CHAPTER II

HIS PLAYGROUND

The boy himself is blissfully untroubled by any serious thoughts about

his background; and to him these streets are as a matter of course a

place to play in. This point of view is perfectly natural for several

reasons:

In the first place, he has never known any other playground. At the

earliest possible stage of infancy he is turned out, perhaps under an

older sister’s supervision, to crawl over the steps of the tenement or

tumble about in the gutter in front of it, watching with large eyes the

new sights around him. Here he is put to play, and here he learns to

imitate the street and sidewalk games of other boys and girls. He is

scarcely to be blamed for a point of view so universally held that it

never occurs to him to doubt it.

In the second place, the street is the place that he must play in,

whether he wants to or not. There is no room for him in the house; the

janitor usually chases him off the roof. Excepting De Witt Clinton

Park, which, as has been shown, is small, restricted, and inadequate,

there is no park on the West Side between Seventy-second and

Twenty-eighth Streets. Central Park and New Jersey are too inaccessible

to be his regular playgrounds. And besides, not only will a boy not

go far afield for his games, but he cannot. He is often needed at

home after school hours to run errands and make himself generally

useful. Moreover, to go any distance involves a question of food and

transportation; so that except at times of truancy and wanderlust,

or when he is away on some baseball or other expedition, the street

inevitably claims him.

[Illustration: BOUNCE BALL WITH WALL AS BASE

Property is safe]

[Illustration: BOUNCE BALL WITH STEPS AS BASE

Windows in danger]

And in the third place, just because this playground is so natural and

so inevitable, he becomes attached to it. It is the earliest, latest,

and greatest influence in his life. Long before he knew his alphabet it

began to educate him, and before he could toddle it was his nursery.

Every possible minute from babyhood to early manhood is spent in it.

Every day, winter and summer, he is here off and on from early morning

till 10 o’clock at night. It gives him a training in which school is

merely a repressive interlude. From the quiet of the class room he

hears its voice, and when lessons are over it shouts a welcome at the

door. The attractions that it offers ever vary. Now a funeral, now a

fire; “craps” on the sidewalk; a stolen ride on one of Death Avenue’s

freight trains; a raid on a fruit stall; a fight, an accident, a game

of “cat”--always fresh incident and excitement, always nerve-racking

kaleidoscopic confusion.

No wonder, then, that the streets are regarded by the boy as his

rightful playground. They are the most constant and vivid part of his

life. They provide companionship, invite to recklessness, and offer

concealment. Every year their attraction grows stronger, till their

lure becomes irresistible and his life is swallowed up in theirs.

But unfortunately for the boy everyone does not agree with him as to

his right of possession. The storekeeper, for instance, insists on the

incompatibility of a vigorous street ball game with the safety of his

plate glass windows. Drivers not unreasonably maintain that the road

is for traffic rather than for marbles or stone throwing. Property

owner, pedestrian, the hardworking citizen, each has a point of view

which does not altogether favor the playground theory. At the very

outset of his career, therefore, in attempting to exercise childhood’s

inalienable right to play, the boy finds himself colliding with the

rights of property; the maintenance of public safety, the enforcement

of law and order, and other things equally puzzling and annoying,

all apparently united in being inimical to his ideas of amusement.

He is too young to understand that in his city’s scheme children

were forgotten. No one can explain to him that he has been born in a

congested area where lack of play space must be accepted patiently;

that life is a process of give and take in which the rights of others

demand as much respect as his own. He does not know that his dilemma is

the problem which eternally confronts the city child. But he does know

that he must play. He has a store of nervous energy and animal spirits

which simply must be let loose. Yet when he tries to play under the

only conditions possible to him he is hampered and repressed at every

turn. Inevitably he revolts; and long before he is old enough to learn

why most of his street games are illegal, fun and law-breaking have

become to him inseparable, and the policeman his natural enemy.

So far the boy’s attitude is normal. Childish antagonism to arbitrary

authority is natural. In any large town it extends to the police. All

over New York games are played with one eye on the corner and often

with a small scout or two on the watch for the “cop.” But at this

point two facts differentiate the Middle West Side from the rest of the

city, and make its situation peculiar. On the one hand, the parents and

older people of the district, instead of showing the usual indifference

or at most a passive antipathy toward the police, openly conspire

against and are actively hostile to them. On the other, the police,

largely because of this neighborhood feeling, are utterly unable to

cope with the lawless conditions which they find around them.

This state of things has been brought about in various ways. The lurid

record of criminals in the district has for years necessitated methods

of policing which have not made the Irish temper any less excitable.

Public sentiment here is almost static, and hatred of the police has

become a tradition. No one has a good word for them; everyone’s hand is

against them. The boys look on them as spoil-sports and laugh at their

authority. The toughs and gangsters are at odds with them perforce.

Fathers and mothers, resenting the trivial arrests of their children,

consign the “cop,” the “dinny” (detective), and “the Gerrys” to outer

darkness together. The better class of residents and property owners,

though their own failure to properly support them is partly to blame

for the failure of the police to do their duty, frankly distrust them

for being so completely incompetent and ineffective. And now perhaps

no one would dare to support them. For the toughs of the district

have taken the law into their own hands, and with the relentlessness

and certainty of a Corsican vendetta every injury received by them is

repaid, sooner or later, by some act of pitiless retaliation. Honest

or dishonest, successful or otherwise, the policeman certainly has

a hard time of it. Wherever he goes he is dangerously unpopular. He

cannot be safely active or inactive, and whatever he does seems to add

to his difficulties. Hectored on duty, frequently bullied in court,

misunderstood and abused by press and public alike, he stands out

solitary, the butt and buffer of the neighborhood’s disorder.

It is scarcely remarkable that under these circumstances the guardian

of the law is bewildered, and tends to become unreasonably touchy and

suspicious. “I tried to start a club in a saloon on Fiftieth Street a

while ago,” said a young Irishman of twenty-five. “After we had had

the club running one night, a policeman came in and asked me for my

license. I told him I didn’t have any. He said he would have to break

up the club then. I kicked about this and he pinched me. They brought

me up for trial next morning, and the judge told me I would have to

close up my club. I asked him why, and said the club was perfectly

orderly and was just made up of young fellows in the neighborhood; and

he said, ‘Well, your club has a bad reputation, and you’ve got to break

it up.’ Now, how could a club have a bad reputation when it had only

been running one day? Tell me that? But that’s the way of it. Those

cops will give you a bad reputation in five minutes if you never had

one before in your life.” “The cops are always arresting us and letting

us go again,” said a small West Sider. “I’ve been taken up two or three

times for throwing stones and playing ball, but they never took me to

the station house yet. You can’t play baseball anywhere around here

without the cops getting you.” And so it has come about that relations

between police and people in this section of New York are abnormally

strained. Provocation is followed by reaction, and reaction by reprisal

and a constant aggravation of annoyances, till the tension continually

reaches breaking point.

This situation shows very definite results in the boy. Gradually his

play becomes more and more mischievous as he finds it easier to evade

capture. Boylike, his delight in wanton and malicious destruction is

increased by the knowledge that he will probably escape punishment.

Six-year-old Dennis opens the door of the Children’s Aid Society school

and throws a large stone into the hall full of children. Another

youngster of about the same age recently was seen trying for several

minutes to break one of the street lamps. He threw stone after stone

until finally the huge globe fell with a crash that could have been

heard a block. Then he ran off down the street and disappeared around

the corner. No one attempted to stop him; no one would tell who he

was. Later on, the boy begins to admire and model himself on the

perpetrators of picturesque crimes whom he sees walking unarrested in

the streets around him. And by the time that he reaches the gang age

he is usually a hardened little ruffian whom the safety of numbers

encourages to carry his play to intolerable lengths. He robs, steals,

gets drunk, carries firearms, and his propensity for fighting with

stones and bottles is so marked that for days whole streets have been

terrorized by his feuds. Insurance companies either ask prohibitive

rates for window glass in this neighborhood or flatly refuse to insure

it at all.

Meanwhile the police are not idle. Public opinion and their own

records at the station house demand a certain amount of activity, and

every week the playground sees its arrests. In the following table

we have classified by causes, from our own intimate knowledge of each

individual case, the arrests which took place during 1909 among the

boys of our 241 families. The court’s legal system of classification

has been discarded here in favor of the classification made to show

the real nature of each offense. The result illustrates how entirely

police intervention has failed to meet the issue in the district, and

consequently explains in part why the work of the children’s court with

boys from this neighborhood has not proved more effectual.

OFFENSES IN 463 CASES OF ARREST AS CLASSIFIED IN THE BUREAU OF SOCIAL

RESEARCH[a]

Offenses of vagrancy and neglect:

Truancy 38

Begging 3

Selling papers at ten 18

Selling papers without a badge 5

Run-away 7

Sleeping in halls and on roofs 6

Improper guardianship 12

General incorrigibility 23

---

Total 112

Offenses due to play:

Playing ball 20

Playing cat 3

Playing shinny 2

Pitching craps 26

Pitching pennies 9

Throwing stones and other missiles 44

Building fires in the street 15

Fighting 6

---

Total 125

[a] For the classification of these arrests according to the court

charges see Chapter VI, The Boy and the Court, p. 82.

Offenses against persons:

Assault 5

Stabbing 4

Use of firearms 3

Immorality 0

Intoxication 1

--

Total 13

Offenses against property:

Illegal use of transfers 1

Petty thievery 58

Serious thievery 18

Burglary, i. e., breaking into houses and theft 36

Forgery 0

Breaking windows 4

Picking pockets 2

---

Total 119

Offenses of mischief and annoyance:

Upsetting ash cans 2

Shouting and singing 6

Breaking arc lights 3

Loitering, jostling, etc 12

Stealing rides on cars 4

Profanity 1

--

Total 28

Unknown 73

---

Total 470

Deducting duplicates 7

---

Grand Total 463

Not only is this table extraordinarily interesting in itself, but its

importance to our investigation is inestimable, because it brings out

certain features of the problem with a vividness which could not be

equaled in pages of discussion or narrative.

On the one hand, it is noticeable how large a proportion of the

arrests are for offenses which are more or less excusable in these

boys. Almost every one of their offenses is due to one of four causes:

neglect on the part of the parent, the pressure of poverty, the

expression of pure boyish spirits, or the attempt to play. Thievery,

for instance, particularly the stealing of coal from the docks or

railroad tracks, is quite often encouraged at home. “Johnnie is a good

boy,” said one mother quite frankly. “He keeps the coal and wood box

full nearly all the time. I don’t have to buy none.” And her attitude

is typical. Shouting and singing too, and even loitering, do not seem

on the face of them overwhelmingly wicked. Of course, boys sometimes

choose the most impossible times and places in which to shout and sing,

but is no allowance to be made for “the spirit of youth”? And as for

the arrests for play, they speak for themselves. Some of these games,

played when and where they are played, are unquestionably dangerous to

passersby and property, while others are simply forms of gambling. But

it must be remembered that the West Side boy has nowhere else to play;

that his games are the games which he sees around him, and he plays

them because no one has taught him anything better. The policeman,

however, has no interest in the responsibility of the boys for their

offenses; he is concerned merely with offenses as such, and his arrests

must be determined chiefly by opportunity and by rule. All that we can

ask of him is to be tolerant, broad-minded, and sympathetic--a request

with which he will find it difficult enough to comply if only because

of the atmosphere of hostility against him.

On the other hand, it is remarkable how seldom the boys are caught

for very serious offenses.[12] Most of the arrests shown here are for

causes which are comparatively trifling. Yet the whole neighborhood

seethes with the worst kinds of criminality, and many of the boys are

almost incredibly vicious. Stabbing, assault, the use of firearms,

acts of immorality, do not appear in this table to an extent remotely

approximating the frequency with which they occur. In other words, the

police absolutely fail to cover the ground. Although a large proportion

of arrests does take place, they are mostly on less important charges,

and often involve any one but the young criminal whose capture is

really desirable. The little sister of one boy who was “taken”

expressed the position exactly when she said, “The only time Jimmy was

caught was when he wasn’t doin’ anything bad.”

In this way it happens that the fact of a boy’s arrest is no clue

to his character. Again and again boys “get away with” their worst

crimes, secretly committed, in which they are protected from discovery

by the neighborhood’s code of ethics; whereas for minor offenses, of

which they are openly guilty, they are far more likely to be arrested.

Some of the worst offenders may never be caught at all. And if one of

them is taken, it is probably for some technical misdemeanor which

the officer has used less for its own importance than as a pretext

for getting the boy into court. What is the result? The policeman is

lectured by the judge for being an oppressor of the poor, and the boy

is discharged, though his previous record would entitle him to a severe

sentence, as both boy and policeman know.

Not unnaturally, respect for the court is soon lost, and an arrest

quickly comes to be treated with indifference, or is looked upon merely

as a piece of bad luck, like a licking or a broken window. One boy

recounted recently with amusement how he moved the judge to let him

off: “I put on a solemn face and says, ‘Judge, I didn’t mean to do it;

I’ll promise not to do it again,’ and a lot of stuff like that, and

the judge gives me a talkin’ to and lets me go.” “Gee, that court was

easy!” was the comment of another. “You can get away with anything down

there except murder.” Experiences in the juvenile court are invariably

related with a boyish contempt for the judges, who are looked upon

either as “easy guys to work” or as “a lot of crooks” who “get theirs”

out of their jobs. And so the boy comes back to the streets, and plays

there more selfishly and more recklessly than ever.

His activities are not confined to the block in which he lives or even

to the streets of his neighborhood. Any kind of space, from a roof or

an area to a cellar or an empty basement, is utilized as an addition to

the playground. But two places attract him particularly. All the year

around at some time of day or night you can find him on the docks. In

summer they provide a ball ground, in winter, coal for his family, and

always a hiding place from the truant officer or the police. Here along

the river front he bathes in the hot weather, encouraged by the city’s

floating bath which anchors close by, and regardless of the fact that

the water is filthy with refuse and sewage. In the stifling evenings,

too, when the band plays on the recreation pier and there are lights

and crowds and “somethin’ goin’ on,” he is again drawn toward the water.

[Illustration: WADING IN SEWAGE LADEN WATER]

[Illustration: A “DEN” UNDER THE DOCK]

And next to the streets and docks he loves the hallways. There is

something about those dark, narrow passages which makes them seem built

for gangs to meet or play or plot in. The youth of the district and

his girl find other uses for them, but the boy and his playmates have

marked them for their games. Neighbors who have no other place to “hang

around in” may protest, but the boys play on. They dirty the floors,

disturb the tenements by their noises, run into people, and if they

are lying here in wait are apt to chip away the wainscoting or tear

the burlap off the walls. But what do they care! It’s all in the day’s

play; and if the janitor objects, so much the better, for he can often

be included in a game of chase.

Streets, roofs, docks, hallways,--these, then, are the West Side boy’s

playground, and will be for many years to come. And what a playground

it is! Day and night, workdays and holidays alike, the streets are

never quiet, from the half-hour before the factory whistles blow in the

early morning, when throngs of men and boys are hurrying off to work,

to still earlier morning hours when they echo with the footsteps of the

reveler returning home. All day long an endless procession of wagons,

drays, and trucks, with an occasional automobile, jolts and clatters

up and down the avenue. Now and then an ambulance or undertaker’s cart

arrives, drawing its group of curious youngsters to watch the casket

or stretcher carried out. Drunken men are omnipresent, and drunken

women are seen. Street fights are frequent, especially in the evening,

and, except for police annoyance or when “guns” come into play,

are generally regarded as diversions. Every crime, every villainy,

every form of sexual indulgence and perversion is practiced in the

district and talked of openly. The sacredness of life itself finds no

protecting influence in these blocks. There is no rest, no order, no

privacy, no spaciousness, no simplicity; almost nothing that youth, the

city’s everlasting hope, should have, almost everything that it should

not.

A family from another state moved recently into one of these tenements.

The only child, a boy of fifteen, after several tentative efforts to

reconcile himself to street life, came in and announced his intention

of staying in the flat in leisure time thereafter, as he was shocked

and his finer feelings were hurt by what he saw of the street life

around him. His mother tried to persuade him to go out, but the boy

told her she had no idea what she was doing, and refused to go. He

attempted to take his airings on the roof, but was ordered down by the

janitor. Finally he yielded to his mother’s persuasion and went back to

the street. Within three months this boy, a type of the bright, clean

boyhood of our smaller towns, had become marked by dissipation and had

once even come home intoxicated.

What chance has the best of boys who must spend two-thirds of his

school days in such a playground? What wonder that he becomes a callous

young criminal, when the very conditions of his play lead him to crime?

The whole influence of such conditions on a child’s life can never

be gauged. But just as apart from his traditions and background he

is incomprehensible as a boy, so, as a wanton little ruffian, he is

unintelligible apart from his playground. This develops his play into

mischief and his mischief into crime. It educates him superficially in

the worst sides of life, and makes him cynical, hard, and precocious.

It takes from him everything that is good; almost everything that

it gives him is bad. Its teachings and tendencies are not civic but

anti-social, and the boy reflects them more and more. Every year he

adds to a history of lawless achievement which the court, police, and

institutions alike have proved powerless to prevent. And every day the

Middle West Side bears witness to the truth of the saying that “a boy

without a playground is the father of the man without a job.”

West Side Studies: Boyhood and Lawlessness; The Neglected Girl · 第 2 / 10 章