bandits were responsible for severing his arm, but the 710 Chuan fa-pao
chi of Tu Fei piously refutes this version, presumably since efforts
were starting to get underway to construct a Zen lineage, and dramatic
episodes of interaction were essential. This later work was also the
first to report that Bodhidharma was poisoned and then later seen
walking back to India.
4. As reported by Dumoulin (History of Zen Buddhism, p. 73), this story,
which is typical of later Ch'an teaching methods, first appears some
five hundred years after Bodhidharma's death, in the Ching-te ch'uan-
teng-lu (1004).
5. Dumoulin, History of Zen Buddhism, p. 74.
6. D. T. Suzuki, Studies in the Lankavatara Sutra (London: Routledge &
Kegan Paul, 1930) pp. 4-7.
7. Ibid, p. 59.
8. D. T. Suzuki, Manual of Zen Buddhism (New York: Grove Press, 1960),
pp. 50-51.
9. D. T. Suzuki, The Lankavatara Sutra (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul,
1932), p. 79.
10. Ibid., p. 81.
11. Suzuki, Essays in Zen Buddhism, First Series, p. 193.
12. Ibid., p. 194.
13. Ibid., pp. 194-95.
14. Chou Hsiang-kuang, _Dhyana_ Buddhism in China, p. 24.
3. SENG-TS'AN, TAO-HSIN, FA-JUNG, AND HUNG-JEN: FOUR EARLY MASTERS
1. As usual, the biography can be traced in three sources. The earliest,
the Hsu kao-seng chuan of Tao-hsuan (645), apparently does not mention
Seng-ts'an, or if it does so it gives him a different name. However, in
the Ch'uan fa-pao chi of Tu Fei (710) he receives a perfunctory
biography. The more embellished tale, giving exchanges and a copy of
his supposed poem, is to be found in the later work, the Ching-te
ch'uan-teng-lu (1004).
Dumoulin (History of Zen Buddhism) provides a discussion of the
earliest historical notices of Seng-ts'an. The 710 version of the
history is translated in Cat's Yawn (p. 14) and the 1004 version is
repeated in Suzuki, Essays in Zen Buddhism, First Series.
2. Suzuki, who recounts this last story in Essays in Zen Buddhism, First
Series (p. 195), points out identical insights in the third chapter of
the Vimalakirti Sutra.
3. Reportedly Hui-k'o also transmitted his copy of the Lankavatara to
Seng-ts'an, declaring that after only four more generations the sutra
would cease to have any significance (Yampolsky, Platform Sutra of the
Sixth Patriarch, p. 11). As things turned out, this was more or less
what happened, as the Lankavatara was replaced in the Ch'an schools by
the more easily understood Diamond Sutra. The Lankavatara school was
destined to be short-lived and to provide nothing more than a sacred
relic for the dynamic Ch'an teachers who would follow.
4. Suzuki points out (Essays in Zen Buddhism, First Series, p. 196) that
the Chinese word _hsin _can mean mind, heart, soul, and spirit,
beingall or any at a given time. He provides a full translation of the
poem, as does R. H. Blyth in Zen and Zen Classics, Vol. 1 (Tokyo:
Hokuseido Press, 1960).
5. Blyth, Zen and Zen Classics, Vol. 1, p. 100.
6. Ibid., p. 101.
7. Ibid., p. 103.
8. A detailed discussion of this era may be found in Woodbridge Bingham,
The Founding of the T'ang Dynasty (New York: Octagon Books, 1970).
9. His biography may be found in C. P. Fitzgerald, Son of Heaven (New
York: AMS Press Inc., 1971), reprint of 1933 Cambridge University Press
edition.
10. See Dumoulin, History of Zen Buddhism, p. 78.
11. This story is translated in Cat's Yawn, p. 18.
12. Dumoulin, History of Zen Buddhism, pp. 78-79.
13. Suzuki, Essays in Zen Buddhism, Third Series, p. 28.
14. A lucid account of Fa-jung may be found in Chang Chung-yuan, trans.,
Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism (New York: Random House, 1969;
paperback edition, Vintage, 1971), which is a beautiful translation of
portions of The Transmission of the Lamp (Ching-te ch'uan-teng-lu), the
text from 1004. This text was a major source for the abbreviated
biography given here.
15. Chang Chung-yuan, Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism, p. 19.
16. Ibid., p. 5.
17. A version of this exchange is given in Suzuki, Essays in Zen
Buddhism, First Series, p. 202.
18. See Yampolsky, Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch, p. 16.
4. SHEN-HSIU AND SHEN-HUI: GRADUAL" AND "SUDDEN" MASTERS
1. For an excellent biography see C. P. Fitzgerald, The Empress Wu
(Vancouver: University of British Columbia, 1968). Curiously, nowhere
in this biography is there mention of her lionizing of the Ch'an master
Shen-hsiu, something that figures largely in all Ch'an histories.
2. A biography of Shen-hsiu from Ch'an sources may be found in
Yampolsky, Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch. Further details may
be found in Hu Shih, "Ch'an (Zen) Buddhism in China: Its History and
Method," Philosophy East and West, 3, 1 (April 1953), pp. 3-24. See
also Kenneth Ch'en, Buddhism in China (Princeton: Princeton University
Press, 1964).
3. Suzuki, Essays in Zen Buddhism, First Series, p. 214.
4. Two books that give something of the intellectual atmosphere of T'ang
China are biographies of its two leading poets: Arthur Waley, The
Poetry and Career of Li Po (London: George Allen & Unwin, Ltd., 1950);
and A. R. Davis, Tu Fu (New York: Twayne Publishers, Inc., 1971).
5. For a detailed biography of Shen-hui, see Yampolsky, Platform Sutra
of the Sixth Patriarch.
6. The scholar who brought the significance of Shen-hui to the attention
of the world was Hu Shih, whose landmark English-language papers on Zen
are "Ch'an (Zen) Buddhism in China: Its History and Method" and "The
Development of Zen Buddhism in China." These works draw upon the
manuscripts discovered this century in the Tun-huang caves in the
mountains of far northwest China. These manuscripts clarified many of
the mysteries surrounding the early history of Ch'an, enabling scholars
for the first time to distinguish between real and manufactured
history--since some of the works were written before Ch'an historians
began to embroider upon the known facts. A brief but useful account of
the finding of these caves and the subsequent removal of many of the
manuscripts to the British Museum in London and the Bibliotheque
Nationale in Paris may be found in Cat's Yawn. The best discussion of
the significance of these finds and of Hu Shih's lifelong interpretive
work is provided by Yampolsky, Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch.
Regarding the circumstances of this sermon, Walter Liebenthal ("The
Sermon of Shen-hui," Asia Major, N.S. 3, 2 [1952], p. 134) says, "There
are only two opportunities to deliver addresses in the ritual of
Buddhist monasteries, one during the uposatha ceremony held monthly
when the pratimoksa rules are read to the members of the community and
they are admonished to confess their sins, one during the initiation
ceremony held once or twice a year. For the purpose of initiation
special platforms are raised, one for monks and one for nuns, inside
the compounds of some especially selected monasteries."
7. Quoted in Hilda Hookham, A Short History of China (New York: St.
Martin's Press, Inc., 1972; paperback edition, New York: New American
Library, 1972), p. 175.
8. Discussions of the adventures of An Lu-shan may be found in most
general surveys of Chinese history, including Hookham, Short History of
China, Wolfram Eberhard, A History of China (Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1960); Kenneth Scott Latourette, The Chinese: Their
History and Culture (New York: Macmillan, 1962); John A. Harrison, The
Chinese Empire (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Inc., 1972); and
Rene Grousset, The Rise and Splendour of the Chinese Empire (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1962).
9. This is the interpretation of Hu Shih. For translations of the major
works of Shen-hui, see Walter Liebenthal, "The Sermon of Shen-hui," pp.
132-55; and Wm. Theodore de Bary, ed., Sources of Chinese Tradition,
Vol. 1., pp. 356-60. Also see Edward Conze, ed., Buddhist Texts Through
the Ages (Oxford: Bruno Cassirer, 1954), excerpted in Wade Baskin, ed.,
Classics in Chinese Philosophy (Totowa, N. J.: Littlefield, Adams,
1974). A short translation is also provided in Suzuki, Essays in Zen
Buddhism, Third Series, pp. 37 ff. The fullest translation of the works
of Shen-hui found in the Tun-huang caves is in Jacques Gernet,
Entret/ens du Maitre de _Dhyana_ Chen-houei du Ho-tso (Hanoi:
Publications de l'ecole frangaise d'Extreme-Orient, Vol. 31, 1949). An
English translation of a portion of this text may be found in Wing-tsit
Chan, A Source Book in Chinese Philosophy (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1963).
10. Liebenthal, "Sermon of Shen-hui," pp. 136 ff.
11. Ibid., p. 144.
12. Ibid., pp. 146, 147, 149.
13. See Hu Shih, "Ch'an (Zen) Buddhism in China."
14. Hu Shih, "Development of Zen Buddhism in China," p. 493.
15. Hu Shih, "Ch'an (Zen) Buddhism in China," p. 11.
16. The differences between the Northern and Southern schools of Ch'an
during the eighth century are explored in the works of Hu Shih, Philip
Yampolsky, and Walter Liebenthal noted elsewhere in these notes. Other
general surveys of Chinese religion and culture that have useful
analyses of the question include Wing-tsit Chan, Source Book in Chinese
Philosophy, pp. 425 ff., D. Howard Smith, Chinese Religions; and Fung
Yu-lan, Short History of Chinese Philosophy.
17. A study of the last distinguished member of Shen-hui's school, the
scholar Tsung-mi (780-841), may be found in Jeffrey Broughton, "Kuei-
feng Tsung-mi: The Convergence of Ch'an and the Teachings" (Ph. D.
dissertation, Columbia University, 1975).
18. D. T. Suzuki, "Zen: A Reply to Hu Shih," Philosophy East and
West, 3, 1 (April 1953), pp. 25-46.
19.
5. HUI-NENG: THE SIXTH PATRIARCH AND FATHER OF MODERN ZEN
1. A number of English translations of the Platform Sutra are in
existence. Among the most authoritative must certainly be counted
Yampolsky, Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch; and Wing-tsit Chan,
The Platform Scripture (New York: St. John's University Press, 1963). A
widely circulated translation is in A. F. Price and Wong Mou-Lam, The
Diamond Sutra and the Sutra of Hui-Neng (Berkeley, Calif.: Shambhala,
1969). Another well-known version is found in Charles Luk, Ch'an and
Zen Teaching: Third Series (New York: Samuel Weiser, Inc., 1971). Two
lesser-known translations are Paul F. Fung and George D. Fung, The
Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch on the Pristine Orthodox Dharma (San
Francisco: Buddha's Universal Church, 1964); and Hsuan Hua, The Sixth
Patriarch's Dharma Jewel Platform Sutra (San Francisco: Buddhist Text
Translation Society, 1971).
2. From the Diamond Sutra, contained in Dwight Goddard, ed., A Buddhist
Bible (Boston: Beacon Press, 1970), p. 102. Another version may be
found in Price and Wong, Diamond Sutra and the Sutra of Hui-neng. An
extended commentary may be found in Charles Luk,
Ch'an and Zen Teaching, First Series, pp. 149-208. Later Ch'anists have
maintained that Hung-jen taught both the Diamond Sutra and the
Lankavatara Sutra, the respective scriptures of what came to be called
Southern and Northern schools of Ch'an. However, most scholars today
believe that his major emphasis was on the Lankavatara Sutra, not the
Diamond Sutra as the legend of Hui-neng would have.
3. From Price and Wong, Diamond Sutra and the Sutra of Hui-neng, p. 15.
4. Ibid., p. 18.
5. The earliest version of the Platform Sutra is that found in the Tun-
huang caves and translated by Yampolsky and Chan. This manuscript
Yampolsky dates from the middle of the ninth century. A much later
version, dated 1153, was found in a temple in Kyoto, Japan, in 1934.
This is said to be a copy of a version dating from 967. The standard
version up until this century was a much longer work which dates from
1291. As a general rule of thumb with the early Ch'an writings, the
shorter the work, the better the chance it is early and authentic. For
this reason, the shorter Tun-huang works are now believed to be the
most authoritative and best account of the thoughts of the Sixth
Patriarch.
6. Yampolsky, Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch, p. 69.
7. The most obvious problem with attribution of the Platform Sutra to
Hui-neng is that many of the sections of the sermon appear almost
verbatim in The Sermon of Shen-hui, indicating that either one was a
copy of the other or they had a common source (which could have been
the simple setting down of a verbal tradition). It has been pointed out
that Shen-hui, who praises Hui-neng to the skies in his sermon, never
claims to be quoting the master. Instead, he pronounces as his own a
number of passages that one day would be found in the work attributed
to Hui-neng. The scholar Hu Shih has drawn the most obvious conclusion
and has declared that Shen-hui and his school more or less created the
legend of Hui-neng--lock, stock, and sutra. Others refuse to go this
far, preferring instead to conclude that Shen-hui and Hui-neng are
merely two representatives of the same school.
8. Yampolsky, Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch, p. 157.
9. Yampolsky, Ibid., p. 140
10. Wu, Golden Age of Zen, p. 82.
11. See especially "Intimations of Immortality":
Our birth is but a sleep and a forgetting: The Soul that rises with us,
our life's Star, Hath had elsewhere its setting, and cometh from afar:
Not in entire forgetfulness, And not in utter nakedness, But trailing
clouds of glory do we come . . .
12. Yampolsky, Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch, pp. 141-42.
13. Ibid., p. 117.
14. From ibid., pp. 138-39. For interpretive comment see D. T. Suzuki,
The Zen Doctrine of No Mind (New York: Samuel Weiser, 1972).
15. Yampolsky, Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch, pp. 116-17.
16.
6. MA-TSU: ORIGINATOR OF "SHOCK" ENLIGHTENMENT
1. See Broughton, Kuei-feng Tsung-mi: The Convergence of Ch'an and the
Teachings. It was also around this time that the idea of twenty-eight
Indian Patriarchs of Zen, culminating in Bodhidharma, was finally
ironed out and made part of the Zen tradition.
2. See Arthur Waley, The Life and Times of Po Chu-i (London: Allen &
Unwin, 1949).
3. Hu Shih, "Development of Zen Buddhism in China," p. 497.
4. Hu-Shin, "Ch'an (Zen) Buddhism in China," p. 18.
5. For some of Huai-jang's attributed teachings, see Charles Luk, The
Transmission of the Mind Outside the Teaching (New York: Grove Press,
1975), pp. 32-37. The reliability of this text should be questioned,
however, if we accept Philip Yampolsky's essay in Platform Sutra of the
Sixth Patriarch, p. 53: "Huai-jang (677-744) . . . is known as a
disciple of Hui-neng. Information about him is based on sources
composed much later than his death; no mention is made of him in any
eighth-century work. . . ."
6. Jeffrey Broughton ("Kuei-feng Tsung-mi," p. 27) points out that Ma-
tsu's master's technique for achieving "no-mind" was to chant a phrase
until running out of breath, at which time the activities of the mind
would seem to terminate--a reaction the more skeptical might call
physiological. Breath control and breath exercises, it will be
recalled, have always figured largely in Indian meditative practices.
7. Chang Chung-yuan, Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism, p. 148. The
discussion of Ma-tsu in this volume supplied valuable background for
the analysis provided here.
8. Hu Shih, "Development of Zen Buddhism in China," p. 498.
9. Chang Chung-yuan, Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism, p. 130.
10. Ibid., p. 149.
11. Ibid.
12. Ibid.
13. There are many translations of the Mumonkan. One of the more recent
and scholarly is by Zenkai Shibayama, Zen Comments on the Mumonkan (New
York: New American Library, 1975).
14. Chang Chung-yuan, Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism, p. 150.
15. Wu, Golden Age of Zen, p. 95.
16. The most recent and the most detailed translation of the Blue Cliff
Record is by Thomas and J. C. Cleary, The Blue CI iff Record, 3 vols.
(Berkeley, Calif.: Shambhala, 1977).
17. Chang Chung-yuan, Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism, p. 151.
18. Ibid., p.151.
19. This story is recounted in Wu, Golden Age of Zen, p. 100.
20. Ibid., p. 102.
21. Recounted in Ibid., p. 102.
22. See Chang Chung-yuan, Original Teachings of Ch'ari Buddhism, pp.
150-52.
23. Ibid., p. 150.
24. See Luk, Transmission of the Mind Outside the Teaching, p. 46.
25.
7. HUAI-HAI: FATHER OF MONASTIC CH'AN
1. This location is given by John Blofeld in The Zen Teaching of Hui-Hai
on Sudden Illumination (London: Ryder & Co., 1962; paperback reprint,
New York: Weiser, 1972), p. 29. Charles Luk (Transmission of the Mind
Outside the Teaching, p. 50) says: "Huai-hai, the Dharma-successor of
Ma Tsu, was also called Pai Chang [Po Ch'ang] after the mountain where
he stayed at Hung Chou (now Nanchang, capital of Kiangsi province). Pai
Chang means: Pai, one hundred, and Chang, a measure of ten feet, i.e.,
One-thousand-foot mountain." However, Luk identifies the birthplace of
Huai-hai as Chang Lo in modern Fukien province, as does Chou Hsiang-
kuang in _Dhyana_ Buddhism in China.
2. This story is repeated in various places, including Wu, Golden Age of
Zen; and Blofeld, Zen Teaching of Hui Hai on Sudden Illumination. This
latter reference is as part of a document known as the Tsung-ching
Record, being a recorded dialogue of the master taken down by a monk
named Tsung-ching, who was a contemporary of Huai-hai.
3. This story is Case 53 of the Hekiganroku or Blue Cliff Record, a Sung
Dynasty period collection of Ch'an stories and their interpretation.
The best current translation is probably in Cleary and Cleary, Blue
Cliff Record, Vol. 2, p. 357.
4. See Luk, Transmission of the Mind Outside the Teaching, p. 46.
5. Stories involving him may be found in the Mumonkan, Cases 2 and 40,
and in the Hekiganroku or Blue Cliff Record, Cases 53, 70, 71, 72. The
most complete accounting of anecdotes may be found in Blofeld, Zen
Teachings of Hui-Hai on Sudden Illumination; and Thomas Cleary, Sayings
and Doings of Pai-chang (Los Angeles: Center Publicatons, 1979).
6. Kenneth K. S. Ch'en, (The Chinese Transformation of Buddhism
[Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1973], p. 95) says, "Besides
the Vinaya controlling the conduct of the Buddhist clergy, the basic
code governing Buddhist and Taoist monks and nuns during the T'ang
Dynasty was the Tao-seng-ke (Rules concerning Buddhist and Taoist
clergy), formulated during the Chen-kuan era, probably 637. This Tao-
seng-ke is no longer extant, however, but the Japanese work Soni-ryo,
which governs the conduct of the community of monks and nuns in Japan,
was based on it. Therefore a study of the Soni-ryo would give us a good
idea of the contents of the Tao-seng-ke. . . . [Certain] provisions of
the T'ang codes superseded the monastic code and called for penalties
for offenses which went beyond those specified in the Soni-ryo or the
Buddhist Vinaya."
7. For a scholarly discussion of the economic role of Buddhism in T'ang
China, see D. C. Twitchett, "Monastic Estates in T'ang China," Asia
Major, (1955-56), pp. 123-46. He explains that the T'ang government was
always a trifle uneasy about the presence of un-taxed monastic
establishments, and not without reason. Buddhism in T'ang China was big
business. The large monasteries were beneficiaries of gifts and
bequests from the aristocracy, as well as from the palace itself.
(Eunuchs, along with palace ladies, were particularly generous.) Laymen
often would bequeath their lands to a monastery, sometimes including in
the will a curse on anyone who might later wish to take the land away
from the church. These gifts were thought to ensure better fortunes in
the world to come, while simultaneously resolving tax difficulties for
the donor. For the monasteries themselves this wealth could only
accumulate, since it never had to be divided among sons. After An Lu-
shan's rebellion, a flavor of feudalism had penetrated Chinese society,
and huge tracts came to be held by the Buddhist monasteries, to which
entire estates were sometimes donated. As a result, the Buddhists had
enormous economic power, although we may suspect the iconoclastic
_dhyana_ establishments in the south enjoyed little of it.
8. See Dumoulin, History of Zen Buddhism, pp. 102-03.
9. See Heinrich Dumoulin and Ruth Fuller Sasaki, The Development of
Chinese Zen (New York: First Zen Institute of America, 1953), p.13.
Interestingly, the Vinaya sect, founded by Tao-hsuan (596-667), was
primarily concerned with the laws of monastic discipline. The
familiarity of Ch'an teachers with the concerns of this sect may have
contributed to the desire to create rules for their own assemblies.
10. Wu, Golden Age of Zen, p. 109.
11. See D. T. Suzuki, The Zen Monk's Life (New York: Olympia Press,
1972); Eshin Nishimura, Unsui: A Diary of Zen Monastic Life (Honolulu:
University Press of Hawaii, 1973); Suzuki, Essays in Zen Buddhism,
First Series, pp. 314-362; and Koji Sato, The Zen Life (New York:
Weatherhill/Tankosha, 1977). A succinct summary of Zen monastic life is
also provided by Sir Charles Eliot in Japanese Buddhism (London:
Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1935), p. 406.
12. See Blofeld, Zen Teaching ofHui Hai on Sudden Illumination, p. 52.
13. Ibid., pp. 60-61.
14. Ibid., p. 48.
15. Ibid., p. 133.
16. Ibid., p. 77.
17. Ibid., p. 55.
18. Ibid., p. 56.
19. Ibid., p. 78.
20. Ibid., p. 54.
8. NAN-CH'UAN AND CHAO-CHOU: MASTERS OF THE IRRATIONAL
1. Chang Chung-yuan, Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism, p. 153.
2. Ibid., p. 178.
3. According to a biographical sketch of Nan-ch'uan given by Cleary and
Cleary in Blue Cliff Record, p. 262.
4. See Chang Chung-yuan, Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism, p. 160.
This was also incorporated in the Blue Cliff Record as Case 40 (Ibid.,
p. 292), where the Sung-era commentary is actually more obscure than
what it attempts to explain.
5. See Chang Chung-yuan, Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism, p. 136.
6. Ibid., p. 136.
7. Blyth, Zen and Zen Classics, Vol. 3, p. 57.
8. Chang Chung-yuan, Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism, p. 159.
9. Ibid., p. 157. This anecdote is also Case 69 of the Blue Cliff
Record.
10. Ibid., p. 161.
11. Ibid.
12. Ibid., p. 162.
13. Ibid., p. 164. Translation of a T'ang text, "The Sayings of Chao-
chou," is provided by Yoel Hoffman, Radical Zen (Brookline, Mass.:
Autumn Press, 1978).
14. Recounted by Garma C. C. Chang in The Practice of Zen (New York:
Harper & Row, 1959), p. 24. This is also Case 14 of the Mumonkan and
Cases 63 and 64 of the Blue Cliff Record.
15. Wu, Golden Age of Zen, p. 127. This is also Case 19 of the Mumonkan.
16. Chang Chung-yuan, Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism, p. 159.
17. Wu, Golden Age of Zen, p. 129.
18. Ibid., p. 133.
19. Chang Chung-yuan, Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism, p. 169.
20. Ibid., p. 140.
21. Wu, Golden Age of Zen, p. 136.
22. Chang Chung-yuan, Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism, p. 171.
23. This is Case 1 of the Mumonkan, here quoted from a very readable new
translation by Katsuki Sekida, Two Zen Classics: Mumonkan 6-
Hekiganroku (New York: Weatherhill, 1977), p. 27.
24. Wu, Golden Age of Zen, pp. 144-45.
25. Blyth, Zen and Zen Classics, Vol. 3, p. 77.
26. Wu, Golden Age of Zen, p. 145.
27. Ibid., p. 139.
28. Ibid., p. 146.
29. Ibid., p. 144.
30.
9. P'ANG AND HAN-SHAN: LAYMAN AND POET
1. See Burton Watson, Cold Mountain (New York: Columbia University
Press, 1970), p. 13. This concept of the Zen layman has longbeen a part
of Zen practice in Japan, and for this reason both Layman P'ang and the
poet Han-shan are favorite Ch'an figures with the Japanese. In fact,
the eighteenth-century Japanese master Hakuin wrote a commentary on
Han-shan.
2. See Ruth Fuller Sasaki, Yoshitaka Iriya, and Dana R. Frasier, The
Recorded Sayings of Layman P'ang (New York: Weatherhill, 1971), p. 18.
3. See Chang Chung-yuan, Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism, p. 145.
This story is famous and found in many sources.
4. As evidenced by a common saying of the time: "In Kiangsi the Master
is Ma-tsu; in Hunan the Master is Shih-t'ou. People go back and forth
between them all the time, and those who do not know these two great
Masters are completely ignorant." Yampolsky, Platform Sutra of the
Sixth Patriarch, p. 55.
5. Sasaki et al., Recorded Sayings of Layman P'ang, p. 46.
6. See Chang Chung-yuan, Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism, p. 145.
7. See Ibid., p. 175.
8. Sasaki et al., Recorded Sayings of Layman P'ang, p. 47.
9. Luk, Transmission of the Mind Outside the Teaching, p. 42.
10. Sasaki et al., Recorded Sayings of Layman P'ang, p. 58.
11. Ibid., p. 69.
12. Ibid., p. 71
13. Ibid., p.47.
14. Ibid., p. 88.
15. Ibid., pp. 54-55. The translators explain the last two verses as
follows: "This is derived from the old Chinese proverb: 'To win by a
fluke is to fall into a fluke' (and thus to lose by a fluke)."
Concerning the meaning of this exchange, it would seem that water is
here being used as a metaphor for the undifferentiated Void, which
subsumes the temporary individuality of its parts the way the sea is
undifferentiated, yet contains waves. When Tan-hsia accepts this
premise a little too automatically, P'ang is forced to show him (via a
splash) that water (and by extension, physical manifestations of the
components of the Void) can also assume a physical reality that
impinges on daily life. Tan-hsia tries feebly to respond by returning
the splash, but he clearly lost the exchange.
16. Ibid. p. 73.
17. See Chang Chung-yuan, Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism, p.
176. Also see Sasaki et al., Recorded Sayings of Lay man P'ang, p. 75.
18. Chang Chung-yuan, Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism, p. 177.
19. Sasaki et al., Recorded Sayings of Layman P'ang, p. 42. Watson,
Cold Mountain, p. 50. Watson explains that the
20. Arthur Waley, "27 Poems by Han-shan," Encounter, 3, 3 (September
1954), p. 3.
21. opening line about taking along books while hoeing in the field was
"From the story of an impoverished scholar of the former Han Dynasty
who was so fond of learning that he carried his copies of the Confucian
classics along when he went to work in the fields." The last line is
"An allusion to the perch, stranded in a carriage rut in the road, who
asked the philosopher Chuang Tzu for a dipperful of water so that he
could go on living."
22.
23. Ibid., p. 56.
24.
23. Waley, "27 Poems by Han-shan," p. 6.
24. From Wu Chi-yu, "A Study of Han Shan," T'oung Pao, 45, 4-5 (1957),
p. 432.
26. Gary Snyder, "Han-shan," In Cyril Birch, ed., Anthology of
Chinese Literature, (New York: Grove Press, 1965), p. 201.
27.
28. See Ibid., pp. 194-96.
29.
27. See Watson, Cold Mountain, p. 14. Watson says, "Zen commentators
have therefore been forced to regard Han-shan's professions of
loneliness, doubt, and discouragement not as revelations of his own
feelings but as vicarious recitals of the ills of unenlightened men
which he can still sympathize with, though he himself has transcended
them. He thus becomes the traditional Bodhisattva figure--compassionate,
in the world, but not of it." Watson rejects this interpretation.
28. Ibid., p. 67.
29. Ibid., p. 88.
30. Ibid., p. 78.
31. Ibid., p. 81.
32. Ibid., pp. 11-12.
33. Snyder, "Han-shan," p. 202.
10. HUANG-PO: MASTER OF THE UNIVERSAL MIND
1. Chang Chung-yuan, Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism, p. 102.
2. This probably was during the last decade of the eighth century, since
Ma-tsu died in 788.
3. This volume actually consists of two books, known as the Chun-chou
Record (843) and the Wan-iing Record (849). They are translated and
published together by John Blofeld as The Zen Teaching of Huang Po.
(New York: Grove Press, 1958). This appears to have been the source for
biographical and anecdotal material later included in The Transmission
of the Lamp, portions of which are translated in Chang Chung-yuan.
Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism. Another translation of
biographical, didactic, and anecdotal material may be found in Charles
Luk, Transmission of the Mind Outside the Teaching, whose source is
unattributed but which possibly could be a translation of the 1602 work
Records of Pointing at The Moon, a compilation of Ch'an materials.
4. Blofeld, Zen Teaching of Huang Po, p. 28.
5. Ibid., p. 27.
6. Chang Chung-yuan, Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism, p. 103.
7. Ibid.
8. Ibid., p. 90.
9. Ibid., p. 103.
10. Blofeld, Zen Teaching of Huang Po, p. 99.
11. This gesture of defeat is reported elsewhere to have been a triple
prostration. Huang-po apparently claimed victory in these exchanges
when he either kept silent or walked away.
12. Wan-ling is reported by Chang Chung-yuan to be the modern town of
Hsuan-ch'eng in southern Anhwei province (Original Teachings of Ch'an
Buddhism, p. 123). According to The Transmission of the Lamp the prime
minister built a monastery and invited Huang-po to come lecture there,
which the master did. The monastery was then named after a mountain
where the master had once lived.
13. Ibid., p. 104.
14. Ibid.
15. Blofeld, Zen Teaching of Huang Po, p. 55.
16. Ibid., p. 130.
17. Ibid., pp. 81-82.
18. Ibid., p. 44
19. Chang Chung-yuan, Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism, p. 87.
20. Blofeld, Zen Teaching of Huang Po, p. 53.
21. Ibid., p. 39.
22. Ibid., p. 46.
23. Ibid., p. 37.
24. Ibid.
25. Ibid., p. 40.
26. Ibid., p. 61.
27. Ibid., p. 26.
28. Chang Chung-yuan, Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism, p. 85.
29. Blofeld, Zen Teachings of Huang Po, p. 50.
30. See Wu, Golden Age of Zen.
31. Chang Chung-yuan reports some disagreement over the actual date of
Huang-po's death. It seems that he is reported to have died in 849 in
Records of Buddhas and Patriarchs in Various Dynasties, whereas the
year of his death is given as 855 in the General Records of Buddhas and
Patriarchs.
32. Excerpts from the Han Yu treatise are provided in Edwin O.
Reischauer, Ennin's Travels in T'ang China (New York: Ronald Press,
1955), pp. 221 ff. This recounting of a visit by a ninth-century
Japanese monk to China reveals indirectly how lacking in influence the
Ch'anists actually were. In a diary of many years Ch'an is mentioned
only rarely, and then in tones of other than respect. He viewed the
Ch'anists warily and described them as "extremely unruly men at heart"
(p. 173). However, his trip in China was severely disturbed by the
sudden eruption of the Great Persecution, making him so fearful that he
actually destroyed the Buddhist art he had collected throughout the
country.
33. See Hu Shih, "Ch'an (Zen) Buddhism in China."
34. See Ibid.
35. Kenneth Ch'en, in "The Economic Background of the Hui-Ch'ang
Suppression of Buddhism," Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 19
(1956), points out that the imperial decree required the turning in
only of statues made from metals having economic value. Those made from
clay, wood, and stone could remain in the temples. He uses this to
support his contention that the main driving force behind the Great
Persecution was the inordinate economic power of the Buddhist
establishments.
36.
11. LIN-CHI: FOUNDER OF RINZAI ZEN
1. A discussion of the five houses of Ch'an may be found in Dumoulin,
History of Zen Buddhism, pp. 106-22; and Dumoulin and Sasaki,
Development of Chinese Zen, pp. 17-32. Useful summaries of their
teachings also may be found in Chou Hsiang-kuang, _Dhyana_ Buddhism in
China.
2. Accounts of Lin-chi's life are found in The Record of Lin-chi, The
Transmission of the Lamp, The Five Lamps Meeting at the Source, and
Finger Pointing at the Moon. The most reliable source is probably The
Record of Lin-chi, since this was compiled by his follower(s). The
definitive translation of this work certainly must be that by Ruth F.
Sasaki, The Recorded Sayings of Ch'an Master Lin-chi Hui-chao of Chen
Prefecture, (Kyoto, Japan: Institute of Zen Studies, 1975) and recently
re-issued by Heian International, Inc., South San Francisco, Calif.
Another version, The Zen Teachings of Rinzai, translated by Irmgard
Schloegl (Berkeley, Calif.: Shambhala, 1976), is less satisfactory. The
Lin-chi excerpts from The Transmission of the Lamp may be found in
Chang Chung-yuan, Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism. Excerpts from
The Five Lamps Meeting at the Source and Finger Pointing at the Moon
are provided in Charles Luk, Ch'an and Zen Teaching, Second Series
(Berkeley: Shambhala, 1971). Translations of his sermons, sayings, etc.
together with commentary may also be found in Wu, Golden Age of Zen;
Chou Hsiang-kuang, _Dhyana_ Buddhism in China; and Blyth, Zen and Zen
Classics, Vol. 3.
3. R. H. Blyth is suspicious that Lin-chi's story was enhanced somewhat
for dramatic purposes, claiming (Zen and Zen Classics, Vol. 3, p. 151),
"As in the case of the Sixth Patriarch, [Lin-chi's] enlightenment is
recounted 'dramatically,' that is to say minimizing his previous
understanding of Zen in order to bring out the great change after
enlightenment."
4. Sasaki, Recorded Sayings of Lin-chi, pp. 24-25.
5. Ibid., p. 25.
6. Chang Chung-yuan, Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism, pp. 117-18.
7. Wu, Golden Age of Zen, p. 194.
8. Chang Chung-yuan, Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism, p. 118.
9. Wu, Golden Age of Zen, p. 195.
10. Chang Chung-yuan, Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism, p. 119.
11. Sasaki, Recorded Sayings of Lin-chi, p. 43.
12. Ibid., p. 45.
13. Dumoulin, History of Zen Buddhism, p. 122.
14. Of Lin-chi's shout, R. H. Blyth says (Zen and Zen Classics, Vol. 3,
p. 154): "[The shout] is a war-cry, but the fight is a sort of shadow-
boxing. The universe shouts at us, we shout back. We shout at the
universe, and the echo comes back in the same way. But the shouting and
the echoing are continuous, and, spiritually speaking, simultaneous.
Thus the [shout] is not an expression of anything; it has no
(separable) meaning. It is pure energy, without cause or effect, rhyme
or reason."
15. After Sasaki, Recorded Sayings of Lin-chi, p. 47.
16. See Wu, Golden Age of Zen, p. 201.
17. Chang Chung-yuan, Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism, pp. 121-22.
18. Sasaki, Recorded Sayings of Lin-chi, p. 4.
19. Ibid., p. 41.
20. Ibid., p. 48.
21. Ibid., p. 2.
22. Ibid., p. 70.
23. Ibid., p. 6.
24. Chang Chung-yuan, Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism, p. 98.
25. Wu, Golden Age of Zen, pp. 204-05.
26. Chang Chung-yuan, Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism, p. 99.
27. Dumoulin, Development of Chinese Zen, p. 22.
28. Chang Chung-yuan, Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism, p. 99.
29. Dumoulin, Development of Chinese Zen, p. 23.
30. See Chang Chung-yuan, Original Teachings ofCh'an Buddhism, p. 95.
31. Sasaki, Recorded Sayings o/Lin-chi, pp. 27-28.
32. See Chang Chung-yuan, Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism, p. 95.
33. Heinrich Dumoulin (Development of Chinese Zen, p. 22) notes that
this is merely playing off the well-known "four propositions" of Ind
ian Buddhist logic: existence, nonexistence, both existence and
nonexistence, and neither existence nor nonexistence.
34. Wu, Golden Age of Zen, p. 202.
35. Ibid., p. 203.
36. Sasaki, Recorded Sayings of Lin-chi. p. 29.
37. Ibid., p. 24.
38. Ibid., p. 38.
39.
12. TUNG-SHAN AND TSAO-SHAN: FOUNDERS OF SOTO ZEN
1. Philip Yampolsky, in Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch, alleges
that Hsing-ssu was resurrected from anonymity because Shih-t'ou (700-
90) was in need of a connection to the Sixth Patriarch. The mysterious
master Hsing-ssu comes into prominence well over a hundred years after
his death; his actual life was not chronicled by any of his
contemporaries. Neither, for that matter, was the life of his pupil
Shih-t'ou, although the latter left a heritage of disciples and a
burgeoning movement to perpetuate his memory.
2. Ibid., p. 55.
3. The stories attached to Shih-t'ou are varied and questioned by most
authorities. For example, there is the story that he was enlightened by
reading Seng-chau's Chao-Jun (The Book of Chao) but that his philosophy
came from Lao Tzu.
4. See Chang Chung-yuan, Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism, p. 58.
5. Wu, Golden Age of Zen, p. 171.
6. Chang Chung-yuan, Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism, p. 58.
7. Ibid., p. 60.
8. Ibid., pp. 61-62.
9. Ibid., pp. 64-65.
10. Ibid., p. 76.
11. This is elaborated by Luk, Ch'an and Zen Teaching, Second Series, p.
166.
12. Ibid., p. 174.
13. Extended discussions of this concept are provided by Chang Chung-
yuan, Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism, pp. 41-57; and by Wu,
Golden Age of Zen, pp. 177-82.
14. Wu, Golden Age of Zen, p. 179.
15. See Chang Chung-yuan, Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism, p. 49.
16. See Luk, Chan and Zen Teaching, Second Series, p. 139.
17. See Chang Chung-yuan, Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism, p. 50.
18. Ibid., p. 69.
19. When R. H. Blyth translates this poem in Zen and Zen Classics, Vol.
2, called the Hokyozammai in Japanese, he includes a grand dose of
skepticism concerning its real authorship, since he believes the poem
unworthy of the master (p. 152).
20. Ibid., p. 157.
21. See Chang Chung-yuan, Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism, p. 48.
22. Ibid., p. 70.
23. Ibid., p. 71.
24. Ibid., p. 72.
25. Dumoulin, Development of Chinese Zen, p. 26.
30. Eliot, Japanese Buddhism, p. 168.
31.
13. KUEI-SHAN, YUN-MEN, AND FA-YEN: THREE MINOR HOUSES
1. Accounts of the lives and teachings of the masters of the Kuei-yang
school can be found in a number of translations, including Chang Chung-
yuan, Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism; and Luk, Ch'an and Zen
Teachings, Second Series. Both provide translations from The
Transmission of the Lamp. Other sources appear to be used in Wu, Golden
Age of Zen, which includes a lively discussion of Kuei-shan and the
Kuei-yang sect.
2. Wu, Golden Age of Zen, p. 159.
3. Charles Luk (Ch'an and Zen Teaching, Second Series, p. 58) makes a
valiant try at explication when he says, "[Huai-hai] wanted him to
perceive 'that which gave the order' and 'that which obeyed it.' . . .
[Huai-hai] continued to perform his great function by pressing the
student hard, insisting that the latter should perceive 'that' which
arose from the seat, used the poker, raised a little fire, showed it to
him and said, 'Is this not fire?' . . . This time the student could
actually perceive the reply by means of his self-nature. . . . Hence
his enlightenment."
4. See Ibid., p. 58. Ssu-ma seems to have had a good record in
predicting monastic success, and he was much in demand. Although the
reliance
on a fortuneteller seems somewhat out of character for a Ch'an master,
we should remember that fortunetelling and future prediction in China
are at least as old as the I Ching.
5. Chang Chung-yuan, Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism, p.
202.
6. Ibid., p. 204.
7. Luk, Ch'an and Zen Teaching, Second Series, p. 67.
8. Ibid., p. 78.
9. Wu, Golden Age of Zen, p. 167.
10. Ibid., p. 167.
11. John Wu (Golden Age of Zen, p. 165) says, "The style of the house of
Kuei-yang has a charm all of its own. It is not as steep and sharp-
edged as the houses of Lin-chi and Yun-men, nor as close-knit and
resourceful as the house of Ts'ao-tung nor as speculative and broad as
the house of Fa-yen, but it has greater depth than the others."
12. See Chang Chung-yuan, Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism, p. 269.
Other translations of Yun-men anecdotes, as well as interpretations and
appreciations, can be found in Luk, Ch'an and Zen Teaching, Second
Series; Chou, _Dhyana_ Buddhism in China; Wu, Golden Age of Zen; and
Blyth, Zen and Zen Classics, Vol. 2.
13. He had six koans out of forty-eight in the Mumonkan and eighteen
koans out of a hundred in the Hekiganroku. Perhaps his extensive
representation in the second collection is attributable to the fact
that its compiler, Ch'ung-hsien (980-1025), was one of the last
surviving representatives of Yun-men's school.
14. Chang Chung-yuan, Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism p. 284.
15. Ibid., p. 286.
16. Ibid., p. 229.
17. Ibid., p. 228.
18. Ibid., p. 229.
19. Sekida, Two Zen Classics: Mumonkan & Hekiganroku, p. 349. This koan
is from Hekiganroku, Case 77.
20. From the Mumonkan, Case 21. The Chinese term used was kan-shin
chueh, which Chang Chung-yuan (Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism, p.
300) characterizes as follows: "This may be translated either of two
ways: a piece of dried excrement or a bamboo stick used for cleaning as
toilet tissue is today."
21. Blyth, Zen and Zen Classics, Vol. 2, p. 142.
22. Those with insatiable curiosity may consult Wu, Golden Age of Zen,
pp. 244 ff.
23. Translations of his teachings from The Transmission of the Lamp are
provided by Chang Chung:yuan in Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism and
by Charles Luk in Ch'an and Zen Teachings, Second Series. A translation
of a completely different source, which varies significantly on all the
major anecdotes, is provided in John Wu, Golden Age of Zen. A
translation, presumably from a Japanese source, of some of his
teachings is supplied by R. H. Blyth in Zen and Zen Classics, Vol. 2.
Heinrich Dumoulin offers a brief assessment of his influence in his two
books: Development of Chinese Zen and History of Zen Buddhism.
24. Chang Chung-yuan, Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism, p. 238. A
completely different version may be found in Wu, Golden Age of Zen, pp.
232-33.
25. Buddhism Chang Chung-yuan, Original Teachings of Ch'an, p. 242.
26.
14. TA-HUI: MASTER OF THE KOAN
1. See Dumoulin, History of Zen Buddhism, p. 128.
2. Isshu Miura and Ruth Fuller Sasaki, Zen Dust (New York: Harcourt,
Brace & World, 1966), pp. 10-11.
3. Ibid., p. 10. This individual is identified as Nan-yuan Hui-yang (d.
930).
4. This is Case 1 in the Mumonkan, usually the first koan given to a
beginning student.
5. This is Case 26 of the Mumonkan. The version given here is after the
translation in Sekida, Two Zen Classics: Mumonkan & Hekiganroku, p. 89.
6. This is Case 54 of the Hekiganroku. The version given is after Ibid.,
p. 296, and Cleary and Cleary, Blue Cliff Record, p. 362.
7. Isshu and Sasaki, Zen Dust, p. 13.
8. There are a number of translations of the Mumonkan currently
available in English. The most recent is Sekida, Two Zen Classics:
Mumonkan & Hekiganroku; but perhaps the most authoritative is Zenkei
Shibayama, Zen Comments on the Mumonkan, trans. Sumiko Kudo (New York:
Harper Lr Row, 1974; paperback edition, New York: New American Library,
1975). Other translations are Nyogen Senzaki and Paul Reps, "The
Gateless Gate," in Paul Reps, ed., Zen Flesh, Zen Bones (Rutland and
Tokyo: Tuttle, 1957); Sohkau Ogata, "The Mu Mon Kwan," in Zen for the
West (New York: Dial, 1959); and R. H. Blyth, Zen and Zen Classics,
Vol. 4, "Mumonkan" (Tokyo: Hokuseido, 1966).
Three translations of the Blue Cliff Record are currently available in
English. There is the early and unsatisfactory version by R. D. M. Shaw
(London: Michael Joseph, 1961). A readable version is provided in
Sekida, Two Zen Classics, although this excludes some of the
traditional commentary. The authoritative version is certainly that by
Cleary and Cleary, Blue Cliff Record.
9. This is the case with the version provided in Sekida, Two Zen
Classics.
10. See Dumoulin, History of Zen Buddhism, p. 128.
11. See L. Carrington Goodrich, A Short History of the Chinese People
(New York: Harper & Row, 1943), p. 161.
12. The most comprehensive collection of Ta-hui's writings is translated
in Christopher Cleary, Swampland Flowers: The Letters and Lectures of
Zen Master Ta Hui (New York: Grove Press, 1977). Excerpts are also
translated by Suzuki, Essays in Zen Buddhism, Second Series.
Biographical information may also be found in Isshu and Sasaki, Zen
Dust.
13. Translated in Isshu and Sasaki, Zen Dust, p. 163.
14. A work known today as the Cheng-fa-yen-tsang. See Isshu and Sasaki,
Zen Dust, p. 163.
15. See Ibid.
16. See Ibid.
17. Translated by Cleary, Swampland Flowers, pp. 129-30.
18. See Sekida, Two Zen Classics, p. 17.
19. Suzuki, Essays in Zen Buddhism, Second Series, p. 103.
20. Cleary, Swampland Flowers, p. 64.
21. Ibid., p. 57.
22. Ibid., p. 14.
25. But he destroyed them in vain. Around 1300 a monk managed to
assemble most of the koans and commentary from scattered sources and
put the book back into print. The problem continues to this day; there
is now available a book of "answers" to a number of koans--Yoel Hoffman,
The Sound of One Hand Clapping (New York: Basic Books, 1975). One
reviewer of this book observed sadly, "Now if only getting the 'answer'
were the same as getting the point."
26.
15. EISAI: THE FIRST JAPANESE MASTER
1. This anecdote is in Martin Charles Collcutt, "The Zen Monastic
Institution in Medieval Japan" (Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University,
1975).
2. Although there were various attempts to introduce Ch'an into Japan
prior to the twelfth century, nothing ever seemed to stick. Dumoulin
(History of Zen Buddhism, pp. 138-39) summarized these efforts as
follows: "The first certain information we possess regarding Zen in
Japan goes back to the early period of her history. The outstanding
Japanese Buddhist monk during that age, Dosho, was attracted to Zen
through the influence of his Chinese teacher, Hsuan-tsang, under whom
he studied the Yogacara philosophy (653). . . . Dosho thus came into
immediate contact with the tradition of Bodhidharma and brought the Zen
of the patriarchs to Japan. He built the first meditation hall, at a
temple in Nara. . . .
"A century later, for the first time in history, a Chinese Zen master
came to Japan. This was Tao-hsuan, who belonged to the northern sect of
Chinese Zen in the third generation after Shen-hsiu. Responding to an
invitation from Japanese Buddhist monks, he took up residence in Nara
and contributed to the growth of Japanese culture during the Tempyo
period (729-749). . . . The contemplative element in the Tendai
tradition, which held an important place from the beginning, was
strengthened in both China and Japan by repeated contacts with Zen.
"A further step in the spread of Zen occurred in the following century
when I-k'ung, a Chinese master of the Lin-chi sect, visited Japan. He
came at the invitation of the Empress Tachibana Kachiko, wife of the
Emperor Saga, during the early part of the Showa era (834-848), to
teach Zen, first at the imperial court and later at the Danrinji temple
in Kyoto, which the empress had built for him. However, these first
efforts in the systematic propagation of Zen according to the Chinese
pattern did not meet with lasting success. I-k'ung was unable to launch
a vigorous movement. Disappointed, he returned to China, and for three
centuries Zen was inactive in Japan."
Another opportunity for the Japanese to learn about Ch'an was missed by
the famous Japanese pilgrim Ennin, who was in China to witness the
Great Persecution of 845, but who paid almost no attention to Ch'an,
which he regarded as the obsession of unruly ne'er-do-wells.
3. A number of books provide information concerning early Japanese
history and the circumstances surrounding the introduction of Buddhism
to Japan. General historical works of particular relevance include:
John Whitney Hall, Japan, from Prehistory to Modern Times (New York:
Delacorte, 1970); Mikiso Hane, Japan, A Historical Survey (New York:
Scribner's, 1972); Edwin O. Reischauer, Japan: Past and Present, 3rd
ed. (New York: Knopf, 1964); and George B. Sansom, A History of Japan,
3 vols. (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1958-63).
Studies of early Japanese Buddhism may be found in: Masaharu Anesaki,
History of Japanese Religion (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner,
1930: reissue, Rutland, Vt.: Tuttle, 1963); William K. Bunce, Religions
in Japan (Rutland, Vt.: Tuttle, 1955); Ch'en, Buddhism in China; Eliot,
Japanese Buddhism; Shinsho Hanayama, A History of Japanese Buddhism
(Tokyo: Bukkyo Dendo Kyokai, 1966); and E. Dale Saunders, Buddhism in
Japan (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1964).
4. In fact, the popularity of esoteric rituals was such that they were
an important part of early Zen practice in Japan.
5. This world is well described by Ivan Morris in The World of the
Shining Prince: Court Life in Ancient Japan (New York: Knopf, 1964). A
discussion of the relation of this aesthetic life to the formation of
Japanese Zen may be found in Thomas Hoover, Zen Culture (New York:
Random House, 1977; paperback edition, New York: Vintage, 1978).
6. One of the most readable accounts of the rise of the Japanese
military class may be found in Paul Varley, Samurai (New York:
Delacorte, 1970; paperback edition, New York: Dell, 1972).
7. This theory is advanced eloquently in Collcutt, "Zen Monastic
Institution in Medieval Japan." In later years the Ch'an sect in China
itself actually entered a phase of decadence, with the inclusion of
esoteric rites and an ecumenical movement that advocated the chanting
of the nembutsu by Ch'anists--some of whom claimed there was great
similarity between the psychological aspects of this mechanical chant
and those of the koan.
8. Accounts of Eisai's life may be found in Dumoulin, History of Zen
Buddhism; and in Collcutt, "Zen Monastic Institution in Medieval
Japan."
9. See Collcutt, "Zen Monastic Institution in Medieval Japan."
10. See Saunders, Buddhism in Japan, p. 221.
11. Translated in Wm. Theodore de Bary, ed. Sources of Japanese
Tradition, Vol. 1 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1958), pp. 236-
37.
12. Ibid., p. 237.
13. De Bary, Sources of Japanese Tradition, pp. 239-40.
14. Again the best discussion of this intrigue is provided by Collcutt,
"Zen Monastic Institution in Medieval Japan."
15.
16. Varley, Samurai, p. 45.
17.
17. DOGEN: FATHER OF JAPANESE SOTO ZEN
18.
1. Dumoulin, History of Zen Buddhism, p. 151. This statement may be
faint praise, for Japan has never been especially noted for its
religious thinkers. As philosophers, the Japanese have been great
artists and poets. Perhaps no culture can do everything.
2. Biographical information on Dogen may be found in Hee-Jin Kim, Dogen
Kigen--Mystical Realist (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1975);
Yuho Yokoi, Zen Master Dogen (New York: Weatherhill, 1976); and
Dumoulin, History of Zen Buddhism. Translations of his writings maybe
found in Dogen Kigen--Mystical Realist and Zen Master Dogen as well as
in Jiyu Kennett, Zen is Eternal Life (Emeryville, Calif.: Dharma,
1976); Dogen, Record of Things Heard from the Treasury of the Eye of
the True Teaching trans, by Thomas Cleary (Boulder, Colo.: Great
Eastern Book Company, 1978); Francis Dojun Cook, How to Raise an Ox
(Los Angeles: Center Publications, 1978); and Kosen Nishiyama and John
Steven, Shobogenzo: The Eye and Treasury of the True Law (New York:
Weatherhill, 1977).
3. Kim, Dogen Kigen--Mystical Realist, p. 25.
4. Yokoi, Zen Master Dogen, p. 28.
5. See Collcutt, "Zen Monastic Institution in Medieval Japan."
6. Kim, Dogen Kigen--Mystical Realist, p. 29.
7. Ibid., p. 35.
8. See Yokoi, Zen Master Dogen, p. 32.
9. Ibid., pp. 45--46.
10. Ibid., p. 46.
11. Kennett, Zen Is Eternal Life, pp. 141-42.
12. Ibid., p. 152.
13. Ibid., pp. 150-51.
14. Dogen's attitude toward women was revolutionary for his time. A
sampling is provided in Kim, Dogen Kigen--Mystical Realist, pp. 54-55:
"Some people, foolish in the extreme, also think of woman as nothing
but the object of sensual pleasures, and see her this way without ever
correcting their view. A Buddhist should not do so. If man detests
woman as the sexual object, she must detest him for the same reason.
Both man and woman become objects, thus being equally involved in
defilement. . . . What charge is there against woman? What virtue is
there in man? There are wicked men in the world; there are virtuous
women in the world. The desire to hear Dharma and the search for
enlightenment do not necessarily rely on the difference in sex."
15. Yokoi, Zen Master Dogen, pp. 35-36.
16. See Collcutt, "Zen Monastic Training in Medieval Japan," p. 59.
17. Translated in de Bary, Sources of Japanese Tradition, Vol. 1., p.
247.
18. See Collcutt, "Zen Monastic Institution in Medieval Japan," p. 62.
19. See Ibid., pp. 62 ff.
20.See Philip Yampolsky, trans., The Zen Master Hakuin: Selected
Writings, (New York: Columbia University Press, 1971), p. 5.
19. IKKYU: ZEN ECCENTRIC
20.
1. This view is advanced convincingly by Collcutt in "Zen Monastic
Institution in Medieval Japan," p. 113 ff.
2. Ibid., p. 80.
3. This would seem to be one of the reasons for what became of a host of
emigrating Ch'an teachers as sub-sects of the Yogi branch struggled for
ascendency over each other.
4. Wu-an's strength of mind is illustrated by a story related in
Collcutt, "Zen Monastic Institution in Medieval Japan," p. 84: "Wu-an
is said to have shocked the religious sensibilities of many warriors
and monks when, in what has been interpreted as a deliberate attempt to
sever the connection between Zen and prayer in Japanese minds, he
publicly refused to worship before the statue of Jizo in the Buddha
Hill of Kencho-ji on the grounds that whereas Jizo was merely a
Bodhisattva, he, Wu-an, was a Buddha."
5. Related in Ibid., p. 88.
6. Collcutt ("Zen Monastic Institution in Medieval Japan," p. 114)
points out that the warrior interest in Zen and its Chinese cultural
trappings should also be credited partly to their desire to stand up to
the snobbery of the Kyoto aristocracy. By making themselves emissaries
of a prestigious foreign civilization, the warrior class achieved a bit
of cultural one-upmanship on the Kyoto snob set.
7. Collcutt ("Zen Monastic Institution in Medieval Japan," p. 106)
reports that this conversion of temples to Zen was not always
spontaneous. There is the story of one local governor who was called to
Kamakura and in the course of a public assembly asked pointedly whether
his family had yet built a Zen monastery in their home province. The
terrified official declared he had built a monastery for a hundred Zen
monks, and then raced home to start construction.
8. A discussion of the contribution of Zen to Japanese civilization may
be found in Hoover, Zen Culture. An older survey is D. T. Suzuki, Zen
and Japanese Culture (Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press,
1959).
9. Yampolsky, Zen Master Hakuin, p. 8.
10. Philip Yampolsky, "Muromachi Zen and the Gozan System," in John W.
Hall and Toyoda Takeshi, eds., Japan in the Muromachi Age (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1977), p. 319.
11. One of the best political histories of this era is Sansom, History
of Japan. For the history of Zen, the best work appears to be Martin
Collcutt, The Zen Monastic Institution in Medieval Japan (Cambridge:
Harvard University Press, in press), a revised version of the
dissertation cited above.
12. English sources on Ikkyu are less common than might at first be
supposed. The most exhaustive study and translation of original Ikkyu
writings to date is certainly that of James Sanford, "Zen-Man Ikkyu"
(Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University, 1972). There is also a lively
and characteristically insightful essay by Donald Keene, "The Portrait
of Ikkyu," in Archives of Asian Art, Vol. 20 (1966-67), pp. 54-65. This
essay has been collected in Donald Keene, Landscapes and Portraits
(Palo Alto: Kodansha International, 1971). Another work of Ikkyu
scholarship is Sonja Arntzen, "A Presentation of the Poet Ikkyu with
Translations from the Kyounshu 'Mad Cloud Anthology'" (Unpublished
thesis, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, 1966).
13. See Thomas Cleary, The Original Face: An Anthology of Rinzai Zen
(New York: Grove Press, 1978), p. 13. An example of a Nasrudin-esque
parable told about Ikkyu is the story of his approaching the house of a
rich man one day to beg for food wearing his torn robes and straw
sandals. The man drove him away, but when he returned the following day
in the luxurious robe of a Buddhist prelate, he was invited in for a
banquet. But when the food arrived Ikkyu removed his robe and offered
the food to it.
14. Sanford, "Zen-Man Ikkyu," p. 48.
15. Ibid., p. 68.
16. Ibid. pp. 80-81.
17. Translated by Keene, Landscapes and Portraits, p. 235. Professor
Keene (personal communication) has provided a revised and, he believes,
more fully accurate translation of this verse as follows:
After ten days of living in this temple my mind's in turmoil;
Red strings, very long, tug at my feet.
If one day you get around to looking for me,
Try the restaurants, the drinking places or the brothels.
He notes that the "red strings" of the second line refer to the ties of
physical attachment to women that drew Ikkyu from the temple to the
pleasure quarters.
18. Jon Covell and Yamada Sobin, Zen at Daitoku-ji (New York: Kodansha
International, 1974), p. 36.
19. Sanford, "Zen-Man Ikkyu," p. 221.
20. Ibid., p. 226.
21. Ibid., p. 235.
22. Ibid., p. 225.
23. Ibid., pp. 253-54. A translation may also be found in Cleary,
Original Face; and in R. H. Blyth and N. A. Waddell, "Ikkyu's
Skeletons," The Eastern Buddhist, N.S. 7, 3 (May 1973), pp. 111-25.
Also see Blyth, Zen and Zen Classics, Vol. 7.
24. Sanford claims ("Zen-Man Ikkyu," p. 341) that Ikkyu's prose is
"almost totally unknown" in Japan.
25. Ibid., pp. 326-27.
26. Ibid., p. 172.
27. Jan Covell (Zen at Daitoku-ji, p. 38) says, "Ikkyu's own ink
paintings are unpretentious and seemingly artless, always with the
flung-ink technique. His calligraphy is ranked among history's greatest
. . ."
32. Sanford, "Zen-Man Ikkyu," p. 342.
33.
21. HAKUIN: JAPANESE MASTER OF THE KOAN
22.
1. Yampolsky, Zen Master Hakuin, p. 116. This is undoubtedly the
definitive work by and about Hakuin in English and has been used for
all the quotations that follow. Another translation of some of Hakuin's
works is R. D. M. Shaw, The Embossed Teakettle (London: George Allen &
Unwin, 1963). A short translation of Hakuin's writings may be found in
Cleary, Original Face. Perhaps the most incisive biographical and
interpretive material may be found, respectively, in Dumoulin, History
of Zen Buddhism; and Isshu and Sasaki, Zen Dust.
2. Yampolsky, Zen Master Hakuin, p. 117.
3. Ibid., p. 18.
4. Ibid., pp. 118-19.
5. Ibid., p. 119.
6. Ibid., p. 121.
7. Ibid., pp. 31-32.
8. Ibid., p. 33.
9. Ibid., p. 49.
10. Ibid., p. 33.
11. Ibid., pp. 52-53.
12. Ibid., p. 53.
13. Ibid., p. 58.
14. Ibid.
15. Ibid., p. 35.
16. Ibid., pp. 63-64.
17. The "great ball of doubt," known in Chinese as i-t'uan, was a
classic Zen phrase and has been traced by Ruth Fuller Sasaki (Zen Dust,
p. 247) back to a tenth-century Chinese monk, who claimed in a poem,
"The ball of doubt within my heart/Was as big as a big wicker basket."
Hakuin's analysis of the "great ball of doubt" is translated in Zen
Dust, p. 43.
18. Hakuin's invention of his own koans, which were kept secret and
never published, is a significant departure from the usual technique of
simply taking situations from the classic literature, and demonstrates
both his creativity and his intellectual independence. It also raises
the question of whether they really were "koans" under the traditional
definition of "public case" or whether they should be given a different
name.
19. Yampolsky, Zen Master Hakuin, p. 164.
20. The koan system of Hakuin is discussed by Yampolsky in Zen Master
Hakuin, p. 15; and by Sasaki, in The Zen Koan, pp. 27-30.
21. Yampolsky, Zen Master Hakuin, p. 32.
22. See D. T. Suzuki, Sengai: The Zen Master (Greenwich, Conn.: New York
Graphic Society, 1971); Burton Watson, Ryokan: Zen Monk-Poet of Japan
(New York: Columbia University Press, 1977); and John Stevens, One
Robe, One Bowl: The Zen Poetry of Ryokan (New York: Weatherhill, 1977).
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