After four years of wandering he returned to Genoa, stopping for a

short stay at Newcastle-on-Tyne, where he was enthusiastically greeted

by English admirers, and given a presentation sword. When he reached

Genoa he found that his mother had died, and that his three children

were living with his cousins. A few short trips at sea succeeded in

earning him sufficient money to buy part of the little island of

Caprera, of which he was so fond. Here he established himself to await

events. Europe had grown more peaceful, but Garibaldi, hot-headed as

he was, could see that Piedmont was slowly but surely widening the

breach between herself and Austria. He began to look to Piedmont as the

hope of Italy, and little by little to understand, especially when the

small kingdom allied itself with France and England against Russia,

that Piedmont meant Cavour, and that the latter was the match of any

diplomatic strategist in Europe.

Garibaldi purchased half of the island of Caprera in 1855, and

immediately took possession. Working with his own hands he built first a

log hut and then a more pretentious villa, to which in time he brought

his cousins, the Deideris, and his children, Theresita, who was rapidly

becoming a very beautiful girl, and the boys Menotti and Ricciotti.

The general called himself the "recluse of Caprera," and worked hard

to cultivate a soil naturally barren and difficult. He was glad of the

opportunity to rest after so many years of stirring action, and day by

day grew more enamoured of the wild vegetation of his island home and

the steep cliffs that bordered it against the sea. Often he had visitors

from nearby Sardinia, simple enthusiastic folk who were delighted to

look upon him as a national hero, and confidently expected that some

day he would lead an Italian army to the greatest victories. In such

patriarchal simplicity he spent the years until 1859, hearing from time

to time news of Cavour's policies at Turin, always eager in hope that

his sword might soon be drawn in conjunction with that of a national

army.

Ten years of patient waiting and subtle diplomacy mark the decade

between the siege of Rome and 1859. In that time Cavour, by the

successive steps of the Crimean War, the Congress of Paris, and the

secret Pact of Plombières, had succeeded in isolating Austria from the

other Powers, and in allying Louis Napoleon with Piedmont. His next

step was to prepare actively for war, and with this purpose he called

Garibaldi to see him at Turin. Garibaldi went to the Minister's house,

dressed in his usual campaign clothes, wearing a loose red blouse

and broad-brimmed hat, and refused to give his name to the servant.

On Cavour's hearing of the presence of such a disreputable appearing

stranger, he said, "Let the poor devil in, he probably has some petition

to ask of me."

The meeting was most amicable, Cavour asked Garibaldi to command the new

volunteer army known as the "Hunters of the Alps," and Garibaldi was

delighted to accept. Immediately he began recruiting his forces, and so

spontaneous was the rising throughout northern and central Italy that

by May of that year he was at the head of three regiments of infantry

well-equipped for instant service. Austria was dismayed, and demanded

that Cavour dismiss the men, but by what was probably the most fortunate

coup in his whole career Cavour was able to appear willing to have

peace, and yet force Austria to war. Napoleon stood by Piedmont, and

in May, 1859, the campaign that was to redeem the inglorious field of

Novara commenced.

Garibaldi's great reputation caused friction between him and the

officers of the regular army, and he who had been used to the greatest

freedom of action found himself seriously hampered by directions from

headquarters. He hailed with delight King Victor Emmanuel's permission

to separate from the regular army and fight as he pleased, accompanied

as it was with the King's remark, "Go where you like, do what you like;

I feel only one regret, that I am not able to follow you."

The resulting campaign showed the great guerilla warrior at his best.

As with the Neapolitans in 1849, so with the Croats in 1859, Garibaldi

was credited with superhuman powers. At times the success attending his

sheer effrontery seemed almost to justify such a conclusion. Time and

again he placed himself in positions so desperate that it was only his

quickness of wit in seizing at a possible chance that saved him. Had he

failed he would have been rated as a bungler, but as he succeeded the

desperation of each chance served only to magnify his strategy. He was

a remarkable mathematician, able to estimate all possible combinations

adroitly and quickly, he never despaired, and never hesitated when

he had decided on a plan. As a result the "Hunters of the Alps," or

_Garibaldini_, as the volunteers were called, hung on the Austrian

troops all through Lombardy and the Lake country, driving them from town

after town by sudden assaults, continually tricking much larger forces

by clever misrepresentations of their own strength. Garibaldi entered

Lombard territory and took Varese. After defeating the Austrians near

there in the battle of Malnate he swept up to Cavallesca, near Como,

and, attacking a much larger force than his own, drove the enemy through

Como towards Monza. Como received the Hunters with open arms, Garibaldi

telegraphed to Milan, using the Austrian General's name, and so gained

information of the Allies. Soon afterwards he stationed his advance

guard at the Villa Medici, looking down over lake after lake, and with a

panoramic view of the Alps. Here the Austrians thought to surround him,

but by means of sending false messages planned to fall into the enemy's

hands, and by taking advantage of a heavy storm at night, he succeeded

in escaping them and regaining Como.

Meanwhile the regular army was winning victories, Montebello, Magenta,

Solferino, and San Martino were falling to the glory of French and

Italian arms. The Austrians were steadily being driven back, Garibaldi

left Como and took Bergamo, then Brescia. As he advanced the men of

the land he crossed joined his army, Brescia set to work to fortify

its walls at his command. He was ordered to follow the Austrians, and

pursued them to Tre Ponti, which he won, although at such a cost he was

obliged to fall back on the main army.

Napoleon the Third had no intention of winning too many victories for

Italy, nor of allowing the Garibaldian troops to gain unseemly power.

The plans of the general were therefore interfered with, his recruits

diverted into other channels, and the Hunters sent into the passes of

the Stelvio on the pretext of preventing an attack from Germany, but

in reality to prevent Garibaldi from crossing Lake Garda and gaining

the valley of the Adige and the Veronese mountains. The general obeyed,

and conducted a markedly successful campaign near Sondrio and Bormio,

finding himself in his true element among the Alps.

Then came the stupefying news that Napoleon had made the peace of

Villafranca. The rage of the _Garibaldini_ knew no bounds, their general

hurried to Victor Emmanuel's camp to tender his resignation. The King

would not accept it. "Italy still requires the legions you command," he

said, "you must remain!" Garibaldi returned to his troops, his hatred

for Louis Napoleon more intense than ever, but convinced that the peace

only marked a short pause in the great forward movement.

Too much credit cannot be given Victor Emmanuel for his resolution at

this time. Bitterly disappointed as he must have been at such an abrupt

end to a campaign that had promised to open Italy from the Alps to the

Adriatic, he yet managed to hide his chagrin, and held Garibaldi, even

as he a little later induced Cavour to resume the post which he had

in a burst of rage resigned. Fortunately also the formal statement of

the peace-makers that the Princes should be restored to their thrones

in Florence, Modena, and Parma, and the Pope's legates at Bologna,

Ferrara, Forli, and Ravenna was simply a statement, the people of those

cities had quite different views. They had tasted of liberty and of the

victories of a national army, and one city after another announced that

it would have no more of its foreign rulers, that its people wished to

become citizens of Italy and subjects of Victor Emmanuel. Garibaldi

heard this and was convinced that it no longer lay in the power of his

arch enemy, Louis Napoleon, to keep Italians separated. "Whatever may

be the march of existing circumstances," he said to his men, "Italians

must neither lay aside their arms, nor be discouraged. They ought on

the contrary to increase in number in their ranks, to testify to Europe

that, guided by their King, Victor Emmanuel, they are ready to face

again the vicissitudes of war, whatever they may be. Perhaps at the

moment we least expect it the signal of alarm may again be sounded!"

He was sent into central Italy, and at Florence, at Bologna, at

Rimini, he had only to appear to have volunteers crowd about him.

Napoleon learned of this and remonstrated to the government at Turin,

which attempted to check the ardor of its great general, and yet keep

him for further use. It was a time when Cavour's skill was taxed to

the uttermost to avoid a break either with the French or with the

Garibaldians.

The news of Cavour's decision to cede Savoy and Nice to France, a

decision only reached when it became evident that it was the price

Napoleon demanded for allowing central Italy to unite with Piedmont,

came like a thunder clap to Garibaldi. Born in Nice he declared that

the act made him "a stranger in his own country." He was immediately

returned to Parliament for Nice and bitterly attacked Cavour's policy

in the Chamber. He spoke at length, claiming that the cession was

both an infraction of the original charter by which Nice had become

a part of the Sardinian kingdom, and a violation of the fundamental

law of nationality. Cavour, however, carried the Parliament with him,

and Garibaldi left for Nice to take farewell of it, for he refused to

remain there and become a citizen of France. He was disgusted with the

compromises of diplomacy. "I have nothing to do with men or political

parties," he declared, "my country, and nothing but my country, is my

object."

Two other incidents of the campaign of 1859 must be mentioned, the one

Garibaldi's visit to Anita's grave near Ravenna, the scene of those

bitter days immediately after the fall of Rome, to which he now returned

as a conqueror. The other was his marriage at Como during his fighting

in the Lakes to Giuseppina Raymondi, the adventurous daughter of the

Marquis Raymondi, who persuaded the general that she was deeply in love

with him, in order that marriage might shield her sadly tarnished name.

Garibaldi would not hear of the marriage at first, and declared that

since Anita's death his heart was withered. The Marquis answered, "It

is with freedom, and with Italian unity that my daughter is enamoured,

and with you as the embodiment of it in Italy." The general could not

withstand that appeal, and consented to the marriage. The depths of the

treachery were revealed to him immediately afterwards, and he left his

new wife at once. It was years, however, before he was granted a divorce

from her.

Mazzini, Cavour, and Garibaldi each played an important part in the next

act of the great drama of Italy, but Garibaldi unquestionably held the

center of the stage. The act was the famous expedition of the Thousand

to Sicily, a performance foolhardy and rash in the extreme, which was,

however, destined to bring to a speedy fruition the long-deferred hopes

of all Italians patriots. Mazzini's part was to prepare the field, he

had early chosen Sicily as a most favorable scene for revolutionary

action, and had sent agents to smuggle arms into the island, to hold

meetings and generally to arouse the people. Cavour's part was to play

the double game of protesting against the expedition in the eyes of

the Powers, and of aiding it as best he could secretly. He foresaw the

risks that would beset it, and the even greater risk to his King of

having such a dictator as Garibaldi win many victories, yet he could

not absolutely prevent a scheme devised in all patriotic fervor. He

gave public orders to the Sardinian admiral to capture Garibaldi and

bring him back, but with a secret message which the admiral rightly

understood as meaning that Cavour wished no such event to happen. In

much the same manner the British ambassador at Turin, Sir James Hudson,

and the British fleet in the Mediterranean, although ostensibly strictly

neutral, contrived not to embarrass Garibaldi, and the fleet even went

so far as to appear inadvertently between the Neapolitan ships and

those that bore the Thousand, thereby preventing what might have been

an untimely cannonade. Though few in official places therefore openly

countenanced the expedition, many hoped that it would succeed. Under

such circumstances the general sailed from Genoa on May 5, 1860, with

some 1067 picked men, many recruited from the "Hunters of the Alps,"

henceforth to be known as the "Mille," and destined to make one of the

greatest expeditions in history, and eventually to give two crowns to

the house of Savoy.

It was an historic day when the "great filibuster," as Garibaldi was

called, sailed from Genoa. Parents, wives, and children bade the

Thousand a tearful farewell in the rocky bay of Quarto, where to-day

a marble star upon the cliff commemorates the event. At Talamone they

landed to seize some arms and to send a force of one hundred men into

the Papal States to incite rebellion. Then they set sail fairly out

to sea, and Garibaldi and his chiefs planned the Sicilian campaign.

May 11 the two shiploads reached Marsala, hotly pursued by Neapolitan

cruisers. The Thousand took possession of the town, the general issued

glowing proclamations to the citizens, and quickly recruited a corps

of over a thousand Sicilian scouts. From Marsala they went to Salemi,

a march triumphantly acclaimed by monks, priests, women, and children

who lined the roads, and with Sicilian impetuosity were carried away by

the sudden appearance of an Italian army. At Salemi Garibaldi issued

this pronunciamento: "Garibaldi, commander-in-chief of the national

forces in Sicily, on the invitation of the principal citizens, and on

the deliberation of the free communes of the island, considering that in

time of war it is necessary that the civil and military power should be

united in one person, assumes, in the name of Victor Emmanuel, King of

Italy, the Dictatorship in Sicily."

The first battle was fought in the heart of the mountains, at

Calatafimi, where numbers of ancient ruins gave Garibaldi opportunity

to use his skill in irregular fighting. The battle lasted three hours,

both Garibaldi's son Menotti, and the son of Daniel Manin of Venice,

were wounded; in the end the conflict was a victory for the Thousand.

The Neapolitans fell back on Palermo, and Garibaldi planned to take the

Sicilian capital.

Throughout the campaign the officers of the King of Naples showed the

same sublime incompetence which characterized their sovereign. Palermo

should have been easy to defend, and with this knowledge, and misled

by Garibaldi's tactics into believing him in retreat, the Neapolitan

general gave a great dinner at the capital and proceeded to forget the

war altogether. As a result, by a remarkably swift march, Garibaldi

appeared at the gates of Palermo, carried them, swept through street

after street of the city, and drove the enemy into the castle and

palace. For a few days the city was laid waste by bombs from the two

latter positions, and from the fleet in the harbor, then the Neapolitan

general asked for an armistice, which eventually ended in the evacuation

of Sicily, except at Messina and a few forts, by the army of the King

of Naples. As most of the soldiers were Austrians, they left without

any deep regret, in fact with almost as much rejoicing as though they

had been victors. Free from the foreigners, Palermo gave itself up to

rejoicing, men and women donned red shirts and acclaimed Garibaldi as a

second Cincinnatus and new Washington. All relics of the former rulers

were destroyed, Sicily felt itself at last free to join the other states

of Italy. Immediately Cavour sent agents to urge annexation to Piedmont,

but Garibaldi was not yet ready for that step. He planned to win Naples

and Rome before he gave over his independent dictatorship.

The scene now changes to Milazzo. Thither Garibaldi's army, composed

of the Thousand, of many Palermitans, of an English brigade, and of

Hungarians, Frenchmen, Italians of all ranks, all drawn to the great

general whose fame had now spread from end to end of Europe, proceeded.

There was hard fighting at Milazzo, but in time the city fell, and

Messina lay practically open to the invaders. A few more days and

Garibaldi was encamped there, resting and recuperating after the entire

liberation of Sicily.

It is no exaggeration to say that fortune had showered her richest gifts

on Garibaldi during this campaign. In a few short weeks he had driven

all the Neapolitan forces out of the island with little loss of life to

his own men, had come into possession of money, arms, boats, stores of

all kinds, had increased his army to some 25,000 men, had become the

idol of all Sicily, to whom the red shirt became the proudest badge of

man or woman, had so thoroughly frightened King Francis II. that he was

unwilling to join his own army of defense, and had so completely aroused

Italy that from each town young and old poured forth to make their

way to his invincible standard. Through it all, he, whom fortune was

doing everything to spoil, remained as simple, as unmindful of personal

comfort or aggrandizement, as in his early days. He was at his best when

he won Sicily and planned his march on Naples, it was unfortunate that

the warrior should ever have attempted to become the statesman.

Garibaldi's army remained at Messina for twenty-three days. During

part of that time the general was engaged in assuring the Sardinian

government that he had no interest in a revolutionary expedition which

was attempting to march into the Papal States. The rest of the time was

given to perfecting his plans for a descent on Calabria.

August 19 the first detachment of the army sailed from Taormina in the

_Torino_ and the _Franklin_. The Neapolitan fleet was led into the

belief that the embarkation would be at Messina, and by this ruse the

ships succeeded in crossing to the mainland unmolested. They landed

at Melito, and early the next morning Garibaldi prepared to march on

Reggio. Again speed stood him in good stead. The new Army of the South,

as the Thousand with its recruits was now called, took the Neapolitan

general by surprise. At two in the morning Garibaldi's army marched

into the city to find the garrison asleep. The Neapolitan soldiers,

thoroughly alarmed at the appearance of the devil, as they named

Garibaldi, so suddenly among them, paid no heed to their officers and

rushed to a nearby fortress. There severe fighting occurred during

the afternoon and night, but finally the stronghold capitulated, and

the Garibaldians had won an important base on the mainland. He sent

to Messina for the remainder of his troops, and on August 22 began

that celebrated "promenade militaire" from Reggio to Naples, which

bore little resemblance to warfare, as the enemy fled as fast as he

approached, and the countrymen, as well as deserters from the army of

Naples, flocked to join his march.

Matters had now come to such a pass that it was only necessary for

Garibaldi to appear before a town for it to capitulate; at Villa

San Giovanni, Garibaldi with a few hundred men back of him, ordered

12,000 Neapolitans to surrender, and they immediately did so. Again

at Soveria he ordered 1500 of the enemy to surrender and was obeyed.

It was enough for a red shirt to appear to cause the enemy to fly or

surrender, at certain parts of the march the Neapolitan soldiers walked

side by side with the Garibaldians. Town after town welcomed the great

general as the Liberator, as a second John the Baptist. Both natives

and Austrians looked upon him with religious awe. He had only to appear

to be surrounded with ecstatic multitudes, his scouts had merely to say

that Garibaldi was coming to send the enemy flying in all haste. In one

case it was enough to telegraph he was near the town of Salerno, the

defenders immediately decamped.

The road to Naples lay open, the citizens of that easily-excited capital

were fairly beside themselves in eagerness to welcome the Liberator.

The general left Salerno by train on September 7, but as far as speed

was concerned he might almost as well have walked. The people of all

the towns on the route, Torre del Greco, Resina, Portici, turned out,

covered the railroad tracks, boarded the train, climbed on the engine,

shouting with joy, singing the Garibaldi hymn, frantic with enthusiasm

as they hailed the man who they believed brought with him the millennium.

In Naples it was the same, there was no end to the uproar, to the

enthusiasm, to the adulation. Every one wore red, every one cheered,

even the troops of King Francis, who had retired to the castle and

fortress, could not resist the enthusiasm, and flung up their caps and

cheered for Garibaldi.

Naples had no government, Garibaldi appointed a temporary governor, and

issued a proclamation glowing with patriotic fervor.

"People of Naples--

"It is with feelings of the profoundest respect and love that I present

myself before you in this center of a noble and long-suffering people,

whom four centuries of tyranny have not been able to humiliate, and

whose spirit could never be broken by a ruthless despotism. The first

necessity of Italy is harmony and social order, without which the unity

of Italy is impossible. This day Providence has conferred that blessing

upon you, and has made me its minister. The same Providence has also

given you Victor Emmanuel, whom from this moment I will designate the

father of our country.

"The model of all sovereigns, he will impress upon his posterity the

duty that they owe to a people, who have with so much enthusiasm chosen

him for their king. You are supported by the clergy, who, conscious

of their true mission, have with patriotic ardor and truly Christian

conduct, braved the gravest dangers of battle at the head of our Italian

soldiers. The good Monks of La Gancia, and the noble-hearted priests of

the Neapolitan continent have one and all assisted us in the good fight.

"I repeat that harmony is the one essential thing for Italy, and let us

freely forgive those who, having disagreed with us, are now repentant,

and are willing to contribute their mite to build up the monument of our

national glory.

"Lastly, we must make it apparent to all that, while we respect the

houses of other people, we are determined to be masters in our own

house, whether the powers of the earth like it or not.--G. Garibaldi."

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