There may be other letters and papers of Ruskin's in existence and

unrecognised; not, perhaps, unprinted, but still of great value, even

in hard cash. Correspondents who beg for a Ruskin autograph and a bit

of his writing from those whom they suppose to have plenty, are often

surprised to hear that others have been before them, and that now the

only way is through the dealers at a guinea a page or more. He told

me that he thought the manuscripts of his best-known works had been

destroyed, and no doubt had forgotten that many of them had been given

away to those who treasured them. Since his death a considerable part

has been brought to light, but of the vast quantity of writing--notes,

rough copies, fair copies, and letters, done in a busy life of sixty

working years--there may be much more to find scattered through the

world: for Ruskin's hand, like Nuremberg's, goes through every land.

In 1881 a Mr. Atkinson was sent to Coniston to make a bust of Ruskin.

With his usual good nature to every one who came personally into

contact with him--the roughness was only that of his sharp pen--the

Professor treated the unknown as his visitor, found him lodgings and a

workshop, and a place at his table for a great while, during which the

bust made but slow progress. One reason, perhaps, for Mr. Atkinson's

difficulty was that Ruskin had just grown a beard, and the well-known

face was no longer there to mould. "Can't you treat the beard early

Greek fashion; I should like to be a Bearded Bacchus!" he said. In

spite of the admitted failure, he gave further work to the sculptor

in casting leaves and other detail "for St. George's Schools"--that

visionary object on which so much labour and thought were spent; and

this use of casts from natural leaves, I am told by Mr. E. Cooke, was

really originated by Ruskin in the Working Men's College days, though

now pretty widely known. Some of Mr. Atkinson's casts, I may add, are

on view in the Coniston Museum. But the sculptor's chief personal wish

was to get a mould of Ruskin's hand. He used to say that there was

more in it than in his face; at least, it was the most characteristic

feature, and representable in solid form, while the face, depending on

the bright blue eye and changeful expression, evaded him as it evaded

more celebrated sculptors. But Ruskin did not like being oiled and

moulded, and though Mr. Atkinson made enticing demonstrations on less

worthy fingers, till we were all up to our elbows in plaster of Paris,

he never to my knowledge won his point.

"Such a funny hand," says Browning's lover, "it was like a claw!"

Ruskin's was all finger-grip; long, strong talons, curiously

delicate-skinned and refined in form, though not academically

beautiful. Those whose personal acquaintance with him dated only

from the later years never knew his hand, for then it had lost its

nervous strength; and in cold weather--the greatest half of the year

in the North--the hand suffered more than the head. But his palm, and

especially the back of the hand, was tiny. When he rowed his boat he

held the oars entirely in his fingers; when he shook hands you felt

the pressure of the fingers, not of the palm. In writing, he held the

pen as we are taught to hold a drawing-pencil, and the long fingers

gave much more play to the point than is usual in formed penmanship.

Knowing that, it is not surprising to find that his writing varies,

not only from one period to another, but with passing moods. Everybody

shows some of this variety, but Ruskin's hand was as flexible and as

impressionable as his whole being.

[Illustration: CONISTON

WRITTEN BY JOHN RUSKIN AND MARY RICHARDSON, 1830]

He had an odd way, down to the last, of "printing" an inscription on

the fly-leaf of a book or on the mount of a drawing, in neat, square

Roman type, inked between double lines ruled in pencil. Sometimes

giving a present to a favoured visitor he would say, "Stay, I must

write your name in it"; and you expected the well-known autograph

cheque-signature, scribbled with a flourish. But no! Spectacles, and

ruler, and pencil first; two carefully ruled lines, an eighth of an

inch apart; then the cork-handled, fine steel pen, and laborious

regularity of inscription; till the onlooking recipient laughed

outright at all this time and trouble spent on a trifle. But Ruskin was

quite grave about it.

This was a reversion to early habits. His juvenile MSS., of which many

were kept by his parents and still remain at Brantwood, contain many

pages of similar calligraphy. His first Latin and French declensions

are printed in pencil; at the age of seven he wrote the first copies

of his "Harry and Lucy" in this way, pencilled first and penned over,

thinking he was an author making a book. Many children do, but not

with his tenacity and taste. In 1828 (age nine) he had brought this

self-imposed education to something like perfection with the tiny

"print" of "Eudosia," page after page showing wonderful steadiness of

hand and eye; and at the end of that year he executed the masterpiece

of childish ingenuity which he described in the autobiographical "Harry

and Lucy"--the poem in "double print," all the down-strokes doubled:

"And it was most beautifully done, you may be sure," says the saucy

infant, not untruly. Some of his early mineral catalogues, begun at

this time, appear to have been continued later, though the difference

can hardly be told from any improvement in the penmanship.

[Illustration: RUSKIN'S WRITING IN 1836; FAIR COPY OF A POEM]

Meanwhile his ordinary running hand was a shocking scribble, but in

the middle of it he seems to have pulled himself up continually,

or he was pulled up by an overlooking mother, and the wild scrawl

becomes tidy and neat. I suspect that his earlier home lessons did not

include much copybook work. He developed his own writing like other

precocious boys and girls, though there is some trace of teaching at

the very start. But after 1830 he exchanged, perhaps at the instance

of superior orders, his "print" for copperplate; the "Iteriad" (1831)

is fair-copied in a large, regular round-hand, and the Tour poems of

1833 are in a smaller, less anxious, but more formed business style.

One sees the father's influence coming in, and all his letters to the

old-fashioned business man show the obvious desire to please. "My

dear papa" is flourished around in the most approved writing-master's

manner, and "John Ruskin" at the end is in black letter, finishing a

sheet of impeccable commercial-hand, in which the free-and-easy wording

contrasts quite ludicrously with the formal writing.

[Illustration: RUSKIN'S HANDWRITING IN 1837]

It was only, or chiefly, to his father that such letters were written.

For his mother he had another hand; for his friends and for himself

an assortment of varying scribbles. But there, I think, comes out one

of the leading points in his character. To be a man of strong thought

and will, innovator in art, science, politics, morality, and religion,

there never was such a chameleon, always ready to colour his mind

after his surroundings; all things to all men. To the opponent he was

an opponent; to the admirer an admirer, without at once testing the

sincerity of the admiration or the source of the opposition. It was the

cause of many regretted incidents in public life, but in private life

the ground of his charm. Nobody who approached him in kindness failed

of being met more than half way, while impertinence and rudeness,

however unintended, struck a discord at once. So much of a chameleon

he was, that he could persuade himself into liking, for the moment,

and for the sake of his companion on the spot, many a thing he had

denounced or derided; and sometimes he could do curious things out of

the same unrecognised sympathy. Once after a lecture, leading Taglioni

to her carriage in the midst of a crowd of onlookers, I saw him cross

the London pavement with an old-world minuet-step, hardly conscious, I

am sure, of the quaint homage he was paying to the great dancer he had

admired in his boyhood.

Those flourishes of the pen for his father's pleasure never appear

in his own private scribble. His ideas came too quickly to leave him

time for ornament, and he had no need to idle in dots and circles

between the phrases. His spelling was always good, but he never stopped

to punctuate; a dash was enough for most kinds of stops. Letters of

1845 and 1852 are curious for the underlining or interlining of long

passages, not, apparently, for emphasis; possibly to mark sections of

these general epistles home for copying. In all this early writing

there is an effort to keep pace with the flow of thoughts, even in the

verse; he wrote so much that mere economy of time must have driven him

at speed to the shortest way of getting the matter down. In diaries of

the period are some shorthand notes which I take to be his; but if he

ever tried shorthand he dropped it soon.

[Illustration: NOTES FOR "STONES OF VENICE"

BY JOHN RUSKIN (ABOUT 1850)]

The model upon which Ruskin's usual handwriting was at last formed was

his mother's. It is perhaps a commonplace to say that we all betray in

our writing the greatest personal influence of our earlier years. While

penning this very page, a letter has just been brought to me which at

first glance put me in mind of a friend long since dead: it is from

his school-master. Not Ruskin's father nor any of his teachers appear

to have influenced him like his mother. Her more deliberate writing

was extremely elegant; rather small, moderately sloping, with a pretty

combination of curve and angle, and capitals carefully formed. In the

note-book in which he composed verses from 1831 to 1838 you can see the

development of his hand from a spiky and cramped boyish scribble to the

more open and slightly more upright style of 1835 and 1836, the year of

his matriculation at Oxford; a neat and educated penmanship, easy to

read and regular, though differing slightly from day to day in size and

slope. The backward switch of his _y_ and forward toss of the tail to

his angular _t_ are already there; and the dainty shaping of capitals,

based on Italic or Elzevir print, like his mother's, with suggestion

of the _serif_ in a little elegant curl to _H_ and _F_. Instead of

spasmodic reform, as earlier, there is perfect steadiness for page

after page.

At Oxford his writing became rather larger and looser, perhaps from

Latin exercises, in which indubitable distinctness is required. The

"Poetry of Architecture" fair copy can be seen in a facsimile in the

new Library Edition; the draft scribbled in a sketch-book during Oxford

vacation is reproduced (p. 141); you note the tendency to round the

foot of the down-stroke and the length of the greater limbs of the

letters. He used to tell his secretary to take no notice of a letter in

which _h_ and _l_ looked like _n_ and _e_.

Leaving Oxford and writing hard at "Modern Painters" earlier volumes,

which cost a great deal of pen-work, he went back to the smaller hand

of voluminous authors, and the constant attention to one subject

gave it regularity. But the letters of the time are naturally more

impulsive; indeed, in 1849 there are bits which prefigure his latest

style in its upright and loose sketchiness. From 1849 or 1850 for some

years the chief work was "Stones of Venice," and the note-books and

studies for this are fairly represented by the page on "Sta. Maria

dell' Orto." This is the earlier "Modern Painters" manner. You see the

growing freedom, but it is not yet wild and whirling.

[Illustration: RUSKIN'S HANDWRITING IN 1875]

The difference is shown at a glance in comparing this with the sample

of his well-known later hand. It was by the end of the 'fifties that

the regular and tight spikiness began finally to disappear and give

place to far-flung curves. The great turn in his life which took place

about 1860 showed itself in his penmanship as well as in his thought,

and the final style became formed, which, with merely the differences

of better or worse, lasted until all writing was over. After the summer

of 1889 it was at very rare intervals that he took pen in hand. For

some time before his death by mere disuse he seemed to have lost the

very power of writing at all. At last, one day, being asked for his

signature, he set down with shaking fingers the first few letters of

it, and broke off with "Dear me! I seem to have forgotten how to write

my own name!" And he wrote no more.

There have been authors and journalists whose printed work, no

doubt, exceeds his in quantity; but in reckoning the sum total of his

penmanship we must not forget that every printed page meant, for him,

several written pages, especially in earlier books; also, that he

was a conscientious correspondent, and every day wrote many letters.

It may be set off against this that he sometimes used the help of an

amanuensis, though he rarely dictated, and it was only when he had

hammered his subject into shape that he had it copied for the printer.

Occasionally in late years he let it be type-written, but most of his

work was done before the age of type-writers. He would use the most

unlikely copyists, as when he got the little girls of his Brantwood

class to write out his notes. All he asked was a distinct hand and a

docile scribe. His secretary, like the secretary in "Gil Blas," did

everything but write, and sometimes was packing parcels or sweeping

leaves while the valet was copying lectures on Greek art. Some early

MSS. are in the hand of George Hobbs; many of the later were written

by Crawley; none by Baxter. At other times he requisitioned the young

ladies; it was for this that Mrs. Severn formed her large, round,

upright hand, and Miss Anderson had many a copying task, as well as

others whose work will be valued by collectors for its corrections from

the master's pen, like the quartz which holds the sparkle of gold.

But he taught them to write distinctly--that was his great requirement.

Once, on a sleepless night, he called me, with many apologies, to write

from dictation. Naturally I wrote fast to get my job done and return

to my slumbers; but he continually pulled me up with, "I'm sure you're

scribbling. Let me see if I can read it." Out on the fells, taking the

dip and strike of strata, or among the cathedrals making notes and

measurements, he would often warn his assistant of the folly of hasty

scrawling. "I've lost so much time and trouble by my now bad writing,"

he used to say.

It has been told already how he was struck at first by Miss Francesca

Alexander's handwriting before he had seen her drawing, which

afterwards he praised so highly. The distinct neatness of her beautiful

calligraphy appealed to his love for missals and the lost art, as

he feared, of the true scribe. But of queer and quaint writing he

was impatient. Words were to be read, not played with in decorative

affectations. The baser sort of business-hand roused him to scorn, and

he had a sharp eye for the characteristics of a cranky or insincere

correspondent. When postcards came in, like many others he did not

approve of them and never used them. One of his household sometimes got

postcards written in Runes, and, seeing the mystic inscriptions, he

wanted to know why. "So that people may not read it," was the answer.

"What's the use of that?" replied Ruskin. "Isn't language given you to

conceal your thoughts?"

* * * * *

[For further illustrations of his handwriting, see his earliest

"printing" at seven or eight, with his latest current style, actual

size, on page 108; a pencil scribble at ten or eleven, page 171; his

neater writing of the same period, on page 199; his ordinary careful

penmanship about 1835, on page 109; and his looser final hand, pages

163 and 174.]

X

RUSKIN'S MUSIC

X

RUSKIN'S MUSIC

"It is well known," says a recent newspaper writer, "that Ruskin's

ear was as deaf to musical sound as his eye was sensitive to natural

beauty." On the other hand, Miss Wakefield, the celebrated singer and

the originator of country Musical Competitions, has put together a

volume of 158 pages--most of them, certainly, in rather big type--under

the title of "Ruskin on Music." The inference, of course, to an

unbelieving world is that he wrote about what he did not understand.

But Miss Wakefield understands; and she says, "what is to be admired in

what he has said of the art is the beautiful way in which its spiritual

meaning and teaching have been expressed by him, in the short passages

which he has devoted to it, and in which no one has ever excelled him."

For his thoughts on music there is that book to read; but for Ruskin's

quest of music, for his lifelong attempts to qualify as a musician,

there is nothing to show. The story has not yet been told, because it

has little bearing on his life's main work, and--to put it roughly--it

is the story of a failure. Perhaps there are admirers who would rather

not know about the failure; and yet--you shall judge when you have

heard it!

There are still in existence the bound volumes of piano-pieces and

operatic songs which he learnt when he was an undergraduate at Oxford.

One of these volumes is open on the piano, in our photograph of the

Brantwood drawing-room, arranged as it used to be when he strummed a

little before dinner and read at the four candles after dinner. Each

piece is inscribed by the Oxford music-master with the usual vague

respect of Town to Gown in the formula, "-- Ruskin, Esq., Ch.Ch." The

master does not seem to have known his Christian name, but he evidently

dragged him through a great deal of Bellini, and Donizetti, and Mozart;

and "forty years on--shorter in wind, though in memory long" Ruskin

had a keen recollection of these pieces, and liked to go over them

with any young friend, showing how they used to sing "Non piu andrai"

or "Prendero quel brunettino," with all the flourishes. There are his

fingering exercises, as elaborately annotated as all his old books are;

he must have spent much time and taken great pains, in those early

days, over his music. It was not for want of opportunity, nor for lack

of intention, that he did not become a musician.

When he left Oxford he still continued his lessons, especially the

singing. I have never heard of his singing in company, but I can hardly

doubt that the lessons did much for his voice. Any one who has heard

him lecture, or read, or even talk, knows how resonant and flexible

it was, and how thoroughly under his command. He had naturally a weak

chest; he caught cold easily, and his throat was often affected; but

he always, I think, was able to lecture, and his voice was the first

thing that attracted an audience. The singing lessons were not without

result.

[Illustration: (_Photograph by A. E. Brickhill_)

RUSKIN'S PIANO IN BRANTWOOD DRAWING-ROOM

(BEFORE RECENT ALTERATIONS)]

In later years his music-master was George Frederick West, who taught

him--or tried to teach him--something of composition. I can remember

Mr. West coming to give him a lesson at Herne Hill, but I don't think

I was ever present at the ordeal. You can imagine that "Dr. Ruskin,"

as Mr. West always called him, was a most difficult pupil, wanting at

every turn to know why; incredulous of the best authority; impatient of

the compromises and conventions, the "wohl-temperirtes Klavier"; and

eager to upset everything and start afresh. It is Mrs. Severn who can

describe these droll interviews and Mr. West's despairing appeal, "But

you wouldn't be ungrammatical, Doctor Ruskin?"

I am not so sure about that; but Mr. Ruskin learnt what he wanted. One

thing he could do to perfection. He could easily and readily transpose

and copy a song that was too high or too low, and he liked doing so. It

does not imply great scholarship, but it is wonderful, as Dr. Johnson

said of the performing dog, that he should do it at all. He might have

been spending his time to better purpose, you think?

Music lessons went on, at all available intervals, down to the close

of his active life. At Sandgate in 1887-88 he was learning from Mr.

Roberts. In his lodgings, besides the cottage piano already there, he

got a grand piano and a harmonium (the last was afterwards given to a

chapel in Coniston), and because he had few chances of hearing music

in that retirement, he engaged a young lady professional to play of

evenings to himself and the friends who were staying with him.

In his books there are several hard hits at concerts and concert-goers;

but just as he wrote against railways and yet, he said, "used them

himself, few people more," so he was an energetic concert-goer. On

arriving at Paris or any great foreign town his first question was,

"What about the opera?" With classical Italian opera he was familiar

from his youth up. He loved it, indignant when pestilent modernism

hurried the tempo or took liberties with the well-known score.

In London he usually had a season ticket for the Crystal Palace

concerts--you remember how he abused the Crystal Palace!--and when he

was driven away by the "autumn cleaning," a great business in old Mrs.

Ruskin's scrupulous housekeeping at Denmark Hill, he would stay at the

Queen's Hotel in Norwood, "to be near the Manns concerts."

He has just mentioned Charles Halle in "Ethics of the Dust," but in

private letters comes out his real admiration of the great pianist.

John Hullah was one of his friends; his copy of Hullah's "Manual" is

scribbled with devices for simplifying the teaching of the keyboard.

Indeed, being as he was a born teacher, and counting as he did music an

essential to education, he even taught--or tried to teach--what he knew

of it whenever there was a chance. That class of little country girls

at Brantwood had to learn music too; it was in his time of failing

strength, and the story is tragi-comic; but in such times the real

heart reveals itself through all weaknesses, and it was a very kindly

and earnest nature that made him write out neat cards of music-lore

reduced to its lowest terms for the cottage lasses whose lives he tried

to raise and brighten.

It was only on evenings of actual illness or serious trouble that

he passed the time without music, and he generally managed to have

somebody in the house who could play and sing. One of his admirations

was "Claribel" (Mrs. Barnard), whom he met at Jean Ingelow's; she sang

her own songs to his great delight. Later, among many, there were the

Misses Bateman and Miss Wakefield; in "Joanna's Care" he has told his

readers about the charm of Mrs. Severn's singing. And it was not only

comic songs and nigger ballads that he would listen to; he liked fun,

as his readers ought to know by now, and a good funny song, if the tune

was sound, made him clap his hands in a quaint gesture and laugh all

over--the more that there was much sadness in his thoughts. I remember

Sir Edward Burne-Jones's account of a visit to the Christy Minstrels;

how the Professor dragged him there, to a front seat, and those

burnt-corked people anticked and shouted, and Burne-Jones wanted to go,

and Ruskin wouldn't, but sat laughing through the whole performance as

if he loved it. An afternoon, to him, of oblivion to the cares of life;

an odd experience; but he would not call it music. "Now let us have

something different," he used to say when he had laughed enough.

[Illustration: (_Miss Hargreaves, photographer_)

JOHN RUSKIN IN THE SEVENTIES

FROM A BUST BY PROFESSOR B. CRESWICK]

The old songs were his delight, old English and French and Scotch.

German songs, German music, and everything German, except Duerer and

Holbein, he could not abide; German love-songs especially, "songs

of seduction," he called them. He would just endure a bit of Swiss

carolling, with its breezy reminder of the Alps; but the unlucky

individual who tried him with Fesca has cause to remember the event.

Haydn and Mozart he classed with the Italians, and Handel with the good

old standards; but Mendelssohn was not to be named. Worst of all he

misliked execution without feeling: the brilliant young lady pianist

had no welcome from Ruskin. Gaiety, or else tenderness, appealed; even

among the old songs there were those he cast out of the programme. Of

"Charmante Gabrielle" he said once, "it might do when a king sang it."

Corelli was one of his favourite composers; that was another link with

"Redgauntlet" and Wandering Willie; and though he was never a collector

of rarities as such, he bought all the Corelli he could meet with, as

well as various old editions of early music at Chappell's sales.

[Music illustration: AT MARMION'S GRAVE

WORDS BY SIR WALTER SCOTT

AIR BY JOHN RUSKIN, 1881

But yet from out the lit-tle hill

Ooz-es the slen-der spring-let still, And

shep-herd boys re-pair To seek the wat-er-

flag and rush, And plait their gar-lands fair;

When thou shalt find the lit-tle hill

With thy heart com-mune, and be still.]

Ruskin Relics · 第 6 / 10 段