ANCIENT HEBREW LOVE

It is almost startling to find, on consulting a Concordance of the Old

and New Testaments, that in the whole of the Bible there is not a single

reference to Romantic Love. Had this sentiment existed among the ancient

Hebrews as it does among their descendants to-day, it is obvious that it

could not possibly have been ignored in the Book of Books, which so

eloquently and poetically discourses of everything else that is of vital

interest to man. Conjugal Love (which apparently antedates Romantic Love

in every nation) is indeed repeatedly referred to and enjoined, as well

as the other family affections; but in the remaining cases the word Love

is always used in the sense of religious veneration, or of regard for a

neighbour or an enemy.

This absence of any reference to Romantic Love is all the more

surprising in view of the fact that among the ancient Hebrews woman was

held more in honour than with any other Oriental nation, ancient or

modern. Thus we are told in M‘Clintock and Strong’s _Cyclopædia of

Biblical etc. Literature_, that “the seclusion of the harem and the

habits consequent upon it were utterly unknown in early times, and the

condition of the Oriental woman, as pictured to us in the Bible,

contrasts most favourably with that of her modern representative. There

is abundant evidence that women, whether married or unmarried, went

about with their faces unveiled. An unmarried woman might meet and

converse with men, even strangers, in a public place; she might be found

alone in the country without any reflection on her character; or she

might appear in a court of justice.” The wife “entertained guests at her

own desire in the absence of her husband, and sometimes even in defiance

of his wishes.”

Since, therefore, the Hebrew woman was not “the husband’s slave but his

companion,” how are we to account for the absence of Love?

Some light is thrown on the matter by the prevalence of polygamy, which,

as we have seen, is inimical to the growth of Love. Polygamy, though not

universal, was sanctioned by the Mosaic law, except in the case of

priests. “The secondary wife was regarded by the Hebrews as a wife, and

her rights were secured by law.” In the cases of Abraham and Jacob,

polygamy was resorted to at the request of their own wives, “under the

idea that children born to a slave were in the eye of the law the

children of the mistress.” Now if a woman advises her own husband to

take another wife, there must be a total absence of Jealousy and

Monopoly—the two elements of Romantic Love which pass into conjugal

affection without diminution of force.

Again, although Hebrew women are said to have had considerable liberty

of going about alone in town and country, this probably refers in most

cases to the privilege of tending sheep and of fetching water at the

well. “From all education in general,” says Ploss, “as well as _from

social intercourse with men, woman was excluded_; her destination being

simply to increase the number of children, and take care of household

matters. She lived a quiet life, merely for her husband, who, indeed,

treated her with respect and consideration, but without feeling any

special tenderness toward her.”

It is the line which I have italicised in the above quotation that

suggests the principal reason of the non-existence of Love in Biblical

times: There were no meetings of the young, no opportunities for

Courtship, the indispensable condition of Love, which requires time and

opportunity for its growth. And not only were there no regular

opportunities for Courtship, but if they offered themselves casually,

the young folks could not derive much benefit, from them; for not only

the daughter’s choice, but even the son’s was neutralised by the

parental command. “Fathers from the beginning considered it both their

duty and prerogative to find or select wives _for their sons_ (Gen.

xxiv. 3; xxxviii. 6). In the absence of the father, the selection

devolved upon the mother (Gen. xxi. 21). Even in cases where the wishes

of the son were consulted, the proposals were made by the father (Gen.

xxxiv. 4, 8); and the violation of this parental prerogative on the part

of the son was ‘a grief of mind’ to the father (Gen. xxvi. 35). The

proposals were generally made by the parents of the young man, except

when there was a difference of rank, in which case the negotiations

proceeded from the father of the maiden (Exod. ii. 21), and when

accepted by the parents on both sides, sometimes also consulting the

opinion of the adult brothers of the maiden (Gen. xxiv. 51; xxxiv. 11),

the matter was considered as settled, _without requiring the consent of

the bride_” (M‘Clintock and Strong).

But how about the Song of Solomon—the Song of Songs? Is not that a song

of Love, and an exception to our general statement? It appears so at

first sight; and the German writer Herder, in his detailed and glowing

analysis of it, declares that it depicts love “from its first origin,

from its tenderest bud, through all stages and conditions of its growth,

its flowering, its maturing, to the ripe fruit and new offshoot.”

Herder, however, is a very unsafe and shallow guide in this matter. An

attempt has lately been made to rehabilitate him in Germany, where his

fame has become almost extinct; but in vain, for his pompous, stilted

rhetoric and imagery cannot conceal from modern readers his lack of

ideas and limited knowledge of facts. He asserts that, as there is only

one Goodness, one Truth, so there is but one Love (or Affection). If you

do not love your wife, he says, you will not love your friend, parents,

or child. A writer whose notions of the psychology of love are so

excessively crude cannot be considered a trustworthy judge in the matter

in question. So far as love is referred to in the Song of Solomon, it is

probable that conjugal affection is meant.

It is a curious fact that of the famous German, English, and French

theologians who have written commentaries on the Song of Songs, no two

seem to agree in their interpretation of its plot and significance. It

is now generally agreed, too, that the Song was not written by Solomon,

but some time after him. It seems, indeed, incredible that a monarch who

had a thousand wives, and whose affections must have been torn into a

thousand shreds, and cannot have been very lasting, should have written

these marvellous lines: “For love is strong as death; jealousy is cruel

as the grave: the coals thereof are coals of fire, which hath a most

vehement flame. Many waters cannot quench love, neither can the floods

drown it: if a man should give all the substance of his house for love,

it would utterly be contemned.”

This passage has a remarkably modern and romantic sound—so modern and

romantic that it would not seem out of place in Shakspere. But it needs

no knowledge of Hebrew to see that the responsibility for this modern

sound rests with the English translators. Luther’s more literal version

appears much less modern. Indeed, throughout the Song of Solomon the

English translators have idealised the language of passion, in harmony

with modern notions on the subject; so that it is only on reading

Luther’s version that one begins to understand why the Talmudists did

not allow the Jews to read this book before their thirtieth year.

Perhaps the most ingenious and consistent of the numerous

interpretations of the Song of Solomon is that given by M. Chas. Bruston

in the _Encyclopædie des Sciences Religieuses_ (ii. 610-612). The

repetition of the flatteries occurring in the poem he explains by

showing that the second time they refer, not to the Sulamite, but to a

princess of Lebanon whom Solomon married. Hence, he insists, the

repetition is not so much a literary blemish as an indication “combien

est vil et méprisable l’amour sensuel et polygame, qui prodigue

indifférement les mêmes flatteries a des femmes différentes.”

The imaginative and poetic terms in which feminine charms are depicted

in the Song of Songs show that, nevertheless, at least the sensuous

phase of the overtone of Personal Admiration was strongly developed

among the ancient Hebrews; not strongly enough, however, to lead them,

as it led other ancient nations, to embody their ideals of feminine and

masculine beauty in marble monuments of sculpture.

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