DANTE.[1]

On the banks of a little river so shrunken by the suns of summer that it

seems fast passing into a tradition, but swollen by the autumnal rains

with an Italian suddenness of passion till the massy bridge shudders

under the impatient heap of waters behind it, stands a city which, in its

period of bloom not so large as Boston, may well rank next to Athens in

the history which teaches _come l' uom s' eterna_.

Originally only a convenient spot in the valley where the fairs of the

neighboring Etruscan city of Fiesole were held, it gradually grew from a

huddle of booths to a town, and then to a city, which absorbed its

ancestral neighbor and became a cradle for the arts, the letters, the

science, and the commerce[2] of modern Europe. For her Cimabue wrought,

who infused Byzantine formalism with a suggestion of nature and feeling;

for her the Pisani, who divined at least, if they could not conjure with

it, the secret of Greek supremacy in sculpture; for her the marvellous

boy Ghiberti proved that unity of composition and grace of figure and

drapery were never beyond the reach of genius;[3] for her Brunelleschi

curved the dome which Michel Angelo hung in air on St. Peter's; for her

Giotto reared the bell-tower graceful as an Horatian ode in marble; and

the great triumvirate of Italian poetry, good sense, and culture called

her mother. There is no modern city about which cluster so many elevating

associations, none in which the past is so contemporary with us in

unchanged buildings and undisturbed monuments. The house of Dante is

still shown; children still receive baptism at the font (_il mio bel San

Giovanni_) where he was christened before the acorn dropped that was to

grow into a keel for Columbus; and an inscribed stone marks the spot

where he used to sit and watch the slow blocks swing up to complete the

master-thought of Arnolfo. In the convent of St. Mark hard by lived and

labored Beato Angelico, the saint of Christian art, and Fra Bartolommeo,

who taught Raphael dignity. From the same walls Savonarola went forth to

his triumphs, short-lived almost as the crackle of his martyrdom. The

plain little chamber of Michel Angelo seems still to expect his return;

his last sketches lie upon the table, his staff leans in the corner, and

his slippers wait before the empty chair. On one of the vine-clad hills,

just without the city walls, one's feet may press the same stairs that

Milton climbed to visit Galileo. To an American there is something

supremely impressive in this cumulative influence of the past full of

inspiration and rebuke, something saddening in this repeated proof that

moral supremacy is the only one that leaves monuments and not ruins

behind it. Time, who with us obliterates the labor and often the names of

yesterday, seems here to have spared almost the prints of the _care

piante_ that shunned the sordid paths of worldly honor.

Around the courtyard of the great Museum of Florence stand statues of her

illustrious dead, her poets, painters, sculptors, architects, inventors,

and statesmen; and as the traveller feels the ennobling lift of such

society, and reads the names or recognizes the features familiar to him

as his own threshold, he is startled to find Fame as commonplace here as

Notoriety everywhere else, and that this fifth-rate city should have the

privilege thus to commemorate so many famous men her sons, whose claim to

pre-eminence the whole world would concede. Among them is one figure

before which every scholar, every man who has been touched by the tragedy

of life, lingers with reverential pity. The haggard cheeks, the lips

clamped together in unfaltering resolve, the scars of lifelong battle,

and the brow whose sharp outline seems the monument of final victory,--

this, at least, is a face that needs no name beneath it. This is he who

among literary fames finds only two that for growth and immutability can

parallel his own. The suffrages of highest authority would now place him

second in that company where he with proud humility took the sixth

place.[4]

Dante (Durante, by contraction Dante) degli Alighieri was born at

Florence in 1265, probably during the month of May.[5] This is the date

given by Boccaccio, who is generally followed, though he makes a blunder

in saying, _sedendo Urbano quarto nella cattedra di San Pietro_, for

Urban died in October, 1264. Some, misled by an error in a few of the

early manuscript copies of the _Divina Commedia_, would have him born

five years earlier, in 1260. According to Arrivabene,[6] Sansovino was

the first to confirm Boccaccio's statement by the authority of the poet

himself, basing his argument on the first verse of the _Inferno_,--

"Nel mezzo del cammin di nostra vita";

the average age of man having been declared by the Psalmist to be seventy

years, and the period of the poet's supposed vision being unequivocally

fixed at 1300.[7] Leonardo Aretino and Manetti add their testimony to

that of Boccaccio, and 1265 is now universally assumed as the true date.

Voltaire,[8] nevertheless, places the poet's birth in 1260, and jauntily

forgives Bayle (who, he says, _écrivait à Rotterdam_ currente calamo

_pour son libraire_) for having been right, declaring that he esteems him

neither more nor less for having made a mistake of five years. Oddly

enough, Voltaire adopts this alleged blunder of five years on the next

page in saying that Dante died at the age of 56, though he still more

oddly omits the undisputed date of his death (1321), which would have

shown Bayle to be right. The poet's descent is said to have been derived

from a younger son of the great Roman family of the Frangipani, classed

by the popular rhyme with the Orsini and Colonna:--

"Colonna, Orsini, e Frangipani,

Prendono oggi e pagano domani."

That his ancestors had been long established in Florence is an inference

from some expressions of the poet, and from their dwelling having been

situated in the more ancient part of the city. The most important fact of

the poet's genealogy is, that he was of mixed race, the Alighieri being

of Teutonic origin. Dante was born, as he himself tells us,[9] when the

sun was in the constellation Gemini, and it has been absurdly inferred,

from a passage in the _Inferno_,[10] that his horoscope was drawn and a

great destiny predicted for him by his teacher, Brunetto Latini. The

_Ottimo Comento_ tells us that the Twins are the house of Mercury, who

induces in men the faculty of writing, science, and of acquiring

knowledge. This is worth mentioning as characteristic of the age and of

Dante himself, with whom the influence of the stars took the place of the

old notion of destiny.[11] It is supposed, from a passage in Boccaccio's

life of Dante, that Alighiero the father was still living when the poet

was nine years old. If so, he must have died soon after, for Leonardo

Aretino, who wrote with original documents before him, tells us that

Dante lost his father while yet a child. This circumstance may have been

not without influence in muscularizing his nature to that character of

self-reliance which shows itself so constantly and sharply during his

after-life. His tutor was Brunetto Latini, a very superior man (for that

age), says Aretino parenthetically. Like Alexander Gill, he is now

remembered only as the schoolmaster of a great poet, and that he did his

duty well may be inferred from Dante's speaking of him gratefully as one

who by times "taught him how man eternizes himself." This, and what

Villani says of his refining the Tuscan idiom (for so we understand his

_farli scorti in bene parlare_),[12] are to be noted as of probable

influence on the career of his pupil. Of the order of Dante's studies

nothing can be certainly affirmed. His biographers send him to Bologna,

Padua, Paris, Naples, and even Oxford. All are doubtful, Paris and Oxford

most of all, and the dates utterly undeterminable. Yet all are possible,

nay, perhaps probable. Bologna and Padua we should be inclined to place

before his exile; Paris and Oxford, if at all, after it. If no argument

in favor of Paris is to be drawn from his _Pape Satan_[13] and the

corresponding _paix, paix, Sathan,_ in the autobiography of Cellini, nor

from the very definite allusion to Doctor Siger,[14] we may yet infer

from some passages in the _Commedia_ that his wanderings had extended

even farther;[15] for it would not be hard to show that his comparisons

and illustrations from outward things are almost invariably drawn from

actual eyesight. As to the nature of his studies, there can be no doubt

that he went through the _trivium_ (grammar, dialectic, rhetoric) and the

_quadrivium_ (arithmetic, music, geometry, and astronomy) of the then

ordinary university course. To these he afterward added painting (or at

least drawing,--_designavo un angelo sopra certe tavolette_),[16]

theology, and medicine. He is said to have been the pupil of Cimabue, and

was certainly the friend of Giotto, the designs for some of whose frescos

at Assisi and elsewhere have been wrongly attributed to him, though we

may safely believe in his helpful comment and suggestion. To prove his

love of music, the episode of Casella were enough, even without

Boccaccio's testimony. The range of Dante's study and acquirement would

be encyclopedic in any age, but at that time it was literally possible to

master the _omne scibile_, and he seems to have accomplished it. How

lofty his theory of science was, is plain from this passage in the

_Convito_: "He is not to be called a true lover of wisdom (_filosofo_)

who loves it for the sake of gain, as do lawyers, physicians, and almost

all churchmen (_li religiosi_), who study, not in order to know, but to

acquire riches or advancement, and who would not persevere in study

should you give them what they desire to gain by it.... And it may be

said that (as true friendship between men consists in each wholly loving

the other) the true philosopher loves every part of wisdom, and wisdom

every part of the philosopher, inasmuch as she draws all to herself, and

allows no one of his thoughts to wander to other things."[17] The

_Convito_ gives us a glance into Dante's library. We find Aristotle (whom

he calls the philosopher, the master) cited seventy-six times; Cicero,

eighteen; Albertus Magnus, seven; Boethius, six; Plato (at second-hand),

four; Aquinas, Avicenna, Ptolemy, the Digest, Lucan, and Ovid, three

each; Virgil, Juvenal, Statius, Seneca, and Horace, twice each; and

Algazzali, Alfrogan, Augustine, Livy, Orosius, and Homer (at

second-hand), once. Of Greek he seems to have understood little; of

Hebrew and Arabic, a few words. But it was not only in the closet and

from books that Dante received his education. He acquired, perhaps, the

better part of it in the streets of Florence, and later, in those

homeless wanderings which led him (as he says) wherever the Italian

tongue was spoken. His were the only open eyes of that century, and, as

nothing escaped them, so there is nothing that was not photographed upon

his sensitive brain, to be afterward fixed forever in the _Commedia_.

What Florence was during his youth and manhood, with its Guelphs and

Ghibellines, its nobles and trades, its Bianchi and Neri, its

kaleidoscopic revolutions, "all parties loving liberty and doing their

best to destroy her," as Voltaire says, it would be beyond our province

to tell even if we could. Foreshortened as events are when we look back

on them across so many ages, only the upheavals of party conflict

catching the eye, while the spaces of peace between sink out of the view

of history, a whole century seems like a mere wild chaos. Yet during a

couple of such centuries the cathedrals of Florence, Pisa, and Siena got

built; Cimabue, Giotto, Arnolfo, the Pisani, Brunelleschi, and Ghiberti

gave the impulse to modern art, or brought it in some of its branches to

its culminating point; modern literature took its rise; commerce became a

science, and the middle class came into being. It was a time of fierce

passions and sudden tragedies, of picturesque transitions and contrasts.

It found Dante, shaped him by every experience that life is capable

of,--rank, ease, love, study, affairs, statecraft, hope, exile, hunger,

dependence, despair,--until he became endowed with a sense of the

nothingness of this world's goods possible only to the rich, and a

knowledge of man possible only to the poor. The few well-ascertained

facts of Dante's life may be briefly stated. In 1274 occurred what we may

call his spiritual birth, the awakening in him of the imaginative

faculty, and of that profounder and more intense consciousness which

springs from the recognition of beauty through the antithesis of sex. It

was in that year that he first saw Beatrice Portinari. In 1289 he was

present at the battle of Campaldino, fighting on the side of the Guelphs,

who there utterly routed the Ghibellines, and where, he says

characteristically enough, "I was present, not a boy in arms, and where I

felt much fear, but in the end the greatest pleasure, from the various

changes of the fight."[18] In the same year he assisted at the siege and

capture of Caprona.[19] In 1290 died Beatrice, married to Simone dei

Bardi, precisely when is uncertain, but before 1287, as appears by a

mention of her in her father's will, bearing date January 15 of that

year. Dante's own marriage is assigned to various years, ranging from

1291 to 1294; but the earlier date seems the more probable, as he was the

father of seven children (the youngest, a daughter, named Beatrice) in

1301. His wife was Gemma dei Donati, and through her Dante, whose family,

though noble, was of the lesser nobility, became nearly connected with

Corso Donati, the head of a powerful clan of the _grandi_, or greater

nobles. In 1293 occurred what is called the revolution of Gian Della

Bella, in which the priors of the trades took the power into their own

hands, and made nobility a disqualification for office. A noble was

defined to be any one who counted a knight among his ancestors, and thus

the descendant of Cacciaguida was excluded.

Della Bella was exiled in 1295, but the nobles did not regain their

power. On the contrary, the citizens, having all their own way, proceeded

to quarrel among themselves, and subdivided into the _popolani grossi_

and _popolani minuti_, or greater and lesser trades,--a distinction of

gentility somewhat like that between wholesale and retail tradesmen. The

_grandi_ continuing turbulent, many of the lesser nobility, among them

Dante, drew over to the side of the citizens, and between 1297 and 1300

there is found inscribed in the book of the physicians and apothecaries,

_Dante d' Aldighiero, degli Aldighieri, poeta Fiorentino_[20] Professor

de Vericour[21] thinks it necessary to apologize for this lapse on the

part of the poet, and gravely bids us take courage, nor think that Dante

was ever an apothecary. In 1300 we find him elected one of the priors of

the city. In order to a perfect misunderstanding of everything connected

with the Florentine politics of this period, one has only to study the

various histories. The result is a spectrum on the mind's eye, which

looks definite and brilliant, but really hinders all accurate vision, as

if from too steady inspection of a Catharine-wheel in full whirl. A few

words, however, are necessary, if only to make the confusion palpable.

The rival German families of Welfs and Weiblingens had given their names,

softened into Guelfi and Ghibellini,--from which Gabriel Harvey[22]

ingeniously, but mistakenly, derives elves and goblins,--to two parties

in Northern Italy, representing respectively the adherents of the pope

and of the emperor, but serving very well as rallying-points in all

manner of intercalary and subsidiary quarrels. The nobles, especially the

greater ones,--perhaps from instinct, perhaps in part from hereditary

tradition, as being more or less Teutonic by descent,--were commonly

Ghibellines, or Imperialists; the bourgeoisie were very commonly Guelphs,

or supporters of the pope, partly from natural antipathy to the nobles,

and partly, perhaps, because they believed themselves to be espousing the

more purely Italian side. Sometimes, however, the party relation of

nobles and burghers to each other was reversed, but the names of Guelph

and Ghibelline always substantially represented the same things. The

family of Dante had been Guelphic, and we have seen him already as a

young man serving two campaigns against the other party. But no immediate

question as between pope and emperor seems then to have been pending; and

while there is no evidence that he was ever a mere partisan, the reverse

would be the inference from his habits and character. Just before his

assumption of the priorate, however, a new complication had arisen. A

family feud, beginning at the neighboring city of Pistoja, between the

Cancellieri Neri and Cancellieri Bianchi,[23] had extended to Florence,

where the Guelphs took the part of the Neri and the Ghibellines of the

Bianchi.[24] The city was instantly in a ferment of street brawls, as

actors in one of which some of the Medici are incidentally named,--the

first appearance of that family in history. Both parties appealed at

different times to the pope, who sent two ambassadors, first a bishop and

then a cardinal. Both pacificators soon flung out again in a rage, after

adding the new element of excommunication to the causes of confusion. It

was in the midst of these things that Dante became one of the six priors

(June, 1300),--an office which the Florentines had made bimestrial in its

tenure, in order apparently to secure at least six constitutional chances

of revolution in the year. He advised that the leaders of both parties

should be banished to the frontiers, which was forthwith done; the

ostracism including his relative Corso Donati among the Neri, and his

most intimate friend the poet Guido Cavalcanti among the Bianchi. They

were all permitted to return before long (but after Dante's term of

office was over), and came accordingly, bringing at least the Scriptural

allowance of "seven other" motives of mischief with them. Affairs getting

worse (1301), the Neri, with the connivance of the pope (Boniface VIII.),

entered into an arrangement with Charles of Valois, who was preparing an

expedition to Italy. Dante was meanwhile sent on an embassy to Rome

(September, 1301, according to Arrivabene,[25] but probably earlier) by

the Bianchi, who still retained all the offices at Florence. It is the

tradition that he said in setting forth: "If I go, who remains? and if I

stay, who goes?" Whether true or not, the story implies what was

certainly true, that the council and influence of Dante were of great

weight with the more moderate of both parties. On October 31, 1301,

Charles took possession of Florence in the interest of the Neri. Dante

being still at Rome (January 27, 1302), sentence of exile was pronounced

against him and others, with a heavy fine to be paid within two months;

if not paid, the entire confiscation of goods, and, whether paid or no,

exile; the charge against him being pecuniary malversation in office. The

fine not paid (as it could not be without admitting the justice of the

charges, which Dante scorned even to deny), in less than two months

(March 10, 1302) a second sentence was registered, by which he with

others was condemned to be burned alive if taken within the boundaries of

the republic.[26] From this time the life of Dante becomes semi-mythical,

and for nearly every date we are reduced to the "as they say" of

Herodotus. He became now necessarily identified with his fellow-exiles

(fragments of all parties united by common wrongs in a practical, if not

theoretic, Ghibellinism), and shared in their attempts to reinstate

themselves by force of arms. He was one of their council of twelve, but

withdrew from it on account of the unwisdom of their measures. Whether he

was present at their futile assault on Florence (July 22, 1304) is

doubtful, but probably he was not. From the _Ottimo Comento_, written at

least in part[27] by a contemporary as early as 1333, we learn that Dante

soon separated himself from his companions in misfortune with mutual

discontents and recriminations.[28] During the nineteen years of Dante's

exile, it would be hard to say where he was not. In certain districts of

Northern Italy there is scarce a village that has not its tradition of

him, its _sedia, rocca, spelonca,_ or _torre di Dante_; and what between

the patriotic complaisance of some biographers overwilling to gratify as

many provincial vanities as possible, and the pettishness of others

anxious only to snub them, the confusion becomes hopeless.[29] After his

banishment we find some definite trace of him first at Arezzo with

Uguccione della Faggiuola; then at Siena; then at Verona with the

Scaligeri. He himself says: "Through almost all parts where this language

[Italian] is spoken, a wanderer, wellnigh a beggar, I have gone, showing

against my will the wound of fortune. Truly I have been a vessel without

sail or rudder, driven to diverse ports, estuaries, and shores by that

hot blast, the breath of grievous poverty; and I have shown myself to the

eyes of many who perhaps, through some fame of me, had imagined me in

quite other guise, in whose view not only was my person debased, but

every work of mine, whether done or yet to do, became of less

account."[30] By the election of the emperor Henry VII. (of Luxemburg,

November, 1308), and the news of his proposed expedition into Italy, the

hopes of Dante were raised to the highest pitch. Henry entered Italy,

October, 1310, and received the iron crown of Lombardy at Milan, on the

day of Epiphany, 1311. His movements being slow, and his policy

undecided, Dante addressed him that famous letter, urging him to crush

first the "Hydra and Myrrha" Florence, as the root of all the evils of

Italy (April 16, 1311). To this year we must probably assign the new

decree by which the seigniory of Florence recalled a portion of the

exiles, excepting Dante, however, among others, by name.[31] The

undertaking of Henry, after an ill-directed dawdling of two years, at

last ended in his death at Buonconvento (August 24, 1313; Carlyle says

wrongly September); poisoned, it was said, in the sacramental bread, by a

Dominican friar, bribed thereto by Florence.[32] The story is doubtful,

the more as Dante nowhere alludes to it, as he certainly would have done

had he heard of it. According to Balbo, Dante spent the time from August,

1313, to November, 1314, in Pisa and Lucca, and then took refuge at

Verona, with Can Grande della Scala (whom Voltaire calls, drolly enough,

_le grand can de Vérone_, as if he had been a Tartar), where he remained

till 1318. Foscolo with equal positiveness sends him, immediately after

the death of Henry, to Guido da Polenta[33] at Ravenna, and makes him

join Can Grande only after the latter became captain of the Ghibelline

league in December, 1318. In 1316 the government of Florence set forth a

new decree allowing the exiles to return on conditions of fine and

penance. Dante rejected the offer (by accepting which his guilt would

have been admitted), in a letter still hot, after these five centuries,

with indignant scorn. "Is this then the glorious return of Dante

Alighieri to his country after nearly three lustres of suffering and

exile? Did an innocence, patent to all, merit this?--this, the perpetual

sweat and toil of study? Far from a man, the housemate of philosophy, be

so rash and earthen hearted a humility as to allow himself to be offered

up bound like a school-boy or a criminal! Far from a man, the preacher of

justice, to pay those who have done him wrong as for a favor! This is not

the way of retaining to my country; but if another can be found that

shall not derogate from the fame and honor of Dante, that I will enter on

with no lagging steps. For if by none such Florence may be entered, by me

then never! Can I not everywhere behold the mirrors of the sun and stars?

speculate on sweetest truths under any sky without first giving myself up

inglorious, nay, ignominious, to the populace and city of Florence? Nor

shall I want for bread." Dionisi puts the date of this letter in

1315.[34] He is certainly wrong, for the decree is dated December 11,

1316. Foscolo places it in 1316, Troya early in 1317, and both may be

right, as the year began March 25. Whatever the date of Dante's visit to

Voltaire's great Khan[35] of Verona, or the length of his stay with him,

may have been, it is certain that he was in Ravenna in 1320, and that, on

his return thither from an embassy to Venice (concerning which a curious

letter, forged probably by Doni, is extant), he died on September 14,

1321 (13th, according to others). He was buried at Ravenna under a

monument built by his friend, Guido Novello.[36] Dante is said to have

dictated the following inscription for it on his death-bed:--

JVRA MONARCHIAE SVPEROS PHLEGETHONTA LACVSQVE

LVSTRANDO CECINI VOLVERVNT FATA QVOVSQVE

SED QVIA PARS CESSIT MELIORIBVS HOSPITA CASTRIS

AVCTOREMQVE SVVM PETIIT FELICIOR ASTRIS

HIC CLAVDOR DANTES PATRIIS EXTORRIS AB ORIS

QVEM GENVIT PARVI FLORENTIA MATER AMORIS.

Among My Books. Second Series · 第 9 / 29 题