CHAPTER XVII

FERDINAND THE FAITHLESS

In the chief square of Sofia, near the Newski Cathedral, stands a great

statue, the work of the Bulgarian sculptor Zocchi. It is erected to the

Russian Czar, Alexander the Second, “the Czar Liberator.” A similar

statue has been erected in the ancient Bulgarian capital of Tirnovo. In

every peasant hut in Bulgaria a portrait of the same benefactor is

hung; sometimes it disputes wall space with pictures of Gladstone and

Lord Salisbury. These are some of the outward signs that Bulgaria has

allowed a despicable foreigner to lead them into the deadliest

ingratitude, and to make them pay their debt for national existence by

the basest perfidy of which a whole nation has ever been guilty.

When the Russians discovered the survival of the ancient Bulgarians

they found a race of hopeless outcasts, groaning under a Turkish

tyranny that has its recent parallel in the Turkish treatment of the

Christian Armenians. Later, when the most enterprising Bulgarians

sought to free themselves from this intolerable oppression, the only

means open to them were those resorted to by outlaws and murderers.

They became modern Robin Hoods, without any of the elementary decency

which characterized the behaviour of that legendary English hero.

Russia from the very outset recognized the claims imposed upon her by

racial and religious affinity to the Bulgarians. How generously she

paid that obligation may be read in the terms of the treaty of San

Stefano. The Powers of Europe saw fit to revise the terms of that

treaty, and Britain’s sympathy for small and oppressed people ensured

that the nation so revived by Russia should not be blotted out of

existence.

The Bulgaria created by the treaty of Berlin was a small and

unimportant Principality. Its aggrandisement has been effected by

innumerable breaches of that compact, one of which was the very

assumption by Ferdinand of the throne. For that reason the new Prince,

as I have already told, was not recognized by the Powers, and his

vanity made their recognition all important to him.

The policy of Stambuloff, who then guided the destinies of Bulgaria,

was to free the young State from any preponderance of Russian

influence. Adherence to that policy would have delayed the recognition

Ferdinand sought, and for that elementary reason he betrayed

Stambuloff, and became morally guilty of his assassination. By

contriving the apostasy of his heir, he so far placated Russia that his

position was recognized. From that time forward he always professed the

most profuse gratitude to the great Slav Power to which he owed his

place and Bulgaria owed its very existence.

Is there any need to elaborate the sordid treachery of his conduct? As

a bachelor Prince his life was not worth a day’s purchase at any time.

In order that he might marry, Stambuloff had the Constitution amended,

thereby earning an unpopularity with the Church party which contributed

largely to his fall. He had already made himself detested by the army

because of the severity with which he crushed out the plots against the

life of his ungrateful Prince.

The services he had rendered to Ferdinand were made the weapons of his

undoing. Dismissed, impoverished and persecuted with the vilest

charges, Stambuloff was imprisoned in Sofia until such time as his

murder could be contrived. And while his minister’s unavenged blood was

yet warm this monster of ingratitude was concluding with the dead man’s

enemies a pact in which blasphemy and treachery played equal parts. For

the patronage of Russia he caused a child of three to become an

apostate from the faith in which he had been baptized, and broke the

heart of his gentle Princess.

That he lived to betray the friendship for which he paid such an

infamous price will be made abundantly clear. In the meantime

Bulgaria’s lip service to Russia is worth considering.

“We find Russian graves scattered all over our country,” wrote the

_Mir_ at the time of Stambuloff’s fall. “The men who rest in them shed

their blood for us. But where are the English, Italian, Austrian,

German graves?”

When Ferdinand entered Bulgaria and was received in Sofia, the

Metropolitan Bishop reminded him of the national debt, after a few

words of personal welcome, saying, “This people is grateful to Russia,

who made immense sacrifices for our deliverance, and to whom we owe our

liberty and independence. Do not then forget these sacrifices, and use

your best efforts to re-establish relations between Russia and

Bulgaria—to reconcile the Liberator and the liberated.”

A quarter of a century later the _Mir_ was writing: “The healthiest

minds among the Bulgarian people, realizing that they were freed by

Russia in the name of the same idea which at this moment is creating a

great Slav Empire, are conscious of the existence of a bond of blood,

but are unable to act in accordance with it.”

They were unable, because Ferdinand had made it impossible. How he had

done this is explained by M. Buroff, once a minister and a leading

Bulgarian publicist. In the _Almanac of the National Party_, for 1915,

he explains that the Court gave strong support to all opposition to

Russia. All other views lead their holders to persecution and

dismissal. In the Army “the higher the rank held by an officer, the

more dependent he is upon his expressed hatred of Russia. It is the

means by which officers may secure the dignity of generalship. It is

from the Court that this poison spreads as if by some mysterious

agency.”

How widespread this poison was, and how effectively Ferdinand had

broken all ties that should have bound Bulgaria to the great Mother of

the Slav races was recognized in Russia. The fact provoked an outburst

from the Russian poet Andreef, which might well have shamed a less

cynical people to some revolt against a king so monstrously treacherous.

“The Slav world is stricken with shame, and turns its eyes earthward

whenever the name Bulgarian is mentioned, in the same way as an

honourable family is ashamed of the unworthy member. You Bulgars have a

Slav heart but German brains, and your tongue, like that of the snake,

is split in twain.... If the Germans keep you fastened like sheep

within the fold while your brothers’ blood is being spilled, or if your

shepherds lead you along the pathway of treachery and you, like other

belligerents, commence to banish the Russians from Bulgaria, then first

of all, take from your midst the monument of Alexander’s tomb—he who

freed you—for he also was a Russian.”

M. Joseph Reinach, who was first introduced to Ferdinand by King Edward

VII, and who maintained a correspondence with him, has declared that

when the time comes for the final publication of the documents relative

to the Bulgarian treachery, they will furnish an example of disloyalty

and treachery unexampled in the records of the chancellery.

“I am very sure,” adds this authority, “that if the Russians, instead

of being conquered in Poland and Galicia, had won, the Czar of the

Bulgarians would have treated with the Triple Alliance instead of

betraying his past and his honour in selling his armies to the Germans.”

“Russia was trusting, and I myself was deceived into believing with

Shakespeare, that there is no such thing as an utterly bad man. The

Serbians have a proverb which explains Russia’s blind faith in the

Shoddy Czar. ‘A woman who has wet-nursed a calf loves it like her own

child.’ So Russia loved Bulgaria, a circumstance which makes Bulgaria’s

crime more detestable still.”

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FERDINAND THE HUN

“_There is nothing I detest as much as a German._”—THE PRINCESS

CLEMENTINE.

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Ferdinand of Bulgaria: The Amazing Career of a Shoddy Czar · 第 17 / 27 章