“_It was absolutely necessary to the existence and prosperity of France
that the great commercial power and assumed preponderance of Great
Britain and her attempted monopoly of the seas should be broken. The
revolt of the American Colonies was her opportunity._”
_George Clinton Genet in Magazine of American History, Nov., 1878._
Beaumarchais’s English connections—With Lord Rochford—With
Wilkes—Meets Arthur Lee—Sends Memoir to the King—His Commission
to Buy Portuguese Coin—Called to Account by Lord
Rochford—Vergennes’s Acceptance of his Ideas—Article in _The
Morning Chronicle_.
As has been stated already, Beaumarchais during his stay in London came
in touch with all classes. It was Lord Rochford whom he had known
intimately at Madrid who introduced him at the court of St. James. It
was d’Eon and Morande who brought him into touch with the brilliant,
daring Wilkes, then Lord Mayor of London.
Around the latter’s table the most pronounced members of the opposition,
as well as the leading Americans then in London, were wont to assemble.
It was here that Beaumarchais met the young and gifted representative of
America, Arthur Lee, who was destined to bring so much discord into all
continental relations with America. The bitterness which subsequent
developments brought out in his character had not then shown itself.
During the winter of 1776, Lee was replacing Franklin in London. Ardent
and intelligent, with decided personal charm he captivated Beaumarchais.
In fact it was primarily through Lee that Beaumarchais came in touch
with the pulse of American life and from him that he acquired that
ardent sympathy with the sons of the new world, which never left him.
Both Beaumarchais and the Count de Lauragais, another agent of France in
London, urged the French minister to permit Lee to appear before him, to
plead in person the cause of his country. But on this point Vergennes
was inexorable, and Arthur Lee was not permitted to come to Versailles.
Most of the correspondence which passed between Beaumarchais and the
French ministers during the early part of 1776 is lacking, but the
following memoir addressed to the king, February 29, 1776, shows that a
decided advance had been made:
“_La Paix ou la Guerre_
“To the King alone:
“The famous quarrel between America and England which is soon
going to divide the world and change the system of Europe,
imposes upon every power the necessity of examining well how the
event of this separation will influence it, either to serve its
ends or to thwart them.
“But the most interested of all is certainly France, whose sugar
islands have been, since the peace of 1763, the constant object
of regret and of hope to the king of England....
“In the first memoir placed before Your Majesty three months ago
by M. de Vergennes, I tried to prove that the sense of justice of
Your Majesty could not be offended in taking wise precautions
against this enemy who never has shown herself delicate in those
which she has taken against us.
“To-day when a violent crisis is advancing upon us with great
strides, I am obliged to warn Your Majesty that the conservation
of our American possessions and the peace which you so desire
depends solely upon this one proposition—_We must aid the
Americans!_
“This is what I will prove to you.... The King of England, the
ministers, the parliament, the opposition, the nation, the
English people, parties, in a word, which tear the state to
pieces, all agree that it is not to be hoped that they can bring
back the Americans, even if the great efforts which they now put
forth should be able to subdue them. From this, Sire, the violent
debates between the ministry and the opposition, the action and
reaction of opinions admitted or rejected, do not in the least
advance matters, they serve, however, to throw much light upon
the subject....
“The fear exists in England that the Americans, encouraged by
their successes and perhaps emboldened by some secret treaty with
France and Spain, will refuse the same conditions of peace to-day
which they demanded with clasped hands two years ago. On the
other hand the Sieur L. (Lee) secret deputy of the colonies at
London, absolutely discouraged at the uselessness of the efforts
which he has made through me to obtain from the French Ministry
aid of powder and munitions of war—said to me to-day,
“‘For the last time, is France absolutely decided to refuse us
all aid and has she become the victim of England and the laughing
stock of Europe, by this unbelievable torpor?’
“Obliged myself to reply positively, I await your last reply to
his offer before I give my own.
“‘We offer,’ he says, ‘to France as a price of her secret aid, a
secret treaty of commerce which will enable her to reap during a
certain number of years after the peace, all the benefits with
which we have for the last century enriched England, besides a
guarantee of her West Indian Possessions according to our power.
“‘If this is rejected, Congress immediately will make a public
proclamation and will offer to all nations of the world what I
secretly offer to you to-day.... The Americans, exasperated, will
join their forces to those of England and will fall upon your
sugar islands—of which you will be deprived forever.’ ...
“Here, Sire, is the striking picture of our position. Your
Majesty sincerely wishes to maintain peace. The means to conserve
peace, Sire, will make the _résumé_ of this memoir.
“Admit all the foregoing hypotheses and let us reason. _This
which follows is very important._
“Either England will have the most complete success in the
campaign over the Americans; or the Americans will repel the
English with loss; or England will adopt the plan of abandoning
the colonies to themselves and separating in a friendly manner;
or the opposition taking possession of the ministry, will bring
about the submission of the colonies on condition of their being
reinstated as in 1763.
“Here are all the possibilities brought together. Is there a
single one which does not instantly bring upon us the war which
you desire to avoid? Sire, in the name of Heaven, deign to
examine the matter with me.
“First, if England should triumph over America, it can only be at
an enormous expense of men and money, now the only indemnity
which England will propose to make on her return, will be the
capture of our sugar islands.... Thus Sire, it will only remain
for you, the choice of beginning too late an unfruitful war, or
to sacrifice to the most disgraceful inactivity your American
colonies and to lose two hundred and eighty millions of capital
and more than thirty millions of revenue.
“Second, if the Americans win, the moment they are free from the
English, the latter in despair at seeing their possessions
diminished by three fourths, will be still more anxious to
indemnify themselves by the easy capture of our islands, and one
may be sure that they will not fail in attempting it.
“Third, if the English imagine themselves forced to abandon the
colonies to themselves, which is the secret desire of the king,
their loss being the same and their commerce equally ruined the
result remains the same for us.
“Fourth, if the opposition comes into power and concludes a
treaty with the American colonies, the Americans, outraged
against the French whose refusal to aid alone forces them to
submit to England, menace us from to-day forth, to take away the
islands by joining forces with the English....
“What shall we do in this extremity to win peace and to save our
islands?
“_Sire the only means is to give help to the Americans_, so as to
make their forces equal to those of England.... Believe me Sire,
the saving of a few millions to-day soon may cause a great deal
of blood to flow, and money to be lost to France....
“If it is replied that we cannot aid the Americans without
drawing upon us a storm, I reply that this danger can be averted
if the plan be adopted which I have so often proposed, to aid the
Americans secretly....
“If your Majesty has no more skillful man to employ, I am ready
to take the matter in charge and will be responsible for the
treaty without compromising anyone, persuaded that my zeal will
better supplement my lack of dexterity, than the dexterity of
another could replace my zeal.... Your Majesty knows better than
anyone that secrecy is the soul of action and that in politics a
project made known, is a project lost.
“Since I have served you sire, I have never asked for any favor.
Permit, O my master, that no one be allowed to prevent my working
for you and my whole existence is consecrated to you.
“Caron de Beaumarchais.”
Under the outward show of indifference the French government had been
steadily moving toward the point aimed at by its secret agent. Early in
March Vergennes had placed a list of considerations before the king in
which the future actions of the government were outlined. Beaumarchais
had been recalled in order to deliberate with the ministers, and when
all was arranged, he returned to London to continue the work there.
But the enemies of the cause of America were not slumbering and in spite
of his precautions he found that he was being watched. “Beaumarchais,”
says Doniol, “already under the suspicion of the police of the foreign
office, of being employed with that with which he was really occupied,
had been furnished with a letter by M. de Sartine, which gave him a
mission in the name of the king to buy up ancient Portuguese coin, to be
used in the islands.”
Beaumarchais wrote to Vergennes, April 12, 1776, “I wrote yesterday to
M. de Sartine thanking him as well as the king for having furnished me
with the means of sleeping tranquilly in London. Certain that you will
deliver him my dispatch I lay down my pen, because for eight hours I
have been writing and making copies, and I am exhausted.
“Deign to remember sometimes, M. le Comte, a man who respects you
and who even dares in his heart to add a more tender sentiment.
Beaumarchais.”
The following letter bears the date, April 12th, 1776; but as
Beaumarchais later explains, it really was written on the 16th. It shows
the intimate relation which existed between him and Lord Rochford, as
well as the skill and address of Beaumarchais in extricating himself
from a very difficult situation.
“Monsieur le Comte:
“While England assembled at Westminster Hall is judging the
Duchess of Kingston, I will give you an account of a serious
conversation which took place between Lord Rochford and myself.”...
The lord, after informing Beaumarchais of a letter he had just
received from King George of England appointing him to the
vice-royalty in Ireland, continued: “But I must not omit to read
you the last phrase of the letter of the King, M. de
Beaumarchais, because it regards you particularly.
“‘A vessel from Boston, charged with letters and merchandise from
Congress for a merchant of Nantes, with orders to exchange for
munitions of war, has been brought to Bristol. This circumstance,
joined to that of two French gentlemen, secretly in communication
with Congress, and having, it is said, hidden relations with
persons in London, has singularly alarmed our council....
“‘Several evilly informed persons have endeavored to cause
suspicions of this connivance to fall upon you. What do you think
of all this? I know very well that you are here to finish with
d’Eon; on this point I wish to trust your word alone, as I have
already said to the king.’
“‘Before replying, Milord,’ I said, ‘to that which regards me,
permit me to speak first of the vessel from America. Not that I
have orders from our ministers, but following my own light. I
have learned already of the arrival of the American vessel at
Bristol, but I was no more astonished that it was charged for a
merchant of Nantes, than if it had been one for Amsterdam, or
Cadiz, or Hamburg. The insurgents have need of munitions, and
have no money to buy them, they are forced, then, to hazard their
raw materials in order to exchange them, and any port whatever
where they can find munitions is naturally as good as any other.’
“‘But, Monsieur, has not France given orders in her ports in
regard to this? Have we not the right to expect the merchants of
Nantes to be punished?’
“‘Milord, you have permitted me the right to speak frankly. I
will do it all the more freely since I have no commission and
what I say will compromise no one. Indeed, Milord, do you wish
our administration to deal harshly with the people of Nantes? Are
we at war with anyone? Before asking this question of me, let me
ask a preliminary one of you. Because England has a private
quarrel with someone, what right has she to restrict our
commerce? What treaty obliges us to open or close our ports
according to the wish of the British nation? Certainly, Milord, I
scarcely can believe that anyone would dare to raise so
unbelievable a question, the solution of which might have
consequences which England has great interest not to provoke....
“‘Nothing prevents you from chasing the Americans as much as you
like, seizing them whenever you can,—except under the cannon of
our forts, by the way! But require of us to disturb our merchants
because they have dealings with people with whom we are at peace,
whether we regard them as your subjects or a people become free,
... in truth that is asking too much! I do not know what the
administration would think of such a demand, but I know very well
that it seems to me decidedly more than out of place.’
“‘I see, Monsieur, that you are crimson with anger.’ (In truth M.
le Comte, the fire had mounted to my face, and if you disapprove,
that I have shown so much heat, I ask your pardon.)
“‘Milord,’ I replied, with gentleness and modesty, ‘you who are
English and patriotic, you should not think evil that _un bon
Français_ should have pride for his country.’
“‘Therefore, I am not in the least offended.’”
The conversation now turned on the delicate matter of
Beaumarchais’s mission. After showing his credentials for the
buying up of Portuguese coin and frankly affirming that the
affair with d’Eon was settled so far as he was concerned, he
continued, “‘If there should be any pretended French agents in
England, I am sure that if they could be captured, the government
would disavow them, and even punish them....
“‘And now, Milord, I offer you my sincere compliments for that
which the king destines for you. If you accept the Vice-Royalty,
I hope you will remember your ancient friendship for M. Duflos
whom I recommend to you afresh. I hope you will charge him with
the details of your house in Ireland as you have in France. He
promised me this.’ (This Duflos, M. le Comte, is a Frenchman whom
I long ago secured for Lord Rochford; he is absolutely devoted to
me, and through him you will always have certain news of the most
intimate interior of the vice-royalty. I am a little like Figaro,
M. le Comte, I do not lose my head for a little noise.)
“By the way, the Hessian troops have started. They took the oath
of allegiance to England the 22nd of March.
“The Americans have actually twelve vessels of from twenty-two to
forty-four pieces of cannon, and twelve or fifteen of twenty
pieces, and more than thirty of twelve pieces, which gives them a
navy almost as respectable as that of the English, and for the
last two and a half months the insurgents have lost only one
vessel brought into Bristol, which is indeed worthy of remark.
“I count upon your goodness to hope that my recommendations for
Aix are not forgotten. [In allusion to his suit with the count de
La Blache, still pending.] It is not just that I be judged in the
South when I am nine hundred miles away in the North.
“Receive my respects, my homage, and the assurance of my perfect
devotion.
“Caron de Beaumarchais.”
(Doniol I, 407.)
On the 26th of the same month, M. de Vergennes wrote to his secret
agent, “almost as though he spoke to an ambassador.” (Doniol.)
“I have the satisfaction of announcing to you that His Majesty
very much approves the noble and frank manner with which you
repelled the attack made upon you by Lord Rochford in relation to
the American vessel destined for Nantes and conducted to Bristol.
You have said nothing which His Majesty would not have prescribed
you to say if he had foreseen that you would be obliged to answer
in regard to a matter so far removed from the business with which
you are charged. Receive my compliments, Monsieur. After having
assured you of the approbation of the king, mine cannot seem very
interesting to you; nevertheless, I cannot refuse myself the
satisfaction of applauding the wisdom and firmness of your
conduct and renewing the assurances of my entire esteem. I have
not neglected your commission for Aix. M. le Garde des Sceaux
assured me that it would remain in suspense till your return.
“I am very perfectly
“de Vergennes.
“Versailles, April 26th, 1776.”
Post Scriptum.
“The king approves, that you do not refuse the overtures the Lord
Rochford may make to you. You are prudent and discreet. I should
be without uneasiness even if you had a more important commission
than that which M. de Sartine has given you. It was well,
however, that you had it, since it served to disperse the
suspicions aroused by your frequent voyages to London. It must be
admitted that the English whom we believe to be men are really
far less than women, if they are so easily frightened.... Nothing
equals the sincere attachment with which I have the honor to be,
Monsieur, your very humble, etc.
“de Vergennes.”
The same day Beaumarchais addressed the count with a letter from London
which runs as follows:
“M. le Comte:
“I profit by this occasion to entertain you with freedom upon the
only really important matter at present, America and all that
pertains to it. I reasoned a long time, day before yesterday,
with the man you thought best to prevent coming to France.
(Arthur Lee.) He incessantly asks if we are going to do
absolutely nothing for them. And without wasting time in
repeating to me how very important their success is to France
because he does us the honor of believing that we agree with him
on that point, he tells me simply, ‘We need arms, powder, and
above all engineers; only you can help us, and it is to your
interest to do so.’
“The Americans are as well placed as possible; army, fleet
provisions, courage, everything is excellent, but without powder
and engineers how can they conquer or even defend themselves? Are
we going to let them perish rather than loan them one or two
millions? Are we afraid of losing the money?
“Weakness and fear is all that one sees here....
“It is clear that the ministry is silent because it has nothing
to reply. Fear and anger on one side, weakness and embarrassment
on the other, this is the real condition. You would be still more
convinced of this truth if you will recall the nature of their
treaties with Germany and if you examine the rate of the new
loan.... And when this is well proved, is it really true, M. le
Comte, that you will do nothing for the Americans?
“Will you not have the goodness to show once more to the King how
much he can gain, without striking a blow, in this one campaign?
And will you not attempt to convince His Majesty that this
miserable pittance which they demand, and over which we have been
disputing for more than a year, will bring to us all the fruits
of a great victory without undergoing the dangers of a combat?
That this help can give to us while we sleep, all that the
disgraceful treaty of 1763 made us lose? What greater view can
occupy the council of the king and what force your pleading will
take on if you show the reverse of the picture and count what the
defeat of the Americans will cost us. Three hundred millions—our
men—our vessels, our islands, etc.... because their forces once
united against us, their audacity augmented by their great
success, it is only certain that they will force these same
Frenchmen to support a fatal war which two millions now would
avert.
“In spite of the danger which I run in writing these daring
things from London, I feel myself twice as much French in London
as at Paris. The patriotism of this people stirs my own....”
As may be seen from this letter, Arthur Lee still inspired complete
confidence in the agent of the French government, so much indeed that
Beaumarchais gladly disclosed to him the plans which he had formed for
coming to the aid of the Americans.
So certain was he that France would ultimately yield to the necessity of
giving them secret support that he no doubt spoke with indiscreet
assurance on the subject. Exactly what passed between the two men will
never be known, but what is certain is, that during the spring of 1776,
Arthur Lee addressed to the secret committee of Congress a letter in
which he says:
“In consequence of active measures taken with the French Embassy
in London, _M. de Vergennes has sent me a secret agent to inform
me that the French court cannot think of making war on England
but that she is ready to send five million worth of arms and
ammunition to Cap Français to be thence sent to the colonies._”
A careful analysis of this important missive will at once make clear the
profound misunderstanding which arose in the mind of the secret
committee of Congress regarding the true state of affairs in France. So
completely was every statement perverted that though the whole bears a
semblance of truth yet in reality nothing could be further removed from
it.
For instead of sending an agent to confer with Arthur Lee, M. de
Vergennes had steadily refused to enter into any relation whatever with
him. Instead of promising munitions of war for which Beaumarchais had
been pleading so long and so ardently, the government continued to
refuse to compromise itself by making any statement regarding them.
And yet in judging Arthur Lee, whether he intentionally distorted the
truth or only indulged in what he considered a harmless exaggeration, we
must not forget that this letter with its assurances of help, arriving
at the moment which it did, had a profound influence in shaping men’s
minds for independence.
As regards Lee himself, the letter had the effect of greatly augmenting
his credit with Congress. Silas Deane was already on his way to France,
charged with an express commission to secure munitions of war on credit,
so it was determined to join Arthur Lee to the commission as soon as it
could be brought about.
But to return to the French court. The first intimation of anything like
an avowed approval of the plans of Beaumarchais is to be found in a
letter of M. de Vergennes under date of May 2, 1776. He wrote:
“I have received the first of this month, Monsieur, the letter with
which you honored me, written the 26th of last month.”
Then follows a lengthy preamble in which the count, speaking as an
observer of men and one used to dealing with them, continues:
“This preface is not destined to refute your foresight, which on the
contrary I praise and approve. But do not suppose that because your
plans are not immediately acted on, that they are rejected. Although the
method which I employ is sure, I am forced to curb the desire which I
feel to express to you all my thoughts, therefore, I rely upon your
sagacity to divine them. Think well and you will find that I am nearer
to you than you imagine.... A thousand thanks, Monsieur, for the news
items which you communicate to me, they have been seen and relished....
I have delivered the letter which you recommended to me; if an answer
comes I will forward it to you. I flatter you that you know my
friendship and attachment for you.
“de Vergennes.”
In fact the hindrances were gradually disappearing from the path of the
minister. In a résumé, in all probability drawn up by Vergennes himself,
entitled, “_Réflexions sur la nécessité de secourir les Américains et de
se préparer à la guerre avec l’Angleterre_,” without date, but placed by
Doniol the first of May, 1776, the following passages occur:
“There is no obstacle, and it is even necessary to aid the insurgents
indirectly by means of munitions or of money....
“We are to make no agreement with them until their independence is
established. The aid must be veiled and hidden, and appear to come from
commerce so that we can always deny it.
“It would be sufficient for an intelligent merchant, faithful and
discreet, to be stationed in each one of the ports, where the American
vessels would come to land their cargoes—he would treat directly with
their captains and would mask the shipments to prevent the reproach of
the court of England.”—Doniol.
This was not at all what Beaumarchais had been planning and preparing.
In the next chapter we shall see him with his usual flexibility abandon
his own ideas and adopt those of the ministry, since they tended to the
same end. In the meantime he was addressing the following letters to
Vergennes:
“Monsieur le Comte:
“There is nothing very important here but the news of the
evacuation of Boston, which arrived three days ago....
“The government assumes an air of approbation, of mystery, of
intelligence even. It wishes to have it considered as a ruse of
the ministry, but that does not take. It is too certain that the
impossibility to hold Boston from lack of provisions has driven
the English away....
“All this confirms what I announced in my last dispatch, that the
Americans are in good condition everywhere, engineers and powder
excepted. I thank you for your obliging goodness in regard to my
affair at Aix. I thank you also for the honorable encouragement
which the approbation of the king and your own gives to my
enterprise.... Say what you will, M. le Comte, a little
exaltation in the heart of an honest man, far from spoiling him
for action vivifies everything he touches, and enables him to do
more than he would have dared to promise from his natural
capacity. I feel this exaltation, it remains for my prudence to
direct it in a way that turns to the good of the affairs of the
king. Conserve for me his esteem, Monsieur le Comte.
“Ah, Monsieur le Comte, as a favor ... some powder and engineers!
It seems to me that I never wanted anything so much....”
(Given by Gaillardet.)
Five days later; London, May 8, 1776.
... “I say then, the time approaches when the Americans will be
masters at home.... If they have the upper hand, as everything
seems to point to that end, will we not have infinitely to
regret, Monsieur le Comte, not to have ceded to their prayers?
If, far from having acquired the right to their gratitude, as we
could easily do at small cost and without risk, we will have
alienated them forever? As they will have conquered without us,
they will revenge themselves for our hardness to them. What are
two or three millions advanced without compromising ourselves?
Because I can engage my sacred faith to make any sum you wish
reach them at second hand by way of Holland, without risk or
other authorization than that which exists between us. A small
effort will perhaps suffice, because I know that the Virginians
have now an abundant manufacture of saltpeter, and that the
Congress has decided that powder shall be made in every place
instead of at Philadelphia as formerly. Beside this, Virginia has
seven thousand regular troops, and seventy thousand militia, iron
in abundance, and she makes almost as many arms as all the rest
of America together.
“But engineers, engineers and powder! Or the money to buy them!”
(Gaillardet.)
Three days later, London, May 11, 1776.... “All the quarrels for the
last eight days are in relation to the _quomodo_ of the evacuation of
Boston. The opposition and the ministry are openly tearing out each
other’s eyes about it. The whole affair consists of the doctors deciding
how the sick man died. Let them dispute over that great coffin. The
couriers arrive at every moment.... To-morrow all the news of the
American papers will be printed in the English ones. The whole affair
begins to clear up. You were certainly very near me as you said, when I
imagined you very very far.” (Gaillardet.)
“London, May 17, 1776.
... Eight days ago a pack boat from Virginia sent by Lord Dunmore
brought news to the government, but it was so bad that it was
thought advisable to say that the chest containing the mail was
washed overboard in a storm. Admirable ruse! Effort of superior
genius! Yesterday another vessel arrived from Canada. A man
jumped into a boat and the vessel pushed out again. That man
hurried straight to London without stopping. No one can find out
his errand. From these incidents comes the refrain; the news must
be very black since it is kept such a mystery.”
(Gaillardet.)
Thus ended the first phase of the activity of Beaumarchais in the cause
of the Americans. In a few more days he was back in France ready to turn
the force of his mind, the power of his intellect and all the energy of
his being into the development of that vast mercantile establishment
which was for a time to supply the colonies with munitions of war and
other necessities.
As a proof that no one ever was able to pass from grave to gay with more
facility than Beaumarchais, we will close the present chapter with a
rather lengthy extract from an article which appeared in the London
_Morning Chronicle_ shortly before his return to France:
From the _Morning Chronicle_, London, May 6, 1776.
“Monsieur, the Editor:
“I am a stranger, full of honor. If it is not to inform you
absolutely who I am, it is at least to tell you in more than one
sense who I am not.
“Day before yesterday, at the Pantheon, after the concert and
during the dance, I found under my feet a lady’s mantle of black
taffeta, lined with the same and bordered with lace. I am
ignorant to whom this mantle belongs, never having seen, even at
the Pantheon, her who wore it and all my investigations since
have not enabled me to learn anything in relation to her.
“I therefore beg you, M. the Editor, to announce in your paper
this lost mantle so that it may be returned faithfully to
whomever shall reclaim it.
“But that there may be no error in relation to it, I have the
honor to announce to you that the person who lost it wore a pink
plume that day in her hair; I think she had diamond pendants in
her ears, but I am not so sure of that as of the rest. She is
tall and well formed, her hair is a silvery blonde; her
complexion dazzlingly white; her neck is fine and gracefully set;
her form slender, and the prettiest little foot in the world. I
have even remarked that she is very young. She is lively and
distracted; her step is light and she has a decided taste for the
dance.
“If you ask me, M. the Editor, why, having noted her so well, I
did not at once return her mantle, I shall have the honor to
repeat what I said to you before, that I have never seen this
person; that I do not know either her features, or her eyes, or
her costume, or her carriage, and do not know who she is, or what
she is like.
“But if you insist upon knowing how I am able to so well define
her, never having seen her, I in turn will be astonished that so
exact an observer as you do not know that the simple examination
of a lady’s mantle is sufficient to give of her all the notions
by which she could be recognized.
“Now suppose, Monsieur, that on examining this mantle, I found in
the hood some stray hair of a beautiful blonde attached to the
stuff, also some bits of down escaped from the feathers, you will
admit that a great effort of genius would not be needed to
conclude that the hair and the plume of that blonde must in every
way resemble the samples which have detached themselves. You feel
that perfectly. And since similar hair never grew from skin of
uncertain whiteness, analogy will have taught you as it has
taught me, that this beautiful silvery hair must have a dazzling
complexion, something which no observer can dispute with us
without dishonoring his judgment.
“It is thus that a slightly worn spot in the taffeta on the two
lateral parts of the interior of the hood which could not have
come from anything but a repeated rubbing of two small hard
bodies in movement, showed me that, not that she wore the
pendants on that particular day, but that she does so ordinarily;
and that it is hardly probable between you and me, that she would
have neglected this adornment on a day of conquest or of grand
assembly, both which are one. If I reason badly do not spare me,
I beg you. Rigor is not injustice.
“The rest goes without saying. It can easily be seen that it was
sufficient for me to examine the ribbon which was attached to the
mantle at the neck, and to knot it at the place rumpled by the
ordinary usage to see that the space enclosed being small, the
neck daily enclosed in that space must also be very fine and
graceful. No difficulty there.
“Suppose again, Monsieur, if on examining the body of the mantle
you should have found upon the taffeta the impression of a very
pretty little foot, marked in gray dust, would you not have
reflected as I did, that had any other woman stepped on the
mantle since its fall, she would certainly have deprived me of
the pleasure of picking it up? Therefore it would have been
impossible that the impression of the shoe came from any other
person than her who lost the mantle. It follows, you would have
said that if the shoe was small the foot must be smaller still.
There is no merit in my having recognized that; the most careless
observer, a child would have found that out.
“But this impression made in passing and even without being felt,
announces, besides an extreme vivacity of step, a strong
preoccupation of mind to which grave, cold, or aged persons are
little susceptible. I therefore very simply concluded that my
charming blond is in the flower of her age, very lively and
distracted. Would you not have thought the same, M. the Editor?
“The next day in recalling that I had been able to pick up the
mantle in a place where so many people passed (which proves that
it fell at the very instant) without having been able to see who
lost it (which proves that she was already far away), I said to
myself, ‘Assuredly this person is the most alert beauty of
England, Scotland and Ireland; and if I do not join America to
the rest, it is only because they have become of late _diablement
alerte_ in that country.’
“In giving you this mantle, M. the Editor, permit me to envelop
myself in my own and that I sign myself,
“_L’Amateur français._”