James Alexander on Freedom of the Press

In 1737 the verdict of the Zenger trial was severely criticized in two

anonymous letters to the _Barbados Gazette_, and these were reprinted

by Andrew Bradford of Philadelphia. Alexander wrote a reply in the

_Pennsylvania Gazette_. His essay is an important historical document,

although strangely overlooked by the historians of American democracy.

It presents him as the most important theorist of freedom of the press

this country has ever produced. These are some of the key passages:

Freedom of speech is a principal pillar in a free government. When this

support is taken away, the Constitution is dissolved, and tyranny is

erected on its ruins. Republics and limited monarchies derive their

strength and vigor from a popular examination into the actions of the

magistrates.

These abuses of the freedom of speech are the excrescences of liberty.

They ought to be suppressed; but to whom dare we commit the care of

doing it? An evil magistrate, entrusted with a power to punish words, is

armed with a weapon the most destructive and terrible. Under the

pretense of pruning off the exuberant branches, he frequently destroys

the tree.

Augustus Caesar, under the specious pretext of preserving the characters

of the Romans from defamation, introduced the law whereby libeling was

involved in the penalties of treason against the state. This established

his tyranny; and for one mischief it prevented, ten thousand evils,

horrible and tremendous, sprang up in the place.

Henry VIII, a prince mighty in politics, procured that act to be passed

whereby the jurisdiction of the Star Chamber was confirmed and

extended.... The subjects were terrified from uttering their griefs

while they saw the thunder of the Star Chamber pointing at their heads.

This caution, however, could not prevent several dangerous tumults and

insurrections. For when the tongues of the people are restrained, they

commonly discharge their resentments by a more dangerous organ, and

break out into open acts of violence.

But to resume the description of the reign of Charles II. The doctrine

of servitude was chiefly managed by Sir Roger Lestrange. He had great

advantages in the argument, being licenser for the press, and might have

carried all before him without contradiction if writings of the other

side of the question had not been printed by stealth. The authors were

prosecuted as seditious libelers.

In the two former papers the writer endeavored to prove by historical

facts the fatal dangers that necessarily attend a restraint on freedom

of speech and the liberty of the press: upon which the following

reflection naturally occurs, viz., THAT WHOEVER ATTEMPTS TO SUPPRESS

EITHER OF THOSE, OUR NATURAL RIGHTS, OUGHT TO BE REGARDED AS AN ENEMY TO

LIBERTY AND THE CONSTITUTION.

In civil actions an advocate should never appear but when he is

persuaded the merits of the cause lie on the side of his client. In

criminal actions it often happens that the defendant in strict justice

deserves punishment; yet a counsel may oppose it when a magistrate

cannot come at the offender without making a breach in the barriers of

liberty and opening a floodgate to arbitrary power. But when the

defendant is innocent and unjustly prosecuted, his counsel may, nay

ought to, take all advantages and use every stratagem that his skill,

art, and learning can furnish him with. This last was the case of Zenger

at New York, as appears by the printed trial and the verdict of the

jury. It was a popular cause. The liberty of the press in that Province

depended on it. On such occasions the dry rules of strict pleading are

never observed. The counsel for the defendant sometimes argues from the

known principles of law, then raises doubts and difficulties to confound

his antagonist, now applies himself to the affections, and chiefly

endeavors to raise the passions. Zenger’s defense is to be considered in

all those different lights.

Upon the whole: To suppress inquiries into the administration is good

policy in an arbitrary government. But a free Constitution and freedom

of speech have such a reciprocal dependence on each other that they

cannot subsist without consisting together.

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