CHAPTER XI.

JOHN KELYNGE.

After the sudden death of Sir Robert Hyde, Lord Chancellor Clarendon was

again thrown into distress by the difficulty of filling up the office of

chief justice of the King's Bench, and he allowed it to remain vacant

seven months. Only five years had elapsed since the Restoration, and no

loyal lawyer of eminence had sprung up. At last the Chancellor thought he

could not do better than promote Sir John Kelynge, then a _puisne_, to be

the head of the court. The appointment was considered a very bad one; and

some accounted for it by supposing that a liberal contribution had been

made towards the expense of erecting "Dunkirk House,"[71] which was

exciting the admiration and envy of the town; while others asserted that

the collar of S. S.[72] had been put around the neck of the new legal

dignitary by the Duchess of Cleveland. I believe that judicial patronage

had not yet been drawn into the vortex of venality, and that Clarendon,

left to the freedom of his own will, preferred him whom he considered the

least ineligible candidate. But we cannot wonder at the suspicions which

were generally entertained, for Sir John Kelynge's friends could only say

in his favor that he was a "violent Cavalier," and his enemies observed

that "however fit he might have been to _charge_ the Roundheads under

Prince Rupert, he was very unfit to _charge_ a jury in Westminster Hall."

I can find nothing of his origin, or of his career, prior to the

Restoration; and I am unable to say whether, like some loyal lawyers, he

actually had carried arms for the king, or, like others, had continued

obscurely to practise his profession in London. The first notice I find of

him is by himself, in the account which he has left us of the conferences

of the judges at Serjeants' Inn, preparatory to the trial of the

regicides, when he says he attended that service as junior counsel for the

crown. He might have been employed from a notion that he would be useful

in solving the knotty points likely to arise,[73] or, (what is quite as

likely,) without any professional reputation, he might have got a brief by

favor, in a case which was to draw the eyes of the whole world upon all

engaged in it.

When the trials came on, he was very busy and bustling, and eagerly

improved every opportunity of bringing himself forward. Before they were

over, he took upon himself the degree of serjeant at law, and, to his

unspeakable delight, he was actually intrusted with the task of conducting

the prosecution against Colonel Hacker, who had commanded the guard

during the king's trial and at his execution. He learnedly expounded to

the jury that the treason consisted in "compassing and imagining the

king's death," and that the overt acts charged of _condemning him_ and

_executing him_ were only to be considered evidence of the evil intention.

He then stated the facts which would be proved by the witnesses, and

concluded by observing,--

"Thus did he keep the king a prisoner, to bring him before that Mock Court

of Injustice; and was so highly trusted by all those miscreants who

thirsted for the king's blood, that the bloody warrant was directed to him

to see execution done. Nay, gentlemen, he was on the scaffold, and had the

axe in his hand." _Hacker._--"My lords, to save your lordships trouble, I

confess that I was upon the guard, and had a warrant to keep the king for

his execution." (The original warrant being shown to him, he admitted it.)

_Kelynge._--"After you had that warrant brought to you, did you, by virtue

of it, direct another warrant for the execution of the king, and take his

sacred majesty's person from the custody of Colonel Tomlinson?"

_Hacker._--"No, sir." _Kelynge._--"We shall prove it."

Colonel Tomlinson was then examined, and detailed the circumstances of the

execution, showing that Colonel Hacker had conducted the king to the

scaffold under the original warrant--what had been taken for a fresh

warrant being a letter written by him to Cromwell, then engaged in prayer

for the king's deliverance with General Fairfax.

_Kelynge._--"We have other witnesses, but the prisoner hath confessed

enough. We have proved that he had the king in custody, and that at the

time of the execution he was there to manage it. What do you say for

yourself?" _Hacker._--"Truly, my lord, I have no more to say for myself

but that I was a soldier and under command. In obedience to those set over

me I did act. My desire hath ever been for the welfare of my country." _L.

C. Baron._--"This is all you have to say for yourself?" _Hacker._--"Yes,

my lord." _L. C. Baron._--"Then, Colonel Hacker, for that which you say

for yourself that you did it by command, you must understand that no power

on earth could authorize such a thing. Either he is guilty of compassing

the death of the king, or no man can be said to be guilty."

Of course he was convicted and executed.

Serjeant Kelynge was soon after promoted to be a king's serjeant; and in

that capacity took a prominent part in the trial of Sir Henry Vane, who,

not being concerned in the late king's death, was tried for what he had

subsequently done in obedience to the Parliament, then possessed of the

supreme power of the state. To the plea that his acts could not be said to

be against the peace of Charles II., who was then in exile, Kelynge

admitted that if another sovereign, although a usurper, had mounted the

throne, the defence would have been sufficient; but urged that the throne

must always be full, and that Charles II., in legal contemplation,

occupied it while _de facto_ he was wandering in foreign lands, and

ambassadors from all the states of Europe were accredited to Oliver, the

Lord Protector.

Kelynge having suggested this reasoning, which was adopted by the court,

and on which Vane was executed as a traitor, he was, on the next vacancy,

made a puisne judge of the King's Bench.

While Kelynge was a puisne judge, he made up, by loyal zeal and

subserviency, for his want of learning and sound sense; but, from a

knowledge of his incompetency, there was a great reluctance to promote him

on the death of Lord Chief Justice Hyde. Sir Matthew Hale was pointed out

as the fittest person to be placed at the head of the common law; but Lord

Clarendon had not the liberality to raise to the highest dignity one who

had sworn allegiance to the Protector, and there being no better man whom

he could select, who was free from the suspicion of republican taint, he

fixed upon the "violent Cavalier."

Luckily there were no speeches at his installation. On account of the

dreadful plague which was then depopulating London, the courts were

adjourned to Oxford. "There Kelynge, puisne judge, was made chief justice,

and being sworn at the chancellor's lodging, came up privily and took his

place in the logic school, where the Court of King's Bench sat. The

business was only motions--to prevent any concourse of people. In London

died the week before, 7165 of the plague, besides Papists and Quakers."

The new chief justice even exceeded public expectation by the violent,

fantastical, and ludicrous manner in which he comported himself. His

vicious and foolish propensities broke out without any restraint, and, at

a time when there was little disposition to question any who were clothed

with authority, he drew down upon himself the contempt of the public and

the censure of Parliament.

He was unspeakably proud of the collar which he wore as chief justice,

this alone distinguishing him externally from the puisnies, a class on

whom he now looked down very haughtily. In his own report of the

resolutions of the judges prior to the trial of Lord Morley for murder,

before the House of Lords, he considers the following as most

important,--

"We did all, _una voce_, resolve that we were to attend at the trial in

our scarlet robes, and the chief judges in their collars of S. S.--_which

I did accordingly_."

There having been a tumult in an attempt by some apprentices to put down

certain disorderly houses in Moorfields, which were a great nuisance to

the neighborhood, and cries that no such houses should be tolerated, Chief

Justice Kelynge, considering this "an _accroachment_ of royal authority,"

directed those concerned in it to be indicted for HIGH TREASON; and the

trial coming on before him at the Old Bailey, he thus laid down the law to

the jury,--

"The prisoners are indicted for levying war against the king. By levying

war is not only meant when a body is gathered together as in army, but if

a company of people will go about any public reformation, this is high

treason. These people do pretend their design was against brothels; now,

for men to go about to pull down brothels, with a captain, and an ensign,

and weapons,--if this thing be endured, _who is safe_? It is high treason

because it doth betray the peace of the nation, and every subject is as

much wronged as the king; for if every man may reform what he will, no man

is safe; therefore the thing is of desperate consequence, and we must make

this for a public example. There is reason we should be very cautious; we

are but newly delivered from rebellion, and we know that that rebellion

first began under the pretence of religion and the law; for the devil hath

always this vizard upon it. We have great reason to be very wary that we

fall not again into the same error. Apprentices in future shall not go on

in this manner. It is proved that Beasely went as their captain with his

sword, and flourished it over his head, and that Messenger walked about

Moorfields with a green apron on the top of a pole. What was done by one

was done by all; in high treason, all concerned are principals."

So the prisoners were all convicted of high treason; and I am ashamed to

say that all the judges concurred in the propriety of the conviction

except Lord Chief Baron Hale, who, as might be expected, delivered his

opinion that there was no treason in the case, and treated it merely as a

misdemeanor. Such a proceeding had not the palliation that it ruined a

personal enemy, or crushed a rival party in the state, or brought great

forfeitures into the exchequer; it was a mere fantastic trick played

before high heaven to make the angels weep.[74]

When Chief Justice Kelynge was upon the circuit, being without any check

or restraint, he threw aside all regard to moderation and to decency. He

compelled the grand jury of Somersetshire to find a true bill contrary to

their consciences--reproaching Sir Hugh Wyndham, the foreman, as the head

of a faction, and telling them "that they were all his servants, and that

he would make the best in England stoop."

Some persons were indicted before him for attending a conventicle; and,

although it was proved that they had assembled on the Lord's day with

Bibles in their hands, _without Prayer Books_, they were acquitted. He

thereupon fined the jury one hundred marks apiece, and imprisoned them

till the fines were paid. Again, on the trial of a man for murder, who was

suspected of being a dissenter, and whom he had a great desire to hang, he

fined and imprisoned all the jury because, contrary to his direction,

they brought in a verdict of _manslaughter_.[75] Upon another occasion,

(repeating a coarse jest of one whom he professed to hold in great

abhorrence,) when he was committing a man in a very arbitrary manner, the

famous declaration in Magna Charta being cited to him, that "no freeman

shall be imprisoned except by the judgment of his peers, or the law of the

land," the only answer given by my lord chief justice of England was to

repeat, with a loud voice, Cromwell's rhyme, "Magna Charta--Magna

F----a!!!"

At last, the scandal was so great that complaints against him were brought

by petition before the House of Commons, and were referred to the grand

committee of justice. After witnesses had been examined, and he himself

had been heard in his defence, the committee reported the following

resolutions:--

"1. That the proceedings of the lord chief justice in the cases referred

to us are innovations in the trial of men for their lives and liberties,

and that he hath used an arbitrary and illegal power which is of dangerous

consequence to the lives and liberties of the people of England.

"2. That in the place of judicature, the lord chief justice hath

undervalued, vilified, and condemned Magna Charta, the great preserver of

our lives, freedom, and property.

"3. That the lord chief justice be brought to trial, in order to condign

punishment in such manner as the House shall judge most fit and

requisite."

The matter assuming this serious aspect, he petitioned to be heard at the

bar of the House in his own defence. Lord Chief Baron Atkyns, who was then

present, says, "he did it with that great humility and reverence, that

those of his own profession and others were so far his advocates that the

House desisted from any farther prosecution." His demeanor seems now to

have been as abject as it had before been insolent, and he escaped

punishment only by the generous intercession of lawyers whom he had been

in the habit of browbeating in the King's Bench.

He was abundantly tame for the rest of his days; but he fell into utter

contempt, and the business of the court was done by Twisden, a very

learned judge, and much respected, although very passionate. Kelynge's

collar of S. S. ceased to have any charms for him; he drooped and

languished for some terms, and on the 9th of May, 1671, he expired, to the

great relief of all who had any regard for the due administration of

justice. No interest can be felt respecting the place of his interment,

his marriages, or his descendants.

I ought to mention, among his other vanities, that he had the ambition to

be an author; and he compiled a folio volume of decisions in criminal

cases, which are of no value whatever except to make us laugh at some of

the silly egotisms with which they abound.[76]

Atrocious Judges : Lives of Judges Infamous as Tools of Tyrants and Instruments of Oppression · 第 11 / 18 章