In 1617, the salary of poet-laureat was settled on him for life by King

James, and he published his works in one folio volume. His fame, both as

to poetry and learning, was now so fully established, that he was

invited to the University of Oxford by several members, and particularly

by Dr. Corbet, of Christ Church. That college was his residence during

his stay, and he was created Master of Arts in full convocation, in

July, 1619. In the following October, on the death of Daniel, he

received the appointment of Poet-laureat, after having discharged the

duties of the office for some time. At the latter end of this year he

travelled into Scotland on foot, to visit his correspondent, Drummond of

Hawthornden. Jonson had formed a design of writing on the history and

geography of Scotland, and had received some curious documents from

Drummond. The acquisition of additional materials appears to have been

the main object of his journey. In the freedom of social intercourse, he

expressed his sentiments strongly concerning the authors and poets of

his own time. Drummond committed the heads of their conversations to

writing, and has been severely censured on account of what he has left

us concerning his guest. He says that he was “a great lover and praiser

of himself; a contemner and scorner of others; chusing rather to lose

his friend than his jest; jealous of every word and action of those

about him, especially after drink, which was one of the elements in

which he lived; a dissembler of the parts which reigned in him; a

bragger of some good that he wanted; he thought nothing right, but what

either himself or some of his friends had said or done. He was

passionately kind and angry; careless either to gain or keep;

vindictive, but if he was well answered, greatly chagrined; interpreting

the best sayings and deeds often to the worst. He was for either

religion, being versed in both; oppressed with fancy, which

over-mastered his reason, a general disease among the poets.” Drummond’s

letters exhibit Jonson in a much more favourable light; and this

inconsistency may, perhaps, be explained by supposing that they exhibit

the Scotch poet’s deliberate opinion of his guest, while the strictures

contained in his loose notes were probably penned in a moment of

irritation, to which he appears to have been subject. If, indeed, the

received notions of Jonson’s heat of temper had any foundation, we may

suppose him and his northern host to have been occasionally so far

advanced in disputation, that “testy Drummond could not speak for

fretting.” Jonson recorded his adventures on this journey in a poem,

which was accidentally burnt; a loss which he lamented in another poem

called “An Execration upon Vulcan.”

The laureateship obliged him annually to provide, besides other

entertainments of the court, the Christmas Masque: of these we have a

series in his works, from 1615 to 1625. In 1625, his comedy called The

Staple of News was exhibited. In 1627, The New Inn was performed at the

Blackfriars theatre, and deservedly hissed off the stage. Three of

Jonson’s plays underwent that fate. He was so much incensed against the

town, that in 1631 he published it with the following title: “The New

Inn, or the Light Heart, a comedy; as it was never acted, but most

negligently played, by some, the king’s servants, and more squeamishly

beheld and censured by others, the king’s subjects, 1629; and now at

last set at liberty to the readers.” To this he annexed an ode to

himself, threatening to leave the stage, which was sarcastically

parodied by Owen Feltham, a writer of note, and author of a book called

“Resolves.” Jonson’s mingled foibles and excellencies are pleasantly

touched by Sir John Suckling, in his “Session of the Poets.” An

improbable story is told by Cibber, and repeated by Smollet, that in

1629, Ben, being reduced to distress, and living in an obscure alley,

petitioned his Majesty to assist him in his poverty and sickness; but

that, on receiving ten pounds, he said to the messenger who brought the

donation, “His Majesty has sent me ten pounds, because I am poor and

live in an alley: go and tell him that his soul lives in an alley.” His

annual pension had been increased from a hundred marks to a hundred

pounds, with the welcome addition of a yearly tierce of Canary wine. He

received from the king a further present of one hundred pounds in that

very year, which he acknowledged in an epigram published in his works.

Could he, as he does in his “Epistle Mendicant,” have further solicited

the Lord Treasurer for relief in 1631, had he been guilty of such an

insult to royalty in 1629? There is reason to believe that he had

pensions from the city, and from several of the nobility and gentry;

particularly from Mr. Sutton, the founder of the Charter-house. Yet,

with all these helps, his finances were unredeemed from disorder.

In his distress, he came upon the stage again, in spite of his last

defeat. Two comedies without a date, “The Magnetic Lady,” and “The Tale

of a Tub,” belong to these latter compositions, which Dryden has called

his dotages; at all events, they are the dotages of Jonson. Alexander

Gill, a poetaster of the times, attacked him with brutal fury, on

account of his “Magnetic Lady.” Gill was a bad man as well as a bad

poet; and Jonson availed himself of his adversary’s weak points in a

short but cutting reply. His last masque was performed July 30, 1634,

and the only piece extant of later date is his “New Year’s Ode for

1635.” He died of palsy, August 6, 1637, in his sixty-third year, and

was buried in Westminster Abbey. His grave-stone only bears the quaint

inscription,—“O RARE BEN JONSON!”

In the beginning of 1638, elegies on his death were published, under the

title of “Jonsonius Virbius, or, the Memory of Ben Jonson Revived, by

the Friends of the Muses.” This collection contains poems by Lord

Falkland, Lord Buckhurst, Sir John Beaumont, Sir Thomas Hawkins, Mr.

Waller, Mayne, Cartwright, Waryng, the author of “Effigies Amoris,” and

other contributors of note. In 1640, the former volume of his works was

reprinted; with a second, containing the rest of his plays, masques, and

entertainments; Underwoods; English Grammar; his translation of Horace’s

Art of Poetry; and Discoveries. The latter is a prose work of various

and extensive learning, containing opinions on all subjects, worthy to

be weighed even at this distant period. In 1716, his works were

reprinted in six volumes octavo. Another edition appeared in 1756, under

the care of Mr. Whalley, of St. John’s, Oxford, with notes, and the

addition of a comedy not inserted in any former edition, called “The

Case is Altered.” But all former editions are superseded in value by

that of Mr. Gifford.

Jonson was married, and had children; particularly a son and a daughter,

both celebrated by him in epitaphs at their death; but none of his

children survived him.

As a dramatic writer, he is remarkable for judgment in the arrangement

of his plots; a happy choice of characters; and skill in maintaining

character throughout the piece. The manners of the most trifling persons

are always consistent. Dryden censures him for exhibiting _mechanic

humour_, “Where men were dull and conversation low.” This remark is so

far just, that Jonson chiefly aimed at mirth by the contrast and

collision of what Dryden terms _humour_. The reader, however, would do

the dramatist injustice, were he to apply the word humour to him in its

modern and confined sense. Jonson cultivated it according to a more

philosophical definition; as a technical term for characters swayed and

directed by some predominant passion, the display of which, under

various circumstances, formed the strength of the comedy. Among the

writers of that age, Jonson alone perhaps felt all the impropriety

arising from frequent and violent change of scene. Yet Jonson himself,

who disapproved of Shakspeare’s practice in that particular, was not

wholly free from it, as Dryden has remarked with some appearance of

triumph. Pope has touched on his genius in respect to dramatic poetry.

He says,—“That when Jonson got possession of the stage, he brought

critical learning into vogue; and this was not done without difficulty,

which appears from those frequent lessons, and indeed almost

declamations, which he was forced to prefix to his first plays, and put

into the mouths of his actors the grex, chorus, &c., to remove the

prejudices and reform the judgment of his hearers. Till then the English

authors had no thoughts of writing upon the model of the ancients; their

tragedies were only histories in dialogue, and their comedies followed

the thread of any novel as they found it, no less implicitly than if it

had been true history.” In fact, this author’s object was to found a

reputation on understanding, and submitting to the discipline of the

ancient stage; but his success fell short of his just expectations, and

he growls on every occasion against the rude taste of an age which

preferred to his laboured and well-concocted scenes, the more glowing,

wild, and irregular effusions of his unlearned contemporaries. Beyond

this there appears nothing to confirm the eagerly propagated opinion of

his pride and malignity, at least in the earlier part of his life. At

that time he contributed an encomium to almost every play or poem that

appeared, from Shakspeare down to the translator of Du Bartas. His

antagonist, Decker, seems to hint at a personal failing, seldom allied

to malignity, when, in the “Satiromastix,” Sir Vaughan says to Horace,

that is, Jonson, “I have some cousin-german at court shall beget you the

reversion of the master of the king’s revels, or else to be his _Lord of

Misrule_ now at Christmas.” We have already quoted Drummond to the

purport, that “drink was one of the elements in which he lived;” which

accounts but too well for the poverty of his latter days, in spite of

royal and noble munificence. In reference to this unfortunate

propensity, the following amusing story is told:—Camden had recommended

him to Sir Walter Raleigh, who trusted him with the care and education

of his eldest son Walter, a gay spark, who could not brook Ben’s

rigorous treatment; but perceiving one foible in his disposition, made

use of that to throw off the yoke of his government. This was an unlucky

habit Ben had contracted, through his love of jovial company, of being

overtaken with liquor, which Sir Walter did of all vices most abominate,

and hath most exclaimed against. One day, when Ben had taken a plentiful

dose, and was fallen into a sound sleep, young Raleigh got a great

basket, and a couple of men, who laid Ben in it, and then with a pole

carried him between their shoulders to Sir Walter, telling him their

young master had sent home his tutor.

[Illustration:

_Engraved by J. Posselwhite._

CANOVA.

_From a Picture by_

Sir Thomas Lawrence,

_in the possession of the Abate Canova at Rome_.

Under the Superintendance of the Society for the Diffusion of Useful

Knowledge.

_London, Published by Charles Knight, Ludgate Street, & Pall Mall

East._

]

[Illustration]

CANOVA.

About the middle of the last century the art of Sculpture, which had

been long on the decline, may be said to have reached the lowest point

to which it has sunk since the revival of the arts; for, although the

seventeenth century was the great æra of bad taste, the genius which was

often apparent in the mannered productions of that time, no longer

survived in those of the imitators who succeeded. The works of Bernini

in Italy, and of Puget in France, both men of extraordinary talent but

most mistaken principles, were still regarded as types of excellence.

Their fame still produced a host of followers, who, with perhaps the

single exception of Duquesnoy, called Fiammingo, naturally aimed at the

extravagances and peculiarities of their models; and the consequence

was, a constantly increasing deviation from nature, and a total

misconception of the style and limits of the art. The works which were

produced in Rome about the period alluded to, thus fluctuated between

manner and insipidity; till the art had relapsed into a state of such

lethargic mediocrity, that even sculptors of note, such as Cavaceppi,

Pacetti, and Albacini, were content to occupy themselves in restoring

and mending antique statues. But the germs of a better taste, and a more

rational imitation, were already expanding. If the mania for collecting

antique statues had the temporary effect of paralysing invention in the

artist, and diverting the means of patronage, a gradual appreciation of

the principles of ancient art was, nevertheless, the result; while the

illustration and description of museums, and the works of Winkelmann,

all tended to awaken the attention of the connoisseur to the amazing

difference between the ill-advised caprices of the Bernini school and

the sagacious simplicity of the ancients.

These circumstances concurred ultimately to work a change and an

improvement of taste among the artists themselves, and thus prepared a

better æra of sculpture. The partiality of the Italians may be excused,

when they attribute the reformation of the art to the single efforts of

Canova, although the designs of Flaxman, composed about the same time

that the Italian artist was beginning his career, exhibit a more decided

feeling for the long-lost purity of the antique, and a more thorough

comprehension of the style and language of sculpture, than we find in

the works of his continental contemporaries. But it is time to give a

more particular account of the subject of this memoir.

Antonio Canova was born A.D. 1757, at Possagno, a small town in the

province of Treviso. His father, Pietro Canova, was a stonemason and

builder; and the first occupation of the future sculptor taught him to

use the chisel with dexterity. At the age of fourteen, he was introduced

to the notice of Giovanni Faliero, a Venetian senator, who used annually

to pass the autumn near Possagno. By the kind assistance of this

nobleman, the young Canova was placed with one Torretti, a sculptor who

had studied in Venice, and who resided in a neighbouring town. On the

return of this artist to Venice, Canova accompanied him. A year

afterwards however Torretti died, and the young sculptor, unwilling to

continue with Ferrari, his master’s nephew and heir, established himself

in a _studio_ of his own. While with Ferrari, he produced his first

work, a pair of baskets of fruit and flowers, done for the noble

Faliero. They are still to be seen in the stair-case of the Farsetti

palace, in Venice, more generally known as the Albergo della Gran

Bretagna. The same patron next employed him on two statues of Orpheus

and Eurydice, preserved in the villa of Pradazzi, near Possagno. After

one or two other less important performances, he executed his Dædalus

and Icarus, for the Procurator Pisani. In all these works he aimed at a

close imitation of individual nature, and this was carried so far in the

Dædalus, that, when it was afterwards shown in Rome, the sculptor was

hardly believed when he asserted that it was not moulded from a living

model.

The imitation of the softness, surface, and accidents of skin was an

early excellence and a lasting peculiarity of Canova; and however he may

have been smitten with the antique statues in Rome, it is certain that,

while in Venice, where he remained till the age of twenty-two, he paid

little attention to the specimens of ancient art in the Farsetti

Gallery. It is probable that the prejudice against the antique, which

had prevailed ever since Bernini’s time, was hardly yet effaced in

Venice; and if Canova’s admiration of the ancients increased in Rome, it

was undoubtedly greatly owing to the opinion and examples of those among

whom he had the good fortune to be first thrown.

In 1779, Girolamo Zulian being appointed ambassador of the Republic at

Rome, Faliero recommended Canova to his notice. The young sculptor had

already determined to visit the metropolis of the arts, and soon

followed the ambassador thither. The course of study which he adopted,

founded on the comparison of nature with the best specimens of art,

showed that he was earnest to improve; and his new patron Zulian, who

had introduced him to the distinguished amateurs and artists residing in

Rome, recommended him to send for a cast of his Dædalus and Icarus, in

order to show them what he had done, and profit by their advice. He did

so, and the day on which that group was submitted to the judgment of the

connoisseurs was a memorable one for Canova. His work by no means

excited unqualified approbation. It was, indeed, so different from the

style which was then prevalent, that his judges remained silent, till

the generous Gavin Hamilton openly declared, that it was a simple

imitation of nature, which showed that the artist had nothing to

unlearn; at the same time reminding him, that although the greatest

artists had always begun thus, they had subsequently refined their taste

by comparison and selection, and their execution by an ampler and larger

treatment; all which, aiming at the grandest impressions of nature, but

by no means departing from nature, approaches what is called the divine

and ideal in art. This opinion, from so good a judge as Hamilton,

delighted Zulian, who asked “what was to be done with the young man?”

“Give him a block of marble,” said Hamilton, “and let him follow his own

feeling.” From this hour the fate of the young artist was decided:

Zulian furnished him with a _studio_ and materials, and he began his

career in Rome.

Canova always spoke with gratitude of Gavin Hamilton, and acknowledged

that he owed to him every sound principle of art. The vast knowledge of

the antique which the Scotch artist possessed, gave more than common

weight and value to his advice respecting its imitation. Canova’s first

work in Rome, was an Apollo crowning himself. The sculptor himself was

not satisfied with it, and felt all the difficulty of uniting a purer

and broader style with a sufficient attention to the details of nature.

His engagements soon after recalled him to Venice, to complete an

unfinished work, the statue of the Marquis Poleni, placed in the Prato

della Valle, at Padua. It was probably hurried, that he might get back

sooner to Rome.

On his return to Rome, he produced his celebrated group of Theseus

sitting on the slain Minotaur. The moment chosen was recommended by

Hamilton, who observed, that it was generally safer for young artists

not to aim at too much action in their subjects. In this composition

Canova endeavoured to infuse still more of the style of the antique, and

he succeeded so well, that the exhibition of it may be considered an

epoch in the art. Quatremère de Quincy (an eminent French sculptor)

spoke of it in these words in 1804:—“This group struck foreigners even

more than the Romans, who were still attached to their accustomed

manner. Nevertheless, Canova, from that time, was considered the

sculptor who was destined to restore good taste, and to reduce the art

to its grand principles.” The fame which this work gained for its author

has been allowed, on all hands, to have been justly awarded; and, after

the efforts of the artist to fix his style and define the mode of

imitation which he believed to be the best, it may be supposed that the

praises he received would have confirmed him in the principles he had

formed to himself, and encouraged him to carry them farther. None of his

Italian biographers, however, have taken sufficient notice of the fact,

that he never followed up the style which is observable in this group.

His subsequent works were undoubtedly more refined in execution and more

anatomically studied; but it is quite certain that he never approached

the breadth of the antique so much in any later works. Hence it would

appear that, in this effort, he was in some degree doing violence to his

real feelings; and having once established his reputation, he was more

likely afterwards to exercise his own unbiassed taste. It was, indeed,

some time before he was occupied on a subject which afforded a display

of the figure.

His next work was the monument of Ganganelli (Clement XIV.), placed in

the Church de’ Santi Apostoli at Rome; in this he was again fortunate.

Its originality and simplicity, for such was the character of the

design, compared with the extravagant compositions of preceding artists,

gave very general satisfaction; but the advocates of the taste of a

former age did not remain silent. Pompeo Battoni, the most celebrated

Italian painter of his day, having condescended to accompany Hamilton to

see the model of the monument while it was in the clay, observed, in

Canova’s hearing, that the young artist had talent, but that it was a

pity he had chosen a bad road, and that it would be better to retrace

his steps while there was time. Hamilton, in consoling Canova

afterwards, reminded him, that it was the style of Pietro da Cortona,

Carlo Maratti, and Bernini, which Battoni considered synonymous with

excellence; and it was the departure from this, in search of the purer

style of sculpture, which he called “the bad road.” The fastidious

Milizia, on the other hand, gave this work unqualified approbation.

The monument of Rezzonico (Clement XIII.), which was the next subject

the sculptor was invited to treat, was begun in 1787, and only placed in

St. Peter’s in 1795. While engaged on this, and the monument of

Ganganelli, other works of less extent were from time to time finished.

Among these were a group of Cupid and Psyche, a group of Venus and

Adonis, which, however, was not executed in marble, and a second

composition of Cupid and Psyche, the one in which Psyche is recumbent.

These were the works which first procured for their author, among his

Italian admirers, the reputation and title of the sculptor of the

Graces; and it was in these that a certain effeminacy of style—at least

what would be so called by less indulgent critics—seemed to supersede

the simplicity, and almost severity, which he had appeared to aim at in

the Theseus and Minotaur. To the same period belong most of the bassi

relievi of Canova. These were composed and executed when his imagination

was warmed by the study of the ancient poets; and although wrought in

the intervals of greater occupations, there can be no doubt that they

received his mature attention, and exhibited the free expression of his

own taste. Of all the works of the artist, these bassi relievi have,

perhaps, been most universally and deservedly condemned; but, defective

as they are, they are still purer in the forms and drapery than the

works of his predecessors.

The monument of Rezzonico completely established Canova’s reputation;

the expression and attitude of the kneeling Pope, and the novelty and

happy execution of the lions, excited the utmost admiration. The figure

of the Genius is again an instance of a total dereliction of the style

of the antique, for a soft and pulpy fleshiness without sufficient

characteristic marking; but even this was found to be new and agreeable,

and the drapery of the figure of Religion was almost the only part of

the work which was criticised. On revisiting Venice, after an illness

brought on by severe application, the Venetian government commissioned

him to execute a monument for the Procurator Angelo Emo, which was

afterwards placed in the arsenal. He returned to Rome to execute this

work; but first revisited his native village, where he was surprised,

and somewhat disconcerted, at finding a fête prepared for his welcome. A

deputation of the inhabitants lined the roads to receive him; the

streets were strewed with laurel; the bells of the campanile, and the

_mortaletti_, usually fired on festivals, saluted him as he entered; and

a band of music accompanied him to his mother’s house. The enthusiasm of

his countrymen went so far, that a statue was erected to him even in

early life, and placed in the Prato della Valle, at Padua.

The Gallery of Portraits: with Memoirs. Volume 3 (of 7) · 第 17 / 20 段