PLATE ARMOUR (1410-about 1600)
It is so very rare to be able to fix the date of a suit of armour at a
particular year that we are forced, in dividing our periods of defensive
armour with any degree of minuteness, to have recourse to the records
existing in monumental effigies. The earliest brasses which show the whole
suit of plate without camail or jupon are those of one of the d'Eresby
family at Spilsby, Lincolnshire, and of Sir John Wylcotes at Great Tew,
Oxon., both dated 1410. In these brasses we find that the camail has
become the Standard of Mail, or collarette, worn under the gorget of
plate. The hauberk is seen beneath the taces and, in the former brass, in
the '_défaut de la cuirasse_', or unprotected part at the junction of arm
and body. In the Great Tew brass this part is protected by oval plates
which, as we have noticed in a preceding chapter, are called motons or
besagues. Hewitt does not seem to have come across these terms in the
course of his very minute investigations, but calls them Croissants or
Gouchets. He quotes a passage from Mathieu de Coucy's _History of Charles
VII_ (p. 560) which runs:--'au-dessous du bras at au vif de son harnois,
par faute et manque d'y avoir un croissant ou gouchet.' Haines, in his
_Monumental Brasses_, mentions the moton, but assigns this name to a piece
of plate rarely met with, shaped to fit under the right armpit only. With
the disappearance of the jupon we see the body defence exposed to view.
The breastplate is globular in form, and below the waist we see the taces
or laminated strips of plate overlapping each other, which at this early
period were attached to a leather lining. As we have seen in the chapter
on the Construction of Armour, at a later period these taces were held
together by sliding rivets, which allowed a certain amount of vertical
play. Plate armour, during the earlier years of the fifteenth century, was
naturally in a somewhat experimental state, and we find frequent examples
of the old forms and fashions in contemporary representations. About the
year 1440 appears a distinct style, called 'Gothic', which, of all types
of defensive armour, is perhaps the most graceful. This term, 'Gothic,' is
as inappropriate, in the relation which it bore, to armour as to
architecture; but its use is so general that we must perforce adopt it for
want of a better. The salient points of Gothic armour are the sweeping
lines embossed on its surfaces (Plate VIII). The cuirass is generally made
in two pieces, an upper and a lower, which allows more freedom for the
body. From the taces are hung Tassets, ending in a point towards the lower
edge. The later form of Gothic breastplate is longer, and the taces fewer
in number. Armour was so frequently remade to suit later fashions, or,
from lack of antiquarian interest, so often destroyed, that there is
little of this Gothic armour existing in England, except those suits which
have been acquired from the Continent by private collectors or public
museums. Almost all of them are incomplete, or, if complete, have been
restored--particularly the leg armour--at a recent date. Perhaps the
finest example of this style is to be found on the 'Beauchamp' effigy in
St. Mary's Church, Warwick. Space will not allow of a full account of the
documents connected with the making of this magnificent figure, which was
executed by Will. Austin, a bronze-founder, and Bartholomew Lambespring, a
goldsmith, in 1454, fifteen years after the death of the Earl. All these
interesting details are given very fully in Blore's _Monumental Remains_.
To students of the constructional side of armour this monument is
particularly valuable because all the fastenings, rivets, and straps are
conscientiously portrayed, not only on the front, but also at the back.
Charles Stothard, the antiquary, when making drawings of the figure for
his work on _Monumental Effigies_, turned it over and discovered this
example of the care and technical ability of the makers. The breastplate
is short, and consequently the taces are more numerous than when the
breastplate is longer. They consist of five lames. From the taces hang
four tassets, two bluntly pointed in front, and two much shorter, and more
sharply pointed, over the hip-bones. The taces are hinged at the side for
convenience in putting on and off. The coudes are large and of the
butterfly-wing type, and the sollerets are of normal length. In many of
the Gothic suits these sollerets, following the custom in civil dress,
were extravagantly long and pointed. This form is called 'à la poulaine',
while the shorter kind are known as 'demi-poulaine'.
Some writers are apt to confuse this term 'poulaine' with 'poleyne', the
knee-cop used in the earlier days of the Transition Period; it is needless
to point out that they are quite distinct. Baron de Cosson has put forward
a most interesting theory in connexion with this effigy. He finds a close
resemblance between the armour here portrayed and that shown in the
picture of St. George, by Mantegna, in the Accademia at Venice. The Earl
of Warwick, who is represented on this monument, is known to have been at
Milan in his youth, and to have taken part in tournaments at Verona; so it
is more than probable that he ordered his armour from the Milanese
armourers, of whom the famous Missaglia family were the chief craftsmen,
and who made some fine suits of this Gothic style.
[Illustration: PLATE VIII
ARMOUR OF (1) Archduke Sigismond of Tyrol, 1470, (2) Louis XIV of France,
1680.]
The next distinctive style to be noticed is called the 'Maximilian'. It
can hardly be said that this new design was evolved from the Gothic,
though of necessity there must be a certain similarity between them, at
least in constructional detail. It is more likely, when we consider the
individuality of the young Maximilian, especially as recorded in Hans
Burgkmair's _Weisskunig_, and his interest in every art, craft, and trade,
that it was a fashion made, so to speak, to order. The Maximilian Period
of armour may be said to last from about 1500 to 1540. It is distinguished
by the radiating fluted channels that spread from a central point in the
breastpiece, closely resembling the flutings of the scallop-shell (Fig.
24). The main lines of the suit are heavier and more clumsy than those of
the Gothic variety. The breastplate is shorter, globose in form, and made
in one piece as distinct from the Gothic breastplate, which was generally
composed of an upper and lower portion. The pauldrons are larger and the
upstanding neck-guards more pronounced. The coude and genouillière are
both smaller than in the Gothic suit, and fit more closely to the limbs.
In imitation of the civilian dress the solleret becomes shorter and
broader in the toe. This variety is known as the 'bec de cane' or
'bear-paw' soleret. Some writers use the term Sabaton for the foot-defence
of this period. This term is found (sabataynes) in the Hastings manuscript
referred to in the preceding chapter. The pauldrons of the Maximilian
suit are generally of unequal size; that for the right arm being smaller,
to admit of the couching of the lance under the armpit (Fig. 34). The
tassets are made in two or more pieces, connected with the strap and
sliding rivet described in the preceding chapter. The fluting on the
Maximilian armour is not without practical purpose, for, besides
presenting the 'glancing' surface, which has been before referred to, it
gives increased strength and rigidity without much extra weight. A modern
example of this is to be found in the corrugated iron used for roofing,
which will stand far greater pressure than will the same thickness of
metal used flat.
[Illustration: FIG. 33. Gothic suit. Turin Armoury.]
[Illustration: FIG. 34. Maximilian suit. Vienna Armoury, 1523.]
It is at this period of the history of defensive armour that we first find
traces of that decadence which later on permeated every art and craft with
its pernicious poison. It is to be found in the imitating of fabrics and
also of the human face in metal. There exist suits of plate in many
museums, both in England and on the Continent, in which the puffings and
slashings of the civilian attire are closely copied in embossed metal,
entirely destroying the important glancing surfaces on which we have laid
such stress. It is alleged that this fashion in civilian dress was
intended to suggest, by the cutting of the material to show an
undergarment beneath, that the wearer was a fighting man who had seen
rough service. If this be the case it is the more reprehensible that metal
should be treated in a similar manner; for hard usage would dent, but it
would not tear. A portion of one of these debased suits is drawn on Fig.
42.
It must not be supposed that all armour at this period was fluted. There
was still a good deal which had a plain surface, and this plain armour
continued to be used after the Maximilian armour had been given up. It may
have been that the evil genius of the Renaissance pointed to the plain
surfaces as excellent fields for the skill of the decorator, a field which
the strongly-marked flutings of the Maximilian armour could not offer. At
first this decoration was confined to engraved borders, or, if the design
covered the whole suit, it was so lightly engraved that the smooth surface
was in no way impaired, though perhaps some of the dignified simplicity
of the plain metal was lost. An instance of this proper application of
ornament to armour is to be found in the 'Seusenhofer' suit in the Tower
(Plate VI), made to the order of the Emperor Maximilian for Henry VIII. It
is one of the finest suits of this period in existence. The ornament is
lightly engraved all over it, and includes representations of the legends
of St. George and St. Barbara. Instead of taces and tassets the lower part
of the body and the thighs are protected by steel Bases made in folds to
imitate the skirts worn in civilian dress. It will be remembered that in
the preceding chapter a conversation between Seusenhofer and the young
Maximilian was quoted, and when we study this suit carefully we feel that
the young king did wisely in the choice of his master-armourer. The
craftsman's Poinçon or mark is to be found at the back of the helmet.
If space but permitted we might devote many pages to the work of the great
armour-smiths as exemplified in the armouries of Madrid and Vienna. It is
difficult, at this period of history, to generalize at all satisfactorily.
Each suit is, in many ways, distinct from its neighbour, just as the
character and personality of the wearers differed. The young Maximilian's
words to Seusenhofer, 'Arm me according to my own taste,' is true of every
suit that we examine, for it is evident that each man had his own
favourite fashion or, from physical necessity, was provided with some
special variation from the usual form. An instance of this may be noted in
the Barendyne helm at Haseley Church, near Thame, in which an extra plate
has been added at the lower edge of the helm to suit the length of neck of
the last wearer.
As the experience of the armourer increased, and as the science of war
developed, the armed man trusted more to the fixed defences of his person
than to the more primitive protection of the movable shield. In the
tilt-yard and also in war the mounted man endeavoured to present his left
side to his adversary. On consideration the reason for this will be plain,
for the right arm was required to be free and, as far as possible,
unhampered by heavy armour, but the left arm, held at rest at the bridle,
could be covered with as heavy defences as the wearer might choose. This
form of unequal arming is well shown on the Frontispiece. The left
shoulder wears a large pauldron with a high neck-guard, and the elbow
wears the passe-guard which we have noticed in detail in the preceding
chapter. The leg armour in this suit should be noticed, for it is
extremely fine and graceful in line, and yet proclaims its material. The
suit of Henry VIII (Plate VI) is a good specimen of armour of the
Maximilian period, but without the flutings which generally distinguish
this style of plate. The neck-guards are high and the large coudes show
the glancing surface plainly. This detail also is shown on the fan plates
at the genouillières, which in the Tower Inventories are called by the
more English term 'knee-cops'. The bridle-hand of the rider wears the
Manifer (main-de-fer). Those writers who still follow blindly the
incorrect nomenclature of Meyrick give the name Mainfaire or Manefer to
the Crinet or neck defence of the horse. How this absurd play upon words
can ever have been taken seriously passes understanding.
The manifer is solely the rigid iron gauntlet for the bridle-hand, where
no sudden or complicated movement of the wrist or fingers was needed;
another instance of the difference in arming the two sides of the body.
This difference of arming is more noticeable in the jousting armour, for
in military sports, especially during the sixteenth century, the object of
the contestants was to score points rather than to injure each other. We
find, therefore, such pieces as the Grand-guard, and with it the Volant
piece, the Passe-guard, the Poldermitton--so called from its likeness to
the 'épaule de mouton', and worn over the bend of the right arm--and the
various reinforcing breastplates which were screwed on to the left side of
the tilting suit to offer a more rigid defence and also to present
additional glancing surface to the lance-point. In some varieties of joust
a small wooden shield was fastened to the left breast, and when this was
the case the heavy pauldron was dispensed with. The large Vamplate (Plate
XI) sufficiently protected the right arm from injury. The Nuremberg suit
(Plate VII) shows this form of arming for the joust. The great helm is
firmly screwed to the back and breast, the two holes on the left side of
the breastplate are for the attachment of the shield, the rigid
bridle-cuff, covers the left hand, and the curved elbow-guard--this is not
the passe-guard--protects the bend of the left arm as the poldermitton
protects the right. The large circular disc defends the _vif de
l'harnois_, and is _bouché_ or notched at its lower end to allow the lance
to be couched, resting on the curved lance-rest in front and lodged under
the Queue at the back. The legs, in this variety of joust, were not armed;
for the object of the jousters was to unhorse each other, and it was
necessary to have perfect freedom in gripping the horse's sides. Sometimes
a great plate of metal, curved to cover the leg, was worn to protect the
wearer from the shock of impact. This was called the Dilge, or Tilting
Cuisse, which is shown on Plate VIII behind the figure of Count Sigismond,
and also on Plate VII. The large-bowed saddle also was used for this end.
There is one of these saddles in the Tower which measures nearly 5 feet in
height. Behind the saddle-bow are two rings which encircled the rider's
legs. It is needless to point out that in this form of joust the object
was to break lances and not to unhorse; for, if the latter were intended,
the rider stood a good chance of breaking his legs owing to his rigid
position in the saddle.
The Tonlet suit (Fig. 35) was used solely for fighting on foot. The
bell-shaped skirt of plate was so constructed with the sliding rivets or
straps which have been before referred to, that it could be pulled up and
down. Sometimes the lower lame could be taken off altogether. When
fighting with axes or swords in the lists this plate skirt presented a
glancing surface to the weapon and protected the legs. The tonlet is
variously called by writers upon armour, Bases, Lamboys, or Jamboys; of
the two latter terms jamboys is the more correct. The Bases were
originally the cloth skirts in vogue in civilian dress at the time of
Henry VIII, and when defensive armour followed civilian fashion the name
came to be applied to the steel imitation.
[Illustration: FIG. 35. Tonlet suit. Madrid.]
[Illustration: FIG. 36. War suit, 1547. Vienna Armoury.]
Towards the end of the sixteenth century we find the weight of the war
harness gradually decrease. The richly-ornamented suits which mark this
period were in no way suited for any practical purpose and were used only
for parades. Extended campaigns and long marches necessitated lighter
equipment, and we find in contemporary records instances, not only of the
men-at-arms discarding their armour owing to its inconvenience, but also
of commanders ordering them to lighten their equipment for greater
rapidity of movement. Sir Richard Hawkins, in his _Observations_ on his
voyage into the South Sea (1593), writes: 'I had great preparation of
armours as well of proofe as of light corsletts, yet not a man would use
them, but esteemed a pott of wine a better defence than an armour of
proofe.' Again, Sir John Smythe, in his _Instructions, Observations and
Orders Militarie_ (1595), writes: ... 'I saw but very few of that army (at
the camp at Tilbury) that had any convenience of apparrell to arme
withal.' Edward Davies, in 1619, mentions the fact that men armed 'with a
heavie shirt of mail and a burganet, by that time they have marched in the
heat of summer or deepe of winter ten or twelve English miles, they are
apt more to rest than readie to fight'. As early as the year 1364 we find
that at the Battle of Auray Sir Hugh Calverley ordered his men to take off
their cuisses that they might move more rapidly. In the armour of the late
sixteenth century one of the chief points of difference from the former
fashions is to be found in the cuisses. Whereas these defences were
formerly made of one, or possibly two plates, we now find them laminated
from waist to knee and joined by the strap and sliding rivet arrangement
which we have noted in the arm defences and tassets. The tassets are now
no longer used (Fig. 36). Very soon the jambs were given up in favour of
buff boots, and when once this was established the next step was the half
suit which will be noticed in a succeeding chapter.
[Illustration: PLATE IX
Design for a suit of armour for Sir Henry Lee, from the _Almain Armourer's
Album_.]
After the fourteenth century the great helm was but seldom used for war,
but for jousting it was still retained, and, as this form of military
sport was practised more scientifically, so the weight and shape of the
helm were made to suit the necessary conditions. The Brocas helm (Plate V)
is the finest example of English helm of this period; it weighs 22 lb. The
other known examples of home manufacture are the Westminster helm, which
was discovered in the Triforium of Westminster Abbey in 1869, and weighs
17 lb. 12 oz.; the Dawtray helm at Petworth (21 lb. 8 oz.); the Barendyne
helm at Haseley, near Thame (13-1/2 lb.); the Fogge helm at Ashford,
Sussex (24 lb.); the Wallace helm, in the collection at Hertford House (17
lb.); and the great headpiece in the possession of Captain Lindsay of
Sutton Courtenay, Abingdon, which turns the scale at 25 lb. 14 oz. It will
be seen from the weight of these helms that they could only be used for
the jousting course and were put off on the first opportunity. The details
of their construction have been noticed in Chapter III.
On referring to Plate V it will be seen that the bascinet was the
precursor of the Salade, which may be considered the typical headpiece of
the fifteenth century. The rear peak of the bascinet is prolonged over the
neck, and in a later form of German origin the peak is hinged to allow the
wearer to throw back his head with ease. The ocularium, or vision slit, is
sometimes cut in the front of the salade, but more often it is found in a
pivoted visor which could be thrown back. The Beavor is generally a
separate piece strapped round the neck or, in tilting, bolted to the
breastplate. Some writers call this the Mentonière, but this name should
rather be applied to the tilting breastplate which also protected the
lower portion of the face. Shakespeare uses the term beavor very loosely,
and frequently means by it the whole helmet.
The German 'Schallern', or salade, so called from its shell-like form,
seems to have been evolved from the chapel-de-fer or war-hat by
contracting the brim at the sides and prolonging it at the back. In fact,
in Chastelain's account of the fight between Jacques de Lalain and Gérard
de Roussillon the salade worn by Messire Jacques is described as 'un
chapeau de fer d'ancienne façon'.[23] The salade was often richly
decorated. Baron de Cosson, in the preface to the Catalogue of Helmets
exhibited at the Archaeological Institute in June, 1880[24], instances a
salade made for the Duke of Burgundy in 1443, which was valued at 10,000
crowns of gold. More modest decoration was obtained by covering the salade
with velvet and fixing ornaments over this of gilded iron or brass. There
are several of these covered salades in the various collections in England
and on the Continent. Sometimes the salade was painted, as we see in an
example in the Tower.
The Armet, or close helmet, followed the salade, and is mentioned by
Oliver de la Marche as early as 1443.[25] The name is supposed to be a
corruption of 'heaumet', the diminutive of 'heaume', the great helm of the
fourteenth century.[26] Whereas the salade is in form a hat-like defence,
the armet fits the head closely and can only be put on by opening the
helmet, as is shown on Plate V and Fig. 31. The various parts of the armet
have been already described in Chapter III. The armet does not appear in
monumental effigies in England before the reign of Henry VIII. The English
were never in a hurry to take up new fashions in armour; being to a large
extent dependent on the work of foreign craftsmen, they seem to have
waited to prove the utility of an innovation before adopting it. Against
this, however, we must place the fact that in the picture at Hampton Court
of the meeting of Henry VIII and Maximilian, the English are all shown
wearing armets, while the Germans still wear the salade. The armet on the
Seusenhofer suit in the Tower, which has been noticed in this chapter, is
a very perfect example of this style of headpiece.
The Burgonet is an open helmet, and, as the name implies, of Burgundian
origin. To those students who consult Meyrick it is advisable to give a
word of warning as to this author's theory of the burgonet. He assumes
that it is a variety of the armet, but with a grooved collar which fitted
over the gorget. His authority for this assertion is a single reference in
the _Origines des Chevaliers Armoriés et Heraux_, by Fauchet.[27] Space
will not allow of the investigation of this authority, but Baron de Cosson
in the Catalogue above quoted effectively disposes of Meyrick's
theory.[28] The salient points of the burgonet, as may be seen on Plate V,
are the Umbril or brim projecting over the eyes, and the upstanding comb
or (in some cases) three combs that appear on the skull-piece. In the best
examples these combs are forged with the skull out of one piece of metal,
a _tour de force_ in craftsmanship that could hardly be surpassed. The
ear-flaps are hinged at the sides, and at the base of the skull is fixed
the Panache, or plume-holder. The faceguard, when used with the burgonet,
is called the Buffe,[29] and, like the beavor worn with the salade, is
held in place by a strap round the neck. This form of helmet was chiefly
used by light cavalry.
The Morion and the Cabasset are both helmets worn by foot-soldiers, and
appear about the middle of the sixteenth century. The cabasset is
generally to be distinguished by the curious little point projecting from
the apex. Often the comb and upturned brim of the morion are extravagant
in form and tend to make the helmet exceedingly heavy and inconvenient.
[Illustration: FIG. 37. Pavis. Cotton MS. Julius E. iv, 1485.]
The shields of the fifteenth and sixteenth century were more for display
than for use, except in the tilt-yard. As we have seen, the development of
plate armour, especially on the left side, made the shield not only
unnecessary, but also inconvenient. In the joust, however, where it was
important that the lance should find no hold on a vital part of the body,
such as the juncture of the arm, the shield was used to glance the weapon
off, or, where unhorsing was the object, it was ribbed with diagonally
crossing ridges to give the lance-point a surer hold. The Pavis or Pavoise
(Fig. 37) was more generally used by archers and crossbowmen as a cover. A
good specimen of the pavis exists in the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford, and
there are two large examples of heavier make with peepholes for the
archer, and wooden props as shown in our illustration, at Brussels and
Berlin.
[Illustration: PLATE X
_Photograph by Viscount Dillon._
Horse armour of the Emperor Maximilian. Tower.]