without remedy; it is cowardly and stupid when we can in any way free
ourselves from these evils.
"In the individual, resignation may often be virtuous; in a nation
it is perhaps never so, for the misfortunes of a nation are seldom
irremediable.
"To overcome the misfortunes of a nation, we can employ the whole
intellectual, moral, and physical power of all its citizens; and if
the generation which commences the generous task does not succeed in
accomplishing it, other generations follow, who will attain success; for
nations never die.
"This is the reason why those who advise resignation to nations, advise
cowardice, and the nations which become resigned are cowards."
Therein lies the whole wisdom of Manin's political philosophy, and also
that of many of the earlier Italian patriots. How could Austria hope to
keep such men forever in subjection?
Manin's avowed purpose was to show again and again that the Austrians
were not obeying the laws which they had themselves given to the
subject provinces. One of the methods of Austrian administrative rule
was the use of supposedly representative councils called the Central
and Provincial Congregations, which were designed to communicate the
wishes of the people of Venice and Lombardy in the form of petitions
to the Imperial council, and which had failed lamentably to use even
that meager power. On December 9, 1847, Nazari, a deputy to the Lombard
Congregation, moved that the grievances of the country be represented to
the Imperial government. Not a single Venetian deputy followed his lead,
but Manin, as a private individual, signed a petition to the Venetian
Congregation calling upon them to speak for the people. His comments
were brief but vigorous. "The Congregations," he said, "have never been
the interpreters of our wants or wishes--their silence has arisen from
a fear of displeasing the government; but this fear is unjust, and
injurious: for it is unjust and injurious to suppose that the government
has granted to this kingdom a derisory national representation, that it
deceived, and still deceives, this country and Europe, in making laws
which it does not wish to be observed, and in prosecuting and punishing
those who intend observing them." The Venetians were delighted with
the petition, they were beginning to feel the first thrills of a new
civic life. On December 30, Manin and Tommaseo, a brilliant poet and
public-spirited citizen, drew up another address which in bold terms
denounced the Austrian censorship of the press contrary to a specific
clause in the law of 1815. All the members of the Ateneo, the literary
club of Venice, signed the petition that went with the address.
The Austrians failed to see in the unrest that appeared throughout Italy
at the close of 1847 more than a series of local and widely-separated
disturbances, and made small effort to appease any of the leaders. For
their part in preparing the Venetian petition Manin and Tommaseo were
arrested and thrown into prison on January 18, 1848, charged with high
treason. The temper of the newly-aroused people was uncertain, on the
morning after the arrest the streets of Venice were seen blossoming with
signs ominous to peace and Austrian supremacy, "Viva l'Italia!" "Viva
Manin e Tommaseo!" and "Morte ai Tedeschi!"
From the date of his imprisonment Manin underwent many sufferings, one
of the chief being his inability longer to help in nursing a daughter to
whom he was passionately devoted and who was suffering from a tedious
and most painful nervous disease. At almost the same time his younger
sister, who was ill in Trevisa, died from the shock of hearing of his
imprisonment. He had been able to save very little for dark days, now
that they were come he could do nothing to tide his little household
through them. Outwardly he was calm and strong of will, inwardly he was
tormented by a hundred fears. Yet he could write from prison to his
brave wife, saying, "If you continue to be strong and courageous, these
will be the happiest days of my life.... You will find a few pieces of
gold in one drawer, a little silver in another.... If this affair lasts
long, we must think of providing for you in some way. Love one another,
my angels: be resigned, that is sufficient."
A valiant attempt was made by Teresa Manin to secure her husband's
release on bail, the authorities put her off continually, and finally
the Director-General replied that he did not believe himself authorized
to accede to her request. This final reply caused an outburst of popular
indignation. The Venetians dressed themselves in mourning, and with
heads bared filed slowly before the windows of the prison on the Riva
dei Schiavoni, where Manin and Tommaseo were confined. As long as he
remained in prison the other advocates united in caring for Manin's
legal practice, and high-spirited friends among all classes insisted
on providing his family with all necessities. He himself hoped to
be able to support them by reprinting a small treatise on Venetian
jurisprudence, but permission to advertise its sale was denied him by
the government. A little later, however, Austrian permissions became no
longer necessary, and Manin's family lived on the proceeds of the sale
of this work and on the small legacy left to him by his sister. He had
little time to think of self-support when he became dictator.
The ancient spirit of Venice was slowly rising as day after day news
came that men throughout Italy were turning on their despots. The
Nicoletti and the Castellani, the two historic factions of the people,
the blacks and the reds, renounced their ancient feud and took a common
secret oath to war only with Austria until Venice was free. The young
nobles resigned their Austrian offices and ranks, they had heard what
the nobility of Milan were accomplishing. The examination into the
charges against Manin and Tommaseo continued, although nothing illegal
could be proved against them there was a prospect of their arbitrary
removal out of Venice and to that prison of Spielberg where the careers
of so many gifted Italian patriots had ended. Manin heard that the
French had driven their King from his throne, he wondered what effect
the growing tumult of that revolution year would have on Venice. He did
not have to wait long to learn. The flames of revolt had spread across
Europe even to Vienna, Metternich had fled from the city in peril of
his life, the Austrian throne was tottering. Manin saw what was coming,
and made his plans even while he was in prison to secure Venice against
anarchy.
On the morning of March 17, 1848, the Venetians hastened to the dock
to learn the latest news of Vienna from the Trieste packet. A French
merchant on board called to the gondoliers the news, "A Constitution
at Vienna! The Recognition of Italian Independence! A Free Press! A
National Guard!" The words were sufficient, the people rushed to the
Governor's palace and demanded the immediate release of Manin and
Tommaseo. The Governor wavered, declaimed, finally yielded, saying, "I
do what I ought not to do." The people swept to the prison, and beating
down the doors, discovered the two captives. "You are free!" the leaders
shouted. Manin still chose to follow the usage of law, and asked to see
the warrant for his release. It was produced, and then he and his fellow
captive were led forth from the dreary cells with loud acclaims of joy.
Manin was raised in a chair, and so carried to the great Square of St.
Mark's, the scene of so many triumphs in Venetian history. The yellow
and black flag of Austria had in some mysterious fashion fluttered down
from the ancient flag-staves that guard the square and in its place
floated the red, white, and green emblem. "Speak!" cried the people,
and Manin, pale, infirm, and gaunt from prison life, rose and spoke
with his remarkably persuasive voice. He said he did not know to what
great events he owed his freedom, but could see clearly that nationality
and patriotic fire had grown wonderfully during the past few months.
"But forget not, I beg," he implored, "that true and lasting liberty
can only rest on order, and that you must make yourselves the emulous
guardians of order if you would show that you are worthy to be free." He
paused a moment, then added, "Yet there are times pointed out to us by
Providence when insurrection becomes not only a right, but a duty."
Manin returned home, already intent on plans to regulate the new order
of things. Towards night the great bell in the Ducal Chapel sounded
the warning note, the people rushed to the Piazza to find a battalion
of Croats tearing down the Italian tricolor, the people resisted, the
soldiers cleared the square with a bayonet charge, but the Venetians
had tasted triumph too fully to be dismayed. Some of them went to Manin
and asked him to lead them against the Croats. "This is not the way,"
he answered, "we must have a civic guard." He sent a messenger to the
Governor. "Tell him that to-day his life was in my hands, and that I
preached order, not vengeance; and now, in the interest of his own life
as well as of order, he must at once organize a civic guard."
Again Count Palffy hesitated and put off the demand from day to day. He
sent messengers to the Viceroy at Verona, and the latter telegraphed him
permission to enroll two hundred citizens. Three thousand at once took
arms and called on Manin to give them his commands. "Let all who will
not absolutely obey me depart," he said, but no one left. At last Venice
again had an army of her own.
There was no immediate bloodshed. The leading citizens conferred as to
what course Venice should take if the revolution in Vienna succeeded.
Some were for joining the kingdom of Charles Albert, some for uniting
with Lombardy, some for an Austrian ruler under a constitution. Manin
scattered their diverse views, he told them that their immediate need
was freedom, that their city must actually be in their own charge
before considering her destiny. Rumors came that the city was about
to be bombarded, there was danger both from the arsenal and from the
sea, and on the night of March 21 Manin laid his plans before the chief
patriots and told them that they must seize the arsenal. "The people
of Venice," he said, "can only understand one cry, 'Let the Republic
live!'" Still the others hesitated; one said, "The people are incapable
of sacrifices!" "You do not know them," cried Manin. "I know them; that
is my sole merit, you will see!"
Newcomers arrived, and still Manin, worn with argument, pressed his
opinion. He finished, saying, "We must have the Republic, and join with
it Saint Mark. The Republic and Saint Mark will echo in Dalmatia."
"Viva San Marco!" came an answering cry. "It is the only one, the
rallying cry of Venice!"
The conference agreed; Manin sent for the commander-in-chief of
the civic guard. "The city is threatened with bombardment," he
said. "I wish to take the arsenal at all hazards. You must make me
commander-in-chief for a day. Form the six battalions into two brigades,
and give me their captains for eight hours." The general, astounded
at the advocate's demand, left without making a reply. Manin sent to
the other commanders making the same demand. One by one they refused,
claiming that the project was too wild.
Meanwhile the soldiers at the arsenal were in mutiny and had killed the
second officer in command; there was danger of the spirit of anarchy
spreading. At the same time the last of the commanders, Major Olivieri,
placed his single battalion at Manin's command. The advocate seized
his sword, called his son, a boy of sixteen, to follow him, and put
himself at the head of the two hundred guards. The little band marched
on the arsenal and forced the commander to surrender; almost before the
Austrian officers knew what had happened the Venetians were distributing
the military stores among the people. At the moment of taking the
arsenal Manin had sent word to call the whole people into St. Mark's
Square. He found the ancient banner, the wingéd lion, and raising it
from the dust where it had lain for fifty years he unfurled it before
his company and led them back across the Piazzetta into the great
square. He had told the people he would meet them there at noon; now
he stood before them, bearing the emblem that proclaimed that Venice
had risen from her lengthy slumbers. He spoke to the assembled city.
"Venetians, we are free! And we are so without the shedding of blood,
either our own, or our brothers', for to me all men are brothers. But
when the old government is overturned, the new must take its place; the
best now seems to me to be the Republic which speaks of our past glory
and adds the liberty of modern times. But by this we shall not separate
from our Italian brothers, but rather form one of those centers destined
to aid in fusing our Italy into one people. Live the Republic! Live
liberty! Live Saint Mark!"
The civic guards swore to defend with their lives the new Republic and
its founder, the aged wept, the young embraced, all raised their hands
in gratitude to heaven. The people reveled in noble delirium of joy.
Venice looked upon Manin as its deliverer; the citizens did not know the
physical anguish he had undergone. Pathetic are the words of his little
daughter Emilia as she heard her father proclaimed. "I ought," she
wrote, "to be filled with ineffable gladness, but a weight continually
presses my heart."
Manin had scarcely closed his eyes for five days and nights. As soon as
the people would release him now he went home utterly exhausted: he said
to his friends, "Leave me at least this night to rest, or I shall die."
The Austrian authorities saw that resistance would be of little avail,
their own forces were too small and too much in sympathy with the
people's cause to give them a sense of any real power on which to rely,
and accordingly the Governor acceded to the terms imposed upon him. All
foreign troops were to be removed, the forts and all military stores
surrendered, the government transferred to the charge of a Committee of
Venetian citizens. The demands were sweeping, the Austrian government
later regarded the Venetian capitulation as the most humiliating they
suffered in the revolutionary year of 1848.
That same night the provisional government announced to the people the
terms of the Austrian capitulation, and the citizens were amazed to find
that neither the name of Manin nor of Tommaseo was included in the new
government. They made their dissatisfaction so apparent that friends
went to see Manin to beg him to send some message to the people. He
dictated the following lines from his bed: "Venetians! I know that you
love me, and, in the name of that love, I ask you to conduct yourselves,
during the legitimate manifestation of your joy, with that dignity
which belongs to men worthy of being free. Your friend, Manin."
The people heard the message and quietly dispersed. Next day the
provisional government found that the new Republic would only have the
one man at its head, and so they asked Manin to form a government. He
did so immediately, taking for himself the Presidency of the Council
and Foreign Affairs. He composed his government of men of different
classes and different religions, all Venetians were assured of perfect
equality in their new state. The patriarch blessed the standard of the
Republic, and the commander of the fleet read the list of the ministry
to the people. The reading was broken by constant cries of "Viva Manin!
President of the Republic!"
Thus Venice became free after fifty years of bondage. It was now
Manin's concern to see that she was kept free. He recognized how slight
were her resources, and he became at once an eager adherent of French
intervention in northern Italy. Charles Albert of Piedmont and Mazzini
were both acclaiming an Italy won by the Italians, but Manin foresaw,
what Cavour was later to recognize, that foreign allies were absolutely
essential.
France, however, was in a most unsettled condition, her ministers
did not wish to see a strong state of upper Italy on their southern
borders; they were already longing to annex Savoy, and yet as good
republicans they felt themselves bound to aid the revolted states
against Austrian tyranny. Manin made overtures for an alliance, at first
merely feeling his way, but as the summer progressed, and the need
grew more and more apparent, by definite overtures. The French Consul
at Venice was most hopeful. He said to Manin, "It is well known that
the sympathy of France, when she possesses liberty of action, is never
without results." In reply Manin said that he hoped "that the united
efforts of the different Italian states, the ardor which animates the
people of the Peninsula, will suffice to expel the enemy; if not, we
shall have recourse to the generosity of France. Meanwhile, we should
be glad to see at once some French vessels in the Adriatic, and I beg
that you will lose no time in communicating our wishes to the foreign
ministry."
Manin wished to convene a popular assembly as soon after he assumed
office as possible, and on June 3 such a deliberative body met, its
members having been elected by universal suffrage from Venice and the
free districts of the Dogado. Their first important task was to decide
whether they would join with Lombardy in union under Piedmont's King.
Manin believed that the decision as to such a step ought to be deferred
until the war was ended, but a strong party opposed his opinion. His
partisans entered into a bitter fight with the opposition, for a time
it looked as though the split in the Assembly would lead to civil war.
Manin rose and implored those who were his friends to place no further
obstacles in the path of fusion. Moved by his passionate appeal for
harmony the Assembly passed the act of fusion with few negative votes,
and at the same time resolved that "Daniel Manin had deserved well of
his country." He spoke again, saying, "While the foreigner is still in
Italy, for God's sake let there be no more talk of parties. When we are
rid of him we will discuss these matters among ourselves as brothers.
This is the only recompense I ask of you."
The Assembly elected Manin head of the new ministry, but he declined on
the ground that he had always been a republican and would feel out of
place as a royal minister. In addition his health demanded that he seek
some rest.
The new Venetian ministry lasted until August 7, when the Royal
Commissioners assumed office. Unfortunately Charles Albert was already
being beaten back in Lombardy, and on August 9 signed the armistice of
Salasco, by which all claims to Venice were renounced. When word came
to the city the Venetians were dumbfounded, then mad with indignation.
Finally they rushed to Manin's house, calling for him and denouncing
the Royal Commissioners. Manin told the excited people that he would
stake his head upon the Commissioners' patriotism. He went to see them
and then addressed the citizens again. "The day after tomorrow," he
said, "the Assembly will meet to appoint a new government. For these
forty-eight hours I govern." The people dispersed, satisfied now that
their idol was at their head again. The Assembly when it met wished to
make Manin dictator, but he pleaded his ignorance of military matters,
and a triumvirate was formed, made up of Admiral Graziani, Colonel
Cavedalis, and himself.
Just when it seemed as though France was finally deciding to come to the
aid of northern Italy, England intervened and proposed a plan of joint
mediation. To add to this obstacle Charles Albert declared that Italy
would act for herself, and the chances of Venice winning a foreign ally
were reduced to practically nothing. Italians from Naples to Piedmont
were showing themselves to be individual heroes, but their efforts were
ineffectual without a general leader. The Romans were hampered by the
inaction of the Pope. Pius IX. had promised great things in the cause of
national independence, but when the German Cardinals told him that in
case he declared war against Austria he would forfeit their allegiance
his enthusiasm waned. The Austrian general, Radetzky, was slowly
winning back the fields lost in Lombardy, Vicenza fell, then Milan, and
Austria felt herself strong enough to declare a blockade of Venice. As
the summer of 1848 ended it became clear that Venice would be left to
herself, that the tide of revolution in the other states was already
ebbing, and that Piedmont had shot her bolt. Manin still hoped that some
ally would succor the small city in her war against the great empire,
but whether an ally should come or not he was determined that Venice
should set an example of resistance that would show Europe how well
freedom was deserved.
The city, in its state of siege, stood in the greatest need of money.
Manin had only to ask, and all classes brought forth their savings,
their heirlooms, whatever they had of value, to give to the cause. The
old aristocracy, the boys in the street, every one who loved Venice,
made their sacrifices gladly, reverently. Private citizens clothed many
of the soldiers, palaces were given for public uses, Manin gave all
his family plate and would accept no salary; General Pepe, the aged
commander-in-chief, gave a picture by Leonardo da Vinci that was his
dearest possession. No one thought of his own need, all thought solely
of keeping Venice free. If she returned to bondage they cared little
what became of them.
Ugo Bassi, the heroic priest who was later to fight with Mazzini on
the walls of Rome, and still later to die at the hands of Austrian
executioners, preached daily to the Venetians. There was no lack of
noble spirits who recalled to them the great glories of the past. But
above and beyond all the others the people loved Manin, they had come to
link his name indissolubly with that of their city, he was their father,
they his devoted children. If ever a man merited such devotion it was
Manin. With the cares of his city weighing perpetually on his mind,
planning, advising, encouraging, he fought the ravages of disease that
crippled his resources, and spent the nights watching by the bedside of
his sick child. At one time, in November, there was fear for his life,
and Venice shook with apprehension. He recovered and took up the burden
of government with his marvelous stoic calm.
In spite of the fact that the city was besieged and money scarce, Venice
was characteristically buoyant. The theater, the Fenice, was crowded;
fêtes and carnivals, always patriotically fervent, were of daily
occurrence; processions, music, all that appealed to the eye and the ear
and the imagination fed the Venetian love of glory. Their city was free,
and the people awakened the echoes of that great life which had been
theirs before captivity, they forgot so far as they could that they
had ever slumbered. On the morning of November 17 Mass was celebrated
in memory of all the martyrs to Italian liberty, and that same night
the entire city was thrilled by a wonderful display of the Aurora
Borealis which set the snow-caps of the Alps vividly before their eyes.
They lived on faith, and hope, and trust in Daniel Manin, and found
propitious omens with sea-dwellers' skill.
In December some Roman volunteers left Venice to join their fellow
citizens, and with them went Ugo Bassi. He bade Manin a touching
farewell, foreseeing what lay before both his own city and Venice.
He had venerated the Pope who had held out such noble hopes to all
Italians, but he could do so no more, and in his place put the hero of
Venice. As he left the city he kissed the stone plate on Manin's door,
saying, "Next to God and Italy, before the Pope--Manin."