THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARECHAL DE MAC-MAHON
May, 1873, to January, 1879
[Illustration: EDME-PATRICE-MAURICE DE MAC-MAHON]
"L'ordre moral," such was the political catchword of the new
administration. Just what it meant was not very clear. In general,
however, it was obviously intended to imply resistance to radicalism
(republicanism) and the maintenance of a strictly conservative policy,
strongly tinged with clericalism.[5] The victors over M. Thiers had
revived their desire of a monarchical restoration and many of them hoped
that the marechal de Mac-Mahon would shortly make way for the comte de
Chambord. But though an anti-republican he was never willing to lend
himself to any really illegal or dishonest manoeuvres, and his sense
of honor was of great help to him in his want of political competence.
So he did not prove the pliant tool of his creators, and his term of
office saw the definite establishment of the Republic.
The first Cabinet was led by the duc de Broglie who took the portfolio
of Foreign Affairs. The new Government was viewed askance by the
conquerors at Berlin, who disliked such an orderly transmission of
powers as an indication of national recovery and stability. Bismarck
even exacted new credentials from the French Ambassador. Meanwhile, the
Minister of the Interior, Beule, proceeded to consolidate the authority
of the new Cabinet by numerous changes in the prefects of the
departments, turning out the "rascals" of Thiers's administration to
make room for appointees more amenable to new orders.
The time now seemed ripe for another effort to establish the monarchy
under the comte de Chambord. It culminated in the "monarchical campaign"
of October, 1873. The monarchical sympathizers were hand-in-glove with
the Clericals and for the most part coincided with them. The Royalists
were inevitably clerical if for no other reason than that monarchy and
religion both seemed to involve continuity, and the legitimacy of the
monarchy had always been blessed by the Church. The revolutionary
Rights of Man were held to be inconsistent with the traditional Rights
of God and the monarchy. Moreover, the founders of the third republic
had, with noteworthy exceptions like the devout Trochu, been mildly
anti-clerical. They were for the most part religious liberals and
deists, rarely atheists, but that was enough to array the bishops, like
monseigneur Pie of Poitiers, against them. Indeed, a quick religious
revival swept over the land, as was shown by numerous pilgrimages,
including one to Paray-le-Monial, home of the cult of the Sacred Heart.
France herself should be consecrated to the Sacred Heart, and the idea
was evolved, afterwards carried out, of the erection of the great votive
basilica of the Sacre Coeur on the heights of Montmartre.
The first step toward the restoration of "Henry V" was to persuade the
comte de Paris to make new efforts for a fusion of the two branches.
Swallowing his pride, the comte de Paris generously went to the home of
the comte de Chambord at Frohsdorf, in Austria, in August, and paid his
respects to him as head of the family. As the comte de Chambord had no
children, it was expected that the comte de Paris would be his
successor. But the old difficulty about the white flag cropped up, and
the comte de Chambord stubbornly refused to rule over a country above
which waved the revolutionary tricolor.
Matters dragged on through the summer, during the parliamentary recess,
and the conservative leaders were outspoken as to their plans to
overthrow the Republic. It was hoped that some compromise might be
reached by which could be reconciled, as to the flag, the desires of the
Assembly which was expected to recall the pretender and those of the
comte de Chambord who considered his divinely inspired will superior to
that of the representatives of the people. It was suggested that the
question of the flag might be settled _after_ his accession to the
throne. The embassy to Salzburg, in October, of M. Chesnelong, an
emissary of a committee of nine of the Royalist leaders, achieved only a
half-success, but left matters sufficiently indeterminate to encourage
them in continuing their plans. Matters seemed progressing swimmingly
when, on October 27, an unexpected letter from the pretender to M.
Chesnelong categorically declared that _nothing_ would induce him to
sacrifice the white banner.
The effect of this letter was to make all hopes of a restoration
impossible. Everybody knew that the majority of Frenchmen would never
give up their flag for the white one, whether this were dignified by the
name of "standard of Arques and Ivry," or whether one called it
irreverently a "towel," as did Pope Pius IX, impatient at the obstinacy
of the comte de Chambord. In the midst of the general confusion only one
thing seemed feasible if governmental anarchy were to be avoided,
namely, the prorogation of Mac-Mahon's authority, as a rampart against
rising democracy and a permanent republic. This condition the Orleanist
Right Centre turned to their advantage. By a vote of November 20, the
executive power was conferred for a definite period of seven years on
the marechal de Mac-Mahon. Thus a head of the nation was provided who
might perhaps outlast the Assembly. The vote might be interpreted either
as the beginning of a permanent republican regime, as it proved to be,
or as the establishment of a definite interlude in anticipation of a new
attempt to set up a monarchy, this time to the advantage of the younger
branch. Many hoped that the comte de Chambord would soon be dead, his
white flag forgotten, and the way open to the comte de Paris. The
Orleanists were pleased by this latter idea, the Republicans were glad
to have the republican regime recognized for, at any rate, seven years
to come, accompanied by the promise of a constitutional commission of
thirty members. The Legitimists alone were disappointed, and, oblivious
of the fact that the comte de Chambord had lost through his folly, they
were before long ready to vent their wrath on Mac-Mahon and his adviser,
the duc de Broglie, who was responsible for the presidential
prorogation.
The pretender had been completely taken aback at the impression produced
by his letter. Convinced of his divinely inspired omniscience, and
certain that he was the foreordained ruler of France, he had thought
that the Assembly would give way on the question of the flag, or that
the army would follow him, or that Mac-Mahon would yield. His state
coach had been made ready and a military uniform awaited him at a
tailor's. He hastened in secret to Versailles, where he remained for a
while in retirement to watch events, and where Mac-Mahon refused to see
him. Then, after the vote on the presidency, he sadly returned into
exile forever.
Never was a greater service done to France than when the comte de
Chambord refused to give up his flag. Completely out of touch with the
country through a life spent in exile, inspired with the feeling of his
divine rights and their superiority to the will of democracy, he would
scarcely have ascended the throne before some conflict would have broken
out and the history of France would have registered one revolution more.
The duc de Broglie had considered it good form to resign after the vote
of November 20, but Mac-Mahon immediately entrusted to him the selection
of a second Cabinet. In this Cabinet the portfolio of Foreign Affairs
was given to the duc Decazes, a skilled diplomat, but the Legitimists
were offended by some of the cabinet changes and their dislike of the
duc de Broglie gradually became more acute. Finally, after several
months of parliamentary skirmishing the second Broglie Cabinet fell
before a coalition vote of Republicans and extreme Royalists with a few
Bonapartists, on May 16, 1874. The Right Centre and Left Centre had
unsuccessfully joined in support of the Cabinet. The nation was taking
another step toward republican control and the overthrow of the
conservatives.
From now on, Mac-Mahon's task became increasingly difficult. After the
split in the conservative majority it was necessary to rely on
combination ministries, representing different sets and harder to
reconcile or to propitiate. The result of Mac-Mahon's first efforts was
a Cabinet led by a soldier, General de Cissey, and having no pronounced
political tendencies.
Party differences were becoming accentuated. The downfall of the Broglie
Cabinet had been largely due to the extreme Royalists and the Orleanists
could not forgive them. The situation was made worse by differences in
interpretation of the law of November 20, establishing the "septennat"
of the marechal de Mac-Mahon. Some of the Monarchists maintained the
"septennat personnel," namely, the election of one specific person to
hold office for seven years, with the idea that he could withdraw at any
time in favor of a king. Others interpreted the law as establishing a
"septennat impersonnel," a definite truce of seven years, which should
still hold even if Mac-Mahon had to be replaced before the expiration of
the time by another President. Then, they hoped, their enemy Thiers
would be dead. The Republicans were, of course, desirous of making the
impersonal "septennat" lead to a permanent republic, and declared that
Mac-Mahon was not the President of a seven years' republic, but
President, for seven years, of the Republic.
In this state of affairs the Bonapartists now became somewhat active
again. Strangely enough, the disasters of 1870 were already growing
sufficiently remote for some of the anti-Republicans to turn again to
the prospect of empire. This menace frightened the moderate Royalists
into what they had kept hesitating to do; that is to say, into spurring
to activity the purposely inactive and dilatory constitutional
commission.
The stumbling-block was the recognition of the Republic itself and the
admission that the form of government existing in France was to be
permanent. There was much parliamentary skirmishing over various plans,
rejected one after the other, inclining in turn toward the Republic and
a monarchy. Finally, some of the Monarchists, discouraged by the rising
tide of "radicalism," and frightened lest unwillingness to accept a
conservative republic now might result still worse for them in the
future, rallied in support of the motion of M. Wallon, known as the
"amendement Wallon," which was adopted by a vote of 353 to 352 (January,
1875): "The President of the Republic is elected by absolute majority of
votes by the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies united as a National
Assembly. He is chosen for seven years and is re-eligible."
In this vote the fateful statement was made concerning the election of a
President other than Mac-Mahon and the transmission of power in a
republic. The third Republic received its definite consecration by a
majority of _one vote_.
The vote on the Wallon amendment dealt with only one article of a
project not yet voted as a whole, but it was the crossing of the
Rubicon. The other articles were adopted by increased majorities.
The Ministry of General de Cissey had already resigned upon a minor
question, but had held over at the President's request. Mac-Mahon now
asked the Monarchist M. Buffet to form a conservative conciliation
Cabinet, which was made up almost entirely from the Right Centre
(Orleanists) and the Left Centre (moderate Republicans) and accepted at
first by the Republican Left. By this Cabinet still one more step was
taken toward Republican preponderance.
During the Buffet Ministry three important matters occupied public
attention. One was the completion of the new constitution. A second was
the creation of "free" universities, not under control of the State.
This step was advocated in the name of intellectual freedom, but the
whole scheme was backed by the Catholics and merely resulted in the
creation of Catholic faculties in several great cities. A third matter
was the intense anxiety over the prospect of a rupture with Germany.
Bismarck was renewing his policy of pin-pricks. The French army had been
strengthened by a battalion to every regiment, and so Bismarck
complained of the strictures of French and Belgian bishops on his
anti-papal policy. Whether he only meant to humiliate France still more,
or whether he actually desired a new rupture so as to crush the country
finally, is not clear. At any rate, with the aid of England and
especially of Russia, France showed that she was not helpless, and
Bismarck protested that he was absolutely friendly.
By the close of 1875, the measures constituting the new Government had
been voted and, on December 31, the Assembly, which had governed France
since the Franco-Prussian War, was dissolved to make way for the new
legislature. During the succeeding elections M. Buffet's Cabinet,
antagonized by the Republicans and rent by internal dissensions, went to
pieces, M. Buffet personally suffered disastrously at the polls. The
slate was clear for a totally new organization. The Assembly had done
many a good service, but its dilatoriness in establishing a permanent
government, its ingratitude to M. Thiers, its clericalism, and its
stubbornness in trying to foist a king on the people made it pass away
unregretted by a country which had far outstripped it in republicanism.
The "Constitution of 1875," under which, with some modifications, France
is still governed, is not a single document constructed _a priori_, like
the Constitution of the United States. It was partly the result of the
evolution of the National Assembly itself, partly the result of
compromises and dickerings between hostile groups. Particularly, it
expressed the jealousy of a monarchical assembly for a President of a
republic, and the desire, therefore, to keep power in the hands of its
own legislative successor. The Assembly took it for granted that the
Chamber of Deputies would have the same opinions as itself. As a matter
of fact, the political complexion of the legislature has been
consistently toward radicalism, and the result has hindered a strong
executive and promoted legislative demagogy.
The Constitution of 1875 may be considered as consisting of the
Constitutional Law of February 25, relating to the organization of the
public powers (President, Senate, Chamber of Deputies, Ministers,
etc.); the Constitutional Law of the previous day, February 24, relating
to the organization of the Senate; the Constitutional Law of July 16, on
the relations of the public powers. Subsidiary "organic laws" voted
later determined the procedure for the election of Senators and
Deputies. The vote of February 25 was the crucial one in the definite
establishment of the Republican regime. The Constitution has undergone
certain slight modifications since its adoption.
By the Constitution of 1875 the government of the French Republic was
vested in a Senate and a Chamber of Deputies. The Senate consisted of
300 members, of whom 75 were chosen for life by the expiring Assembly,
their successors to be elected by co-optation in the Senate itself. The
other 225, chosen for nine years and renewable by thirds, were to be
elected by a method of indirect selection. In 1884, the choice of life
Senators ceased and the seats, as they fell vacant, have been
distributed among the Departments of the country. The Deputies were
elected by universal suffrage for a period of four years. Unless a
candidate obtained an absolute majority of the votes cast, the election
was void, and a new one was necessary. Except during the period from
1885 to 1889, the Deputies have represented districts determined, unless
for densely populated ones, by the administrative _arrondissements_.
From 1885 to 1889, the _scrutin de liste_ was in operation: the _whole_
Department voted on a ticket containing as many names as there were
_arrondissements_. The prerogatives of the two houses were identical
except that financial measures were to originate in the Chamber of
Deputies. As a matter of fact, the Senate has fallen into the
background, and the habit of considering the vote of the Chamber rather
than that of the Senate as important in a change of Ministry has made it
the true source of government in France. The two houses met at
Versailles until 1879; since then Paris has been the capital, except for
the election of a President. After separate decision by each house to do
so, or the request of the President, they could meet in joint assembly
as a Constitutional Convention to revise the constitution.
The Senate and Chamber, united in joint session as a National Assembly,
were to choose a President for a definite term of seven years, not to
fill out an incomplete term vacated by another President. The President
could be re-elected. With the consent of the Senate he could dissolve
the Chamber, but this restriction made the privilege almost inoperative
in practice. He was irresponsible, the nominal executive and figurehead
of the State, but all his acts had to be countersigned by a responsible
Minister, by which his initiative was greatly reduced. In fact the
President had really less power than a constitutional king.
The real executive authority was in the hands of the Cabinet, headed by
a Premier or _President du conseil_.[6] The Ministry was responsible to
the Senate and Chamber (in practice, as we have seen, to the Chamber),
and was expected to resign as a whole if put by a vote in the minority.
By custom the President selects the Premier from the majority and the
latter selects his colleagues in the Cabinet, trying to make them
representatives of the wishes of the Parliament. The French Republic is
therefore managed by a parliamentary government.
The first elections under the new constitution resulted very much as
might be expected: the Senate became in personnel the true successor of
the Assembly, the Chamber of Deputies contained most of the new men. The
Senate was conservative and monarchical, the Chamber was republican.
Therefore, the President of the Republic entrusted the formation of a
Ministry to M. Jules Dufaure, of the Left Centre, the views of which
group differed hardly at all from those of the Right Centre, except in a
full acceptance of the new conditions. Unfortunately, M. Dufaure found
it impossible to ride two horses at once and to satisfy both the
conservative Senate and the majority in the Chamber of more advanced
Republicans than himself. He mistrusted the Republican leader Gambetta,
though the latter was now far more moderate, and he sympathized too much
with the Clericals to suit the new order of things. So his Cabinet
resigned (December 2, 1876), less than nine months after its
appointment, and the marechal de Mac-Mahon felt it necessary, very much
against his will, to call to power Jules Simon. He had previously tried
unsuccessfully to form a Cabinet from the Right Centre under the duc de
Broglie.
The duc de Broglie remained, however, the power behind the throne. The
President was under the political advice of the conservative set, whose
firm conviction he shared, that the new Republic was advancing headlong
into irreligion. The course of political events now took on a strong
religious flavor. Jules Simon was a liberal, which was considered a
misfortune, though he announced himself now as "deeply republican and
deeply conservative." But people knew his unfriendly relations with
Gambetta, which dated from 1871, when he checkmated the dictator at
Bordeaux. It was hoped that open dissension might break out in the
Republican party which would justify measures tending to a conservative
reaction, and help tide over the time until 1880. Then the constitution
might be revised at the expiration of Mac-Mahon's term and the monarchy
perhaps restored.
Gambetta was, however, now a very different man. Discarding his former
unbending radicalism, he was now the advocate of the "political policy
of results," or _opportunism_, a method of conciliation, of compromise,
and of waiting for the favorable opportunity. This was to be,
henceforth, the policy closely connected with his name and fame. So
Jules Simon soon was sacrificed.
The efforts of the Clerical party bore chiefly in two directions:
control of education and advocacy of increased papal authority,
particularly of the temporal power of the Pope, dispossessed of his
states a few years before by the Government of Victor Emmanuel. This
latter course could only tend to embroil France with Italy. So convinced
was Gambetta of the unwise and disloyal activities of the Ultramontanes
that on May 4, in a speech to the Chamber, he uttered his famous cry:
"Le clericalisme, voila l'ennemi!"
Jules Simon found himself in a very difficult position. Desirous of
conciliating Mac-Mahon and his clique, he adopted a policy somewhat at
variance with his former liberal religious views. On the other hand, he
could not satisfy the President, who had always disliked him, or those
who had determined upon his overthrow. The crisis came on May 16, 1877,
when Mac-Mahon, taking advantage of some very minor measures, wrote a
haughty and indignant letter to Jules Simon, to say that the Minister no
longer had his confidence. Jules Simon, backed up by a majority in the
Chamber, could very well have engaged in a constitutional struggle with
Mac-Mahon, but he rather weakly resigned the next day.[7] Thus was
opened the famous conflict known in French history, from its date, as
the "Seize-Mai."
No sooner was Jules Simon out of the way than Mac-Mahon appointed a
reactionary coalition Ministry of Orleanists and Imperialists headed by
the duc de Broglie, and held apparently ready in waiting. The Ministers
were at variance on many political questions, but united as to
clericalism. The plan was to dissolve the Republican Chamber with the
co-operation of the anti-Republican Senate, in the hope that a new
election, under official pressure, would result in a monarchical lower
house also. The Chamber of Deputies was therefore prorogued until June
16 and then dissolved. At the meeting of May 18, the Republicans
presented a solid front of 363 in their protest against the high-handed
action of the marechal de Mac-Mahon.
[Illustration: LEON GAMBETTA]
The new Cabinet began by a wholesale revocation of administrative
officials throughout the country, and spent the summer in unblushing
advocacy of its candidates. Those favored by the Government were so
indicated and their campaign manifestoes were printed on official white
paper.[8] The Republicans united their forces to support the re-election
of the 363 and gave charge of their campaign to a committee of eighteen
under the inspiring leadership of Gambetta. In a great speech at Lille,
Gambetta declared that the President would have to "give in or give up"
(_se soumettre ou se demettre_), for which crime of _lese-majeste_ he
was condemned by default to fine and imprisonment. In September, Thiers,
the great leader of the early Republic, died, and his funeral was made
the occasion of a great manifestation of Republican unity. Finally, in
spite of governmental pressure and the pulpit exhortations of the
clergy, the elections in October resulted in a new Republican Chamber.
The reactionary Cabinet was face to face with as firm an opposition as
before.
The duc de Broglie, in view of this crushing defeat, was ready to
withdraw, and Mac-Mahon, after some hesitation, accepted his
resignation. Mac-Mahon's own fighting blood was up, however, and he
tried the experiment of an extra-parliamentary Ministry led by General
de Rochebouet, the members of which were conservatives without seats in
Parliament. But the Chamber refused to enter into relations with it, and
as the budget was pressing and the Senate was not disposed to support a
second dissolution, Mac-Mahon had to submit and the Rochebouet Cabinet
withdrew.
Thus ended Mac-Mahon's unsuccessful attempt to exert his personal power.
The Seize-Mai has sometimes been likened to an abortive _coup d'etat_.
The parallel is hardly justifiable. Mac-Mahon would have welcomed a
return of the monarchy at the end of his term of office, but he
intended to remain faithful to the constitution, however much he might
strain it or interpret it under the advice of his Clerical managers, and
though he might have been willing to use troops to enforce his wishes.
One unfortunate result ensued: the crisis left the Presidency still more
weak. Any repetition of Mac-Mahon's experiment of dissolving the Chamber
would revive accusations against one of his successors of attempting a
_coup d'etat_. There have been times when the country would have
welcomed the dissolution by a strong President of an incompetent
Chamber. Unfortunately, Mac-Mahon stood for the reactionaries against
the Republic. His course of action would be a dangerous precedent.
The new order of things was marked by the advent of another Dufaure
Ministry, very moderate in tendency, but acceptable to the majority.
Most of the high-handed doings of the Broglie Cabinet were revoked, much
to the disgust of Mac-Mahon, who frequently lost his temper when obliged
to sign documents of which he disapproved. Finally, in January, 1879, in
a controversy with his Cabinet over some military transfers, Mac-Mahon
resigned, over a year before the expiration of his term of office.
Moreover, at the recent elections to the Senate the Republicans had
obtained control of even that body. Thus he was alone, with both houses
and the Ministry against him.
In spite of the unfortunate endless internal dissensions, France made
great strides in national recovery during the Presidency of Mac-Mahon.
His rank and military title gave prestige to the Republic in presence of
the diplomats of European monarchies, the German crisis of 1875 showed
that Bismarck was not to have a free hand in crushing France, the
participation of France in the Congress of Berlin enabled the country to
take a place again among the European Powers. Finally, the International
Exhibition of 1878 was an invitation to the world to witness the
recovery of France from her disasters and to testify to her right to
lead again in art and industry.
The Presidency of Mac-Mahon shows the desperate efforts of the
Monarchists to overthrow the Republic, and then to control it in view of
an ultimate Restoration, either by obstructing the vote of a
constitution or by hindering its operation. Throughout, the Monarchists
and the Clericals work together or are identical. The end of his term of
office found the whole Government in the hands of the Republicans.
FOOTNOTES:
[5] Clericalism does not imply political activity on the part of the
clergy alone, but quite as much of laymen strongly in favor of the
Church.
[6] Before the Constitution of 1875, the Premier was only
_vice-president du conseil_.
[7] The Chamber, on May 12, had expressed itself in favor of the
publicity of meetings of municipal councils, during the absence of the
Minister of the Interior. On May 15, it had passed the second reading of
a law, opposed by Jules Simon, on the freedom of the press.
[8] In France only official posters may be printed on white paper.