan all daungers most bee out of minde.
6.
Wherefore while _Henry_, of that name the fifte,
Prepard his army to goe conquere _Fraunce_,
Lord _Scroope_ and I thought to attempt a drift
To put him downe, my brother to auaunce:
But were it[593] God’s will, my lucke, or his good chaunce
The king wist wholly where about wee went
The night before to shipward hee him bent.
7.
Then were wee straight as traytours apprehended,
Our purpose spied, the cause thereof was hid,
And therefore, loe a false cause wee pretended,
Where through my brother was fro daunger rid:
Wee sayd, for hire of[594] _French_ kinge’s coyne wee did
Behight to kill the king: and thus with shame
Wee staind our selues, to saue our frend fro blame.[595]
8.
When wee had thus confest so foule a treason,
That wee deserued, wee suffered by the lawe:
See, _Baldwine_, see, and note (as it is reason)
How wicked deedes to woefull endes doe drawe:
All force doth faile, no craft is worth a strawe
To attayne thinges lost, and therefore let them goe,
For might ruleth[596] right, and will though truth[597]
say no.[598]
[Whan stout _Richarde_ had stoutely sayd his minde: “Belike,”
sayd[599] one, “this _Richard_ was but a litle man, or els litle
fauoured of the[600] writers, for our cronicles speake very litle
of him. But seeing wee be come nowe to king _Henrie’s_ voyage
into _Fraunce_, we cannot lacke valiaunt men to speake of, for
among so many as were led and sent by the king out of this realme
thyther, it cannot be chosen but some, and that a great somme
were slayne among them: wherefore to speake of them all, I thinke
not needefull. And therefore to let passe _Edwarde_ duke of
_Yorke_, and the earle of _Suffolke_, slayne both at the battayl
of _Agïncourt_, as were also many other, let vs end the time of
_Henry_ the fift, and come to his sonne _Henry_ the sixt: whose
nonage brought _Fraunce_ and _Normandy_ out of bondage, and was
cause that so[601] few of our noble men died aged: of whome to
let passe the nombre, I will take vpon mee the person of _Thomas
Montague_, earle of _Salisbury_, whose name was not so good at
home (and yet hee was called the good earle) as it was dreadful
abroade: who exclayming vpon the mutability of fortune may iustly
say[602] in maner as followeth.”]
How _Thomas Montague_ Earle[603] of Salisbury in the
middest of his glory, was chaunceably slayne
at Orleaunce[604] with a piece of
ordinaunce, the 3. of Nouember,
Anno 1428.[605]
1.
What fooles bee we to trust vnto our strength,
Our wit, our courage, or our noble fame,
Which time it selfe must nedes deuour at length,
Though froward fortune could not foile the same:
But seeing this goddesse guideth all the game,
Which still to chaunge doth set her onely lust,
Why toyle wee so for thinges so harde to trust?
2.
A goodly thing it is, surely, good report,[606]
Which noble hartes doe seeke by course of kinde:
But seeing[607] the date so doubtfull and so short,
The way so rough whereby wee doe it finde,
I cannot choose but prayse the princely minde
That preaseth for it, though wee finde opprest,
By foule defame, those that deserue it best.
3.
Concerning whome, marke, _Baldwine_, what I say,
I meane the vertuous, hindred of their brute,
Among which nombre reckon well I may
My valiaunt father _Iohn_ lord _Montacute_,
Who lost his life I iudge through[608] iust pursute:
I say the cause and not the casuall speede
Is to be wayed, in euery kinde of deede.
4.
This rule obserued, how many shall wee finde
For vertue’s sake with infamy opprest?
How many[609] againe, through helpe of fortune blinde,
For ill attemptes atchieued, with honour blest?
Successe is worst oftimes whan cause is best:
Therefore, say I, God send them sory haps,
That iudge the causes by their afterclaps.
5.
The end in deede is iudge of euery thing,
Which is the cause or latter poynt of time:
The first true verdict at the first may bring,
The last is slow, or slipper as the slime,
Oft chaunging names of innocence and crime:
Duke _Thomas’_ death was justice two yeares long,
And euer since, sore tyranny and wrong.
6.
Wherefore, I pray thee, _Baldwine_, way the cause,
And prayse my father as hee doth deserue?
Because earle _Henry_, king agaynst all lawes,
Endeuoured king _Richard_ for to starue
In iayle, whereby the regall crowne might swarue
Out of the line to which it than was due,
(Whereby God knowes what euill might ensue.)
7.
My lord _Iohn Holland_, duke of _Excester_,
Which was deare cosin to this wretched king,
Did moue my father, and the earle[610] of _Glocester_,
With other lordes to ponder well the thing:
Who seeing the mischiefe that began to spring,
Did all consent this _Henry_ to depose,
And to restore king _Richard_ to the rose.
8.
And while they did deuise a prety trayne,
Whereby to bring their purpose better[611] about,
Which was in maske this _Henry_ to haue slaine,
The duke of _Aumerle_ blew their counsaile out:
Yet was their purpose good there is no doubt:
What cause can bee more worthy for a knight,
Than saue his king, and helpe true heyres to right?
9.
For this with them my father was destroyde,
And buried in the dunghill of defame:
Thus euill chaunce their glory did auoide,
Whereas theyr cause doth claime eternall fame:
Whan deedes therefore vnluckely doe frame,
Men ought not iudge the aucthors to bee naught,
For right through might is often oueraught.
10.
And God doth suffer that it should bee so,
But why, my wit is feeble to decise,
Except it bee to heape vp wrath[612] and wo
On wicked heades that iniuries deuise:
The cause why mischiefes many times arise,
And light on them that would men’s wronges redresse,
Is for the rancour that they beare, I gesse.
11.
God hates[613] rigour though it furder right,
For sinne is sinne, how euer it bee vsed:
And therefore suffereth shame and death to light,
To punishe vice, though it bee well abused:
Who furdereth right is not thereby excused,
If through the same hee doe some other wrong:
To euery vice due guerdon doth belong.
12.
What preach I now, I am a man of warre,
And that my body[614] I dare say doth professe,
Of cured woundes beset with many a skarre,
My broken jaw vnheald can say no lesse:
O fortune, fortune, cause of all distresse,
My father had great cause thy fraud to curse
But much more I, abused ten times worse.
13.
Thou neuer flatteredst him in all thy[615] life,
But mee thou dandledst like thy[616] darling deare:
Thy giftes I found in euery corner rife,
Where euer[617] I went I met thy smiling cheare:
Which was not for a day or for a yeare,
But through the raygne of three right worthy kinges,
I found thee forward in all kinde of thinges.
14.
The while king _Henry_ conquered in _Fraunce_
I sued the warres and still found victory,
In all assaultes, so happy was my chaunce,
Holdes yeelde or won did make my enemies sory:
Dame _Prudence_ eke augmented so my glory,
That in all treaties euer I was one,
Whan weyghty matters were agreed vpon.
15.
But when this king this mighty conquerour,
Through death vnripe was both his realmes bereft,
His seely infant did receiue his power,
Poore litle babe full yong in cradell left,
Where crowne and scepter hurt him with the heft,
Whose worthy vncles had the gouernaunce,
The one at home, the other abroad in _Fraunce_.
16.
And I which was in peace and warre well skilled,[618]
With both these rulers greately was esteemed:
Bare rule at home as often as they willed,
And fought in _Fraunce_ whan they it needefull deemed,
And euery where so good my seruice seemed,
That _English_ men to mee great loue did beare,
Our foes the _French_, my force fulfilled with feare.
17.
I alwayes thought it fitly for a prince,
And such as haue the regiment of realmes,
His subiecte’s hartes with mildnes to conuince,
With justice mixt, auoyding all extreames:
For like as _Phœbus_ with his cherefull beames,
Doth freshly force the fragrant flowres to florish,
So ruler’s mildnes subiect’s loue doth norish.[619]
18.
This found I true: for through my milde behauiour,
Their hartes I had with mee to liue and die,
And in their speach bewrayer of[620] theyr fauour,
They cald mee still good earle of _Salisbury_,[621]
The lordes confest the[622] commons did not lye:
For vertuous life, free hart, and lowly minde,
With high and lowe shall alwayes fauour finde.
19.
Which vertues chiefe become a man of warre,
Whereof in _Fraunce_ I found experience:
For in assautes due mildnes passeth farre
All rigour, force, and sturdy violence:
For men will stoutly sticke to their defence,
When cruell captaines couet after spoile,[623]
And so enforst, oft geue theyr foes the foile.
20.
But when they knowe they shal be frendly vsed,
They hazard not their heades but rather yeelde:
For this my offers neuer were refused
Of any towne, or surely very seelde:
But force and furies fyt bee for the fielde,
And there in deede I vsed so the same,
My foes would flye if they but[624] heard my name.
21.
For whan lord _Steward_ and earle _Vantadore_
Had cruelly besieged _Crauant_ towne,
Which we[625] had wonne, and kept long time before
Which lieth in _Awxer_ on the riuer _Youne_,
To raise the siege the regent sent mee downe:[626]
Where, as I vsed all rigour that I might,
I killed all that were not saued by flight.
22.
When th’erle of _Bedford_, then in _Fraunce_ lord regent,
Knewe in what sort I had remoued the siege,[627]
In _Brye_ and _Champayne_ hee made mee vicegerent,
And lieutenaunt for him and for my liege:
Which caused mee to goe[628] to _Brye_, and there besiege
_Mountaguillon_ with twenty weekes assaut,
Which at the last was yeelded mee for naught.[629]
23.
And for the duke of _Britayne’s_ brother, _Arthur_,
Both earle of _Richmond_ and of _Yuery_,
Against his oth from vs had made departure,
To _Charles_ the _Dolphin_ our chiefe enemy,
I with the regent went to _Normandy_,
To take his towne of _Yuery_ which of spight,
Did to vs daily all the harme they might.
24.
They at the first compounded by a day
To yeelde, if rescues did not come before,
And while in hope to fight, wee at it lay,
The dolphin gathered men two thousand score,
With earles, lordes,[630] and captaynes ioly store:
Of which the duke of _Alanson_ was guide,
And sent them downe to see if wee would bide.
25.
But they left vs, and downe to _Vernoyle_ went,
And made their vaunt they had our army slayne,
And through that lye, that towne from vs they hent,
Which shortly after turned to their payne:
For there both armies met vpon the plaine:
And wee eight thousand, whom they [flew, not] slew before,
Did kill of them, ten thousand men and more.
26.
When wee had taken _Vernoyle_ thus againe,
To driue the Dolphin vtterly out of _Fraunce_,[631]
The regent sent mee to _Aniovy_[632] and to _Mayne_,
Where I besieged the warlike towne of _Mawns_:
There lord of _Toyser’s_, _Baldwin’s_ valiaunce
Did well appeare, which would not yeelde the towne,
Till all the towres and walles were battered downe.
27.
But here now, _Baldwine_, take it in good part,
Though that I brought this _Baldwine_ there to yeelde,
The lyon fearce for all his noble hart,
Being ouer matched, is forst to flye the fielde:[633]
If _Mars_ himselfe there had ben with his shielde,
And in my stormes had stoutly mee withstood,
Hee should haue yeeld, or els haue shed my bloud.
28.
This worthy knight both hardy, stout, and wise,
Wrought well his feat: as time and place require,
When fortune failes, it is the best aduise
To strike the sayle, least all lye in the mire:
This haue I sayd to th’end thou take no ire,
For though no cause bee found, so nature frames,
Men haue a zeale to such as beare theyr names.
29.
But to retourne, in _Mayne_ wan I at length,
Such townes and forts as might eyther helpe[634] or hurt,
I manned _Mayon_ and _Suzan’s_, townes of strength,
Fort _Barnard_, _Thanceaur_, and S. _Cales_ the curt,
With _Lile sues Bolton_, standing in the durt:
Eke _Gwerland_, _Suze_, _Loupeland_ and _Mountsure_,
With _Malycorne_, these wan I and kept full sure.
30.
Besides all this I tooke nere forty holdes,
But those I razed euen with the ground:
And for these deedes, as scely sheepe in foldes
Doe shrinke for feare at euery litle sound,
So fled my foes before my face, full round
Was none so hardy that durst abide the fight,
So _Mars_ and fortune furdered mee their knight.
31.
I tell no lye, so gastfull grewe my name,
That it alone discomfited an hoast:
The _Scots_ and _Frenchmen_[635] well[636] confesse the same,
Els will the towne which they like cowards lost:
For whan they sieged _Beauron_ with great boast,
Being fourty thousand _Britaynes_, _French_, and _Scots_,
Fiue hundred men did vanquish them like sots.[637]
32.
For while the _Frenchmen_ freshly assaulted[638] still,
Our _Englishmen_ came boldly forth at night,
Crying: “Sainct _George_, _Salisbury_, kill, kill, [kill:”]
And offered freshly with their foes to fight,
And they as _Frenchly_ tooke themselues to flight:
Supposing surely that I had bene there,
See how my name did put them all in feare.
33.
Thus was the Dolphin’s power discomfited,
Four thousand slayne, theyr campe tane as it stood,
Whereby our towne and souldiers profited,
For there were vitayles plentifull and good:
This while was I in _England_, by the rood,
To appease a strife that was right foule befall,
Betweene duke _Humfrey_ and the cardinall.
34.
The duke of _Exeter_ shortly[639] after died,
Which of the king at home had gouernaunce,
Whose roume the earle of _Warwicke_ then supplied,
And I tooke his and sped mee into _Fraunce_,
And hauing a zeale to[640] conquere _Orliaunce_,
With much a doe I gat the regent’s aide,
And marched thither,[641] and siege about it layde.
35.
But in the way I tooke the towne of _Yayne_,
Where murdered were for stoutnes many a man:
But _Baugencey_ I tooke with litle payne,
For which to shewe them fauour I began:
This caused the townes of _Mewne_ and _Iargeman_,
That stoode on _Loyer_, to profer mee the keyes,
Ere I came nere them, wel nigh by two dayes.
36.
See here how fortune froward[642] can allure,
What baytes shee layeth to bring men to their endes:
Who hauing hap like this, but hopeth sure,[643]
To bring to bale what euer hee entendes?
But soone is sower the sweete that fortune sendes:
Whan hope and hap, when health and wealth is highest,
Then woe and wracke, disease, and neede bee nighest.
37.
For while I, suing this so good successe,
Layde siege to _Orliaunce_ on the riuer side,
The bastard (cuckold _Cawnie’s_ sonne I gesse,
Tho thought the duke’s) who had the towne in guide,
Came fiercely forth, when hee his time espyde,
To rayse the siege, but was bet backe agayne,
And hard pursued both to his losse and payne.
38.
For there wee wan the bulwarke on the bridge,
With a mighty tower standing fast thereby:
Ah, cursed tower, that didst my dayes abridge,
Would God thou hadst bene furder, eyther I:
For in this tower a chamber standes on hie,
From which a man may view through all the towne
By certayn windowes iron grated downe.
39.
Where on a day, now, _Baldwine_, note mine end,
I stoode in viewing where the towne was weake,
And as I busily talked with my frend,
Shot fro the towne, which all the grate did breake,
A pellet came, and droue a mighty fleake
Against my face and tare away my cheeke,
For payne whereof I died within a weeke.[644]
40.
See, _Baldwine_, see the vncertayne glory,[645]
How sodayne mischief dasheth all to dust,
And warne all princes by my broken story,
The happiest fortune chiefly to mistrust:
Was neuer man that alway had his lust:
Then such be[646] fooles, in fancy more then mad,
Which hope to haue that neuer any had.[647]
[This straunge aduenture of the good earle draue vs all into
a dumpe, inwardly lamenting his woefull destiny, out of which
wee were awaked after this sort. “To what end,” sayde[648] one,
“muse we so much on the matter. This earle is neyther first nor
last[649] whom fortune hath foundred in the height of theyr
prosperity. For all through the raigne of this vnfortunate king
_Henry_, we shall finde many which haue beene likewise serued,
whose chaunces sith they be martiall, and therefore honourable,
may the better be omitted. And therefore wee will let goe the
lordes _Molines_, and _Poyninges_, slayne both at the siege
of _Orleaunce_, shortly after the death of this earle. Also
the valiaunt earle of _Arundel_ destroyed with a bowlet at the
assault of _Gerborye_,[650] whose stories neuerthelesse are worth
the hearing. And to quicken vp your spirites, I will take vpon
mee a tragicall person in deede, I meane king _Iamy_ slayn by his
seruauntes in his priuy chamber: who although he be a _Scot_,
yet seeing hee was brought vp in _England_, where hee learned
the language, his example also so notable, it were not meete it
should bee forgotten. And therfore marke, _Baldwine_, what, I
thinke, he may say.”]
[Howe King _Iames_ the first, for breaking
his othes and bondes, was by God’s
sufferaunce miserably murdered
of his owne subiectes,
Anno 1437.[651]
1.
If for example’s sake thou wrote[652] thy booke,
I charge thee, _Baldwine_, thou forget mee not,
Whom fortune alwayes frowardly forsooke,
Such was my lucke, my merite, or my lot:
I am that _Iames_, king _Robert’s_ sonne, the _Scot_
That was in _England_ prysoner all his youth,
Through mine vncle _Walter’s_ trayterous vntruth.
2.
For when my father through disease and age,
Unwieldy was to gouerne well his land,
Because his brother _Walter_ seemed sage,
Hee put the rule thereof into his hand:
Than had my father (you shall vnderstand)
Of lawfull barnes mee and one only other,
Nempt _Dauy Rothsay_, who was mine elder brother.
3.
This _Dauy_ was prince of _Scotland_, and so take
Till his aduoutry caused men complayne:
Which that hee might by monishment forsake,
My father prayed mine uncle take the payne,
To threaten him his vices to refrayne:
But hee false traytor, bucherly, murdering wretch,
To get the crowne began to fetch a fetch.
4.
And finding now a proffer to his pray,
Deuised meanes my brother to deuour,
And for that cause conuayde him, day by day,
From place to place, from castle vnto towre,
To _Faulkland_ fort, where like a tormentour
Hee starued him, and put to death a wife
Whom through a reede hee suckt to saue his life.
5.
O wretched death, fye cruell tyranny,
A prince in pryson lost for want of foode![653]
Was neuer enmy wrought such vilany,
A trusty brother destroy his brother’s bloode:[654]
Woe worth so friendly, fye on double hoode:
Ah, wretched father, see thy sonne is lost,
Starued by thy brother whome thou trustedst most.
6.
Of whom when some beganne to finde the fraud,
(And yet the traytor made himselfe so cleare,
That hee should seeme to haue deserued laud,
So woefull did hee for his prince[655] appeare)
My doubtfull father, louing mee full deare,
T’avoyde[656] all daunger that might after chaunce,
Sent mee away, but nine yeares olde, to _Fraunce_.
7.
But windes and weather were so contrary,
That wee were driuen to the _English_ coast,
Which realme with _Scotland_ at that time did vary,
So that they tooke mee as prysoner,[657] not as[658] hoast:[659]
For which my father, fearing I was[660] lost,
Conceiued shortly such an inward thought,
As to the graue immediatly him brought.
8.
Then had mine uncle all the regiment
At home, and I in _England_ prisoner lay:
For to himselfe hee thought it detriment
For my release any ransome for to pay,
For as hee thought hee had possest his pray:
And therefore wisht I might in duraunce dure
Till I had died, so should his raigne be sure.
9.
But good king _Henry_, seeing I was a childe,
And heyr by right vnto a realme and crowne,
Did bring mee vp, (not like my brother, wilde)
But vertuously, in feates of high renowne,
In liberall artes, in instrumentall sowne:
By meane whereof when I was after king,
I did my realme to ciuill order bring.[661]
10.
For ere I had beene prysoner eighteene yeere,
In which short space two noble princes dyed,
Whereof the first in prudence had no peere,
The other in warre most valiaunt throughly tryed,
Whose roume his sonne babe _Henry_, eke supplyed:
The peeres of _England_ which did gouerne all,
Did of theyr goodnes helpe mee out of thrall.
11.
They maryed mee to a cosin of theyr king,
The duke of _Somerset’s_ daughter rich and fayre,[662]
Releast my ransome saue a trifling thing:
And after I had done homage to th’heyre,[663]
And sworne my frendship neuer should appayre,
They brought mee kingly furnisht to my land,
Which I receaued at mine vncle’s hand.
12.
Whereof my lords and commons were full glad,
So was mine vncle chiefly, as hee sayde,
Who in his mouth no other matter had,
Saue punish such as had my brother trayed:
The fault whereof apparauntly hee layed
To good duke _Murdo_, his elder brother’s sonne,
Whose father dyed long ere this was done.
13.
My cursed vncle, slyer than the snake,
Which would by craft vnto the crowne aspire,
Because hee sawe this _Murdo_[664] was a stake
That stayed vp the top of his desire,
(For his elder brother was duke _Murdoe’s_ syre)[664]
Hee thought it best to haue him made away,
So was hee sure (I gone) to haue his pray.
14.
And by his craftes the traytour brought to passe,
That I destroyde duke _Murdo_ and his kin,
Poore innocents, my louing friendes, alas:
O kinges, and princes, what plight stand wee in,
A trusted traytour shall you quickly win,
To put to death your kin and friendes most iust:
Take heede therefore, take heede whose reede yee trust.
15.
And at the last to bring mee whole in hate
With God and man, at home and eke abrode,
Hee counsayl’d mee, for suraunce of my state
To help the _Frenchmen_, then nigh ouertrode
By _Englishmen_: and more to lay on lode,
With power and force all _England_ to inuade,
Against the oth and homage that I made.
16.
And though at first my conscience did grudge,
To breake the boundes of friendship knit by oth,
Yet after proofe (see mischiefe) I did iudge
It madnes for a king to keepe his troth,
And semblably with all the world it goth:
Sinnes oft assayde are thought to bee no sinne,
So soyleth sinne the soule it sinketh in.
17.
But as diseases common cause of death,
Bring daunger most when least they pricke and smart,
Which is a signe they haue expulst the breath
Of liuely heate, which doth defend the heart:
Euen so such sinnes as felt are on no part
Haue conquered grace, and by theyr wicked vre
So kild the soule, that it can haue no cure.
18.
And grace agate, vice still succedeth vice,
And all to haste the vengeaunce for the furst,
I areade therefore all people to bee wise,
And stop the brake when it begins to burst:
Attast no poyson (vice is venim worst,
It mates the minde) beware eke of too much,
All kill through muchnes, some with onely touch.
19.
When I had learnde to set my oth at nought,
And through much vse the sence of sinne exiled,
Against king _Henry_ what I could, I wrought,
My fayth, my oth, vniustly foule defiled:[665]
And while slye fortune at my doings smyled,
The wrath of God, which I had well deserued,
Fell on my necke, for thus loe was I serued.
20.
Ere I had raygned fully fifteene yeare,
While time I lay at _Pertho_, at my place,
With the queene my wife and children mee to chare,
My murdring uncle with the double face,
That longed for my kingdome and my mace,
To slay mee there suborned _Robert Grame_,
With whom his nephue, _Robert Stuard_, came.
21.
And when theyr time fit for theyr[666] purpose founde,
Into my priuy chamber they astart,
Where with theyr swordes they gaue mee many a wound,
And slue all such as stuck vnto my part:
There loe my wife did shew her louing heart,
Who, to defend mee, felled one or twayne,
And was sore wounded ere I coulde bee slayne.[667]
22.
See _Baldwine_, _Baldwine_, the vnhappy endes
Of such as passe not for theyr lawfull oth:
Of those that causeles leaue theyr fayth and[668] frendes,
And murder kinsfolkes through their foes vntroth:
Warne, warne all princes, all like sinnes to loth,
And chiefly such as in my realme be borne,
For God hates highly all that[669] are forsworne.][670]
[When[671] this was sayde, quoth[672] one of the company: “Let
passe these _Scottish_ matters, and returne wee to our _English_
storyes which minister matter enough of tragedy, without seking
or trauayling to forayne countreyes. Therefore returne wee to
the rest of the tragicall troubles and broyles which happened in
this realme during the minority of king _Henry_ the sixt, and the
sondry falls and ouerthrowes of great princes and other noble
persons happening thereby.” “Well sayd (qd maister _Ferrers_)
as[673] it happeneth I haue penned here two[674] notable
tragedies, the one of _Humfrey_ duke of _Glocester_, the other
of the duchess _Elianor_ his wife, which (as mee seemeth) be two
of the most memorable matters fortuning in that[675] time: but
whether of them is to bee placed first in[676] the order of our
booke, I somwhat stand in doubt. For albeit the sayd duke’s death
happened before the deceasse of the duches, yet was her fall
first, which finally was cause of both.”[677] “Why should you
doubt then (quod the rest of the company) for seeing the cause
doth alwayes goe before th’effect and sequell of any thing, it
is good reason you should begin with her first. And therefore
wee pray you let vs heare first what shee hath to say: for all
this while wee haue not heard the complaynt of any lady or other
woman.”]
How Dame _Elianor Cobham_ Duchesse of Glocester,
for practising of witchcraft and sorcery,
suffred open penaunce, and after
was banished the realme into
the Ile of Man.
1.
If a poore lady damned in exile
Amongst princes may bee allowed place,
Then, gentle _Baldwine_, stay thy pen a while,
And of pure pitty ponder well my case,
How I a duches, destitute of grace,
Haue found by proofe, as many haue and shall,
The prouerbe true, that pride will haue a fall.
2.
A noble prince extract of royall bloud,
_Humfrey_, sometime protector of this land,
Of _Glocester_ duke, for vertue calde, the good,
When I but base beneath his state did stande,
Vouchsafte with mee to ioyne in wedlocke’s band,
Hauing in court no name of high degree,
But _Elinor Cobham_, as parents left to mee.
3.
And though by birth[678] of noble race I was,
Of baron’s bloud, yet was I thought vnfitte
So high to match, yet so it came to passe,
Whether by grace, good fortune, or by witte,
Dame _Venus’_ lures so in mine eyes did sitte,
As this great prince without respect of state,
Did worthy mee to bee his wedded mate.
4.
His wife I was, and hee my true husband,
Though for a while hee had the company
Of lady _Iaquet_, [the] dutchesse of _Holland_,
Being an heyre of ample patrimony,
But that fell out to bee no matrimony:
For after warre, long sute in lawe, and strife,
Shee proued was the duke of _Brabant’s_ wife.
5.
Thus of a damsell [a] duchesse I became,
My state and place aduaunced next the queene,
Whereby mee thought I felt no ground, but swam,
For in the court mine equall was not seene,
And so possest with pleasure of the spleene,
The sparkes of pride so kindled in my brest,
As I in court would shine aboue the rest.
6.
Such giftes of nature God in mee had graft
Of shape and stature,[679] with other graces moe,
That by the shot of _Cupid’s_ fiery shaft,
Which to the harte of this great prince did goe,
This mighty duke with loue was kindled so,
As hee abasing the height of his degree,
Set his whole hart, to loue and honour mee.
7.
Grudge who so would, to him I was most deere,
Aboue all ladyes[680] aduaunced in degree,
(The queene except) no princesse was my peere,
But gaue mee place, and lordes with cap and knee
Did all honour and reuerence vnto mee:
Thus hoisted high vppon the rolling wheele,
I sate so sure, mee thought I could not reele.
8.
And weening least that fortune hath a turne,
I lookt aloft, and would not looke alowe,
The brondes of pride so in my brest did burne
As the hot sparkes, burst forth in open showe,
And more and more the fire began to glowe
Without quenching, and daily did encrease,
Till fortune’s blastes with shame did make it cease.
9.
For (as tis sayd) pride passeth on afore,
And shame followes, for iust rewarde and meede,
Would God ladyes, both now and euermore,
Of my hard hap, which shall the story reede,
Would beare in mind, and trust it as their creede,
That pryde of hart is a most hatefull vice,
And lowlines, a pearle of passing price.
10.
Namely in queenes, and ladyes of estate,
Within whose mindes all meekenes should abound,
Since high disdayne doth alwayes purchase hate,
Being a vice, that most part doth redound
To their reproach, in whome the same is found,
And seeldome gets good fauour or good fame,
But is at last knit vp with worldly shame.
11.
The proofe wherof I found most true in deede,
That pryde afore, hath shame to wayt behinde:
Let no man doubt, in whom this vice doth breede,
But shame for pride by iustice is assynde,
Which I well found, for truely in my minde
Was neuer none, whome pride did more enflame,
Nor neuer none receiued greater shame.
12.
For not content to bee a duchesse great,
I longed sore to beare the name of queene,
Aspiring still vnto an higher seat,
And with that hope my selfe did ouerweene
Since there was none, which that time was betweene
_Henry_ the king, and my good duke his eame,
Heyre to the crowne and kingdome of this realme.
13.
So neare to bee, was cause of my vayne hope
And long awayte, when this faire hap would fall:
My studies all were tending to that scope,
Alas, the while to councell I did call
Such as would seeme, by skill coniecturall
Of art magique and wicked sorcery,
To deeme and dyuine[681] the prince’s destiny:
14.
Among which sort of those that bare most fame
There was a beldame called the witch of _Ey_,
Old mother _Madge_ her neighbours did her name,[682]
Which wrought wonders in countryes by here say,
Both feendes and fayries her[683] charming would obay:
And dead corpsis[684] from graue shee could vp rere,
Such an inchauntresse [as] that time had no peere.
15.
Two priests also, the one hight _Bolenbroke_,
The other _Suthwell_, [great] clerkes in coniuration,[685]
These two chapleins were they that vndertooke
To cast and calke the kinge’s constellation,[686]
And then to iudge by deepe[687] diuination
Of thinges to come, and who should next succede
To _Englande’s_ crowne, all this was true in deede.
16.
And further sure they neuer did proceede,
Though I confesse that this attempt was ill,
But for my part, for any thing in deede,
Wrought, or else thought, by any kinde of skill,
God is my iudge I neuer had the will,
By any inchauntment, sorcery, or charme,
Or otherwise, to worke my prince’s harme.
17.
Yet nethelesse,[688] when this case came to light
By secrete spies to _Cayphas_, our cardinall,
Who long in hart had borne a priuy spight
To my good duke, his nephue naturall,
Glad of the chaunce so fitly forth to fall,
His long hid hate with justice to color,
Used this case with most extreame rigor.
18.
And caused mee with my complices all,
To bee cyted by processe peremptory,
Before judges, in place judiciall,
Whereas _Cayphas_, sitting in his glory,
Would not allow my aunswere dilatory,
Ne doctor, or proctor, to alledge the lawes,
But forced mee to plead in mine owne cause.
19.
The kinge’s councell were called to the case,
(My husband than shut out for the season)
In whose absence I found but little grace,
For lawyers turned our offence to treason:
And so with rigor, without ruth or reason,
Sentence was gieuen that I for the same
Should doe penaunce, and suffer open shame.
20.
Nay the like shame had neuer wight I weene,
Duches, lady, ne damsel of degree,
As I that was a princesse, next the queene,
Wife to a prince, and none so great as hee,
A kinge’s vncle, protector of his countrey,
With taper burning, shrouded in a sheete,
Three dayes a row, to passe the open streete,
21.
Bareleg’d, and barefoote, to all the worlde’s wonder,
Yea, and as though such shame did not suffise,
With more despite then to part asunder
Mee and my duke, which traytors did deuise
By statute lawe, in most vnlawfull wise,
First sending mee with shame into exile,
Then murdring him by trechery and gyle.
22.
Yea, and besides this cruell banishment,[689]
Far from all friendes to comfort mee in care,
And husband’s death, there was by parliament
Ordayn’d for mee a messe of courser fare:
For they to bryng mee to begger’s state most bare,
By the same act from mee did then withdrawe
Such right of dower, as widowe’s haue by lawe.[690]
23.