CHAPTER VI

NEGRO WEALTH OR POVERTY,—WHICH?

The statement sometimes made that in 1865 the Negro was a landless and

penniless race is far from the truth. Some slaves had property that

they had secured through opportunities given them by their owners. No

doubt free Negroes secured at least a small share of the public domain.

Many slaves upon being given freedom by benevolent masters, were also

given money or property at the same time.

Cases of this sort were frequent during slavery times. Several

such instances are given in the _Staunton_ (Va.) _Democrat_ during

1846-1848. Such cases as the following were not uncommon:

“A Negro man named Lerr; age about 35 years; a slave for life

$700.” “A negro man named Jacob; age about 24; a slave from

life—$600.”[123:1]

These were two items in an inventory of the estate Phillip B. Saddler

returned to the Orphans’ Court of Baltimore in 1860.

Even _The Liberator_ mentions some cases of the kind. For example:

A man in Kentucky _willed_ to his slaves, whom he made free, horses,

wagons, farming implements, and $4,000. Another, also in Kentucky,

freed a Negro family of four, purchased an excellent farm for them,

paying fifty dollars an acre, and in addition gave them a wagon, a

pair of mules and a quantity of provisions. These are given merely as

examples of what was constantly taking place.[124:2]

Indeed, there were many rich free Negroes in the South at the time

of the Civil War. Although there is abundant evidence that the free

Negroes, as a rule, were an indolent, thriftless, and even vicious

class, some of them, no doubt on account of the reënforcement of white

blood in their veins, were industrious and prosperous.

At Charleston, S. C., alone in 1860, there were 355 free Negroes who

paid taxes.[124:3] Of these 226 owned real estate valued at $1,000 or

more, each. Some of them had $10,000 to $40,000 worth of property.

Altogether they had almost $1,000,000 worth.

In Louisiana also, as might be expected, there were many wealthy free

Negroes. Most of these were descended from the French and the Spanish

planters and their Negro slaves. One free Negro family of Louisiana was

said to be the richest Negro family in the United States before the

War, having property valued at several hundred thousand dollars.[125:4]

Frederick Law Olmsted, who traveled through the State about 1855, was

told that some of the free Negroes owned property worth $400,000 or

$500,000, which included some of the best sugar and cotton plantations.

Indeed, all over the country might have been found free Negroes with

more or less property. The greater part of it, no doubt, had been given

them by white masters or white relatives.

In reference to the amount of property held by Negroes at the time of

the Civil War, William H. Thomas, a Negro writer, says:

“We have no trustworthy data by which to measure the wealth

of those residing in the North, though it is known to have

been considerable; but in the South, where separate racial

statistics were kept, the value of property owned by free

Negroes was between $35,000,000 and $40,000,000.”

In 1860, there were in the neighborhood of 250,000 free Negroes in the

South and around 225,000 in the North. Then, if the free Negroes of

the South had nearly $40,000,000 it would seem a fair estimate that in

both sections the free Negroes had at least $60,000,000. Taking this

for granted, as money at six per cent compounded, annually, doubles

every twelve and one-half years, the $60,000,000 at interest until

the present (1917) would have amounted to about $960,000,000. If the

10,000,000 Negroes of the country at present had as large amount of

property in proportion, as the less than 500,000 free Negroes of 1860,

they would be worth more than $1,200,000,000.

However, in 1903, it was estimated by a committee of the American

Economic Association that all the taxable property in the United States

owned by Negroes in 1900 amounted to only $300,000,000. The $60,000,000

at six per cent would have amounted to about $400,000,000 by that time.

In 1913, in an address before the Negro Business League which met

in Philadelphia, Booker T. Washington said that Negroes pay taxes

on $700,000,000 worth of property. Many other students of the Negro

question both black and white have placed about the same estimate upon

Negro holdings. Even if true, the amount would be about $200,000,000

less than the $60,000,000 at interest to the same time.

Now, assuming that Negroes actually owned $700,000,000 worth of

property in 1913, what does it signify? The value of all property in

the United States is now estimated at almost $250,000,000,000. Now,

suppose that it was $210,000,000,000 in 1913, this would be just three

hundred times the estimated value of Negro property at the time. In

other words, 10,000,000 negroes owned one three-hundredth as much as

90,000,000 whites. Thus one white man on an average would have as much

as thirty-two Negroes.

Even were it true that the Negro race began with nothing after the War,

likely thousands of white men who became millionaires had just such a

start. One such white man, especially, is, no doubt, worth as much as

the 10,000,000 Negroes claim to be, even though he has given to charity

almost half as much more.

Indeed, the $700,000,000 in question is but little more than

two-thirds as much as the whites in the United States, according to

the _Chicago Tribune_,[128:5] gave to charity during 1916. Again, the

$700,000,000 lacks nearly $200,000,000 of being equal to the taxable

basis of Baltimore. It would be difficult to secure statistics in

reference to the matter, but there could be little doubt that the first

immigrants to the United States after the Civil War, including the

descendents of such to the number of 10,000,000,—immigrants who came

with practically nothing, no money in the majority of instances and

ignorant,—now are worth many times $700,000,000.

The $700,000,000 may also be considered from another point of view: The

“Negro Year Book,” 1913 credits the Negro with $700,000,000 worth of

property and speaks glowingly about the increase of the previous ten

years. The statement is made that farm land and buildings owned by the

Negro increased from $69,639,426 in 1900 to $273,506,665 in 1910, and

that during the same period the total value of Negro farm property,

including live stock, and implements and machinery increased from

$177,408,688 to $492,898,216.

Now, the Census shows that in 1900 Negroes owned 13,770,801 acres of

land entire and 2,205,297 acres in part. If their share of the land

owned in part were half, then, the Negroes had in possession 14,873,449

acres. In 1910, they owned 15,961,506 acres entire and 3,114,957 acres

in part. Allowing them the same share of that held in part as for 1900,

gives them in 1910, 17,518,984 acres. However, only about two-fifths of

the land owned by Negroes is arable, the larger part being woodland,

swamp, rough and stony land, much of which is almost valueless.

According to the “Negro Year Book,” Negro farm land and buildings

increased in value from $7.98 an acre in 1900 to $17.40 an acre

in 1910.[129:6] If this is true; the value of the Negro lands and

buildings in 1900 was $118,690,124 instead of $69,639,426; and in 1910,

$304,830,032 instead of $273,506,665.

Again, Negroes operated in 1910, 893,370 farms while but 241,221 of

these were owned or partly owned by them. An idea of the value of the

farm stock on these farms, and the Negroes’ lack of thrift as well, may

be had from a statement made before the Negro Conference at Tuskegee

Institute in 1915:

“An investigation has shown that there are 20,000 farms of

Negroes on which there are no cattle of any kind; 27,000 on

which there are no hogs; 200,000 on which no poultry is raised;

140,000 on which no corn is grown; on 750,000 farms of Negroes

no oats are grown; on 550,000 farms no sweet potatoes are

grown, and on 200,000 farms of Negroes there are no gardens of

any sort.”[130:7]

According to the Census, however, on farms operated by Negroes,

farm implements and machinery increased from $18,859,757 in 1900

to $34,178,052 by 1910, while live stock increased in value from

$84,936,215 to $184,896,771. Adding to these amounts for 1910 the

above sum of $304,830,032 for Negro lands and buildings a total of

$523,904,855 is obtained for 1910 instead of $492,898,216, which is the

_Negro Year Book_ estimate.[131:8] So here credit may be given the

Negro for the larger amount.

Again, according to the Census of 1910, Negroes owned around 220,000

homes other than farm homes. No estimate as to their value is given.

Although $400 each is undoubtedly a high valuation they may be

roughly estimated at that. This amounts to $88,000,000. Booker T.

Washington claimed for Negroes just before his death, 43,000 business

interests.[131:9] The observation of the writer is that Negro business

interests average much less than $1000 each. Indeed, great numbers not

more than $100 or $200 each. However, if they average $1000 each they

amount to $43,000,000.

By adding the three items: $523,904,855, the value of Negro farm

property; $88,000,000, Negro-owned homes other than farm homes; and

$43,000,000, the value of the Negro business interests; a grand

total of $654,904,855 is obtained. Thus it would appear that in 1913

Negroes might have had around $700,000,000 worth of property in their

possession.

Naturally the next question that comes to mind is this: How much does

the Negro owe?

Scarcely without exception the white man is his creditor, consequently

what the Negro owes is to be subtracted from the amount of his

possessions.

According to the Census of 1910, something like 65,000 Negro farms and

50,000 Negro-owned homes have mortgages or similar encumbrances against

them. It is unlikely that this is true to any large extent except

as regards the more valuable Negro properties. If the average farm

mortgage is $500 and the average home mortgage $300 both together will

amount to $47,500,000. It is reasonable to suppose also that the 43,000

business interests owe at least $15,000,000.

Again, while more than 150,000 Negro farms and about as many more Negro

homes were reported by the census as free of encumbrance, nevertheless,

it is not unlikely that they owe a large amount of money in notes,

bills, etc. Nor need it be forgotten that often Negro tenants owe their

landlords fully as much as the entire value of such tenant’s personal

property.[133:10] Many Negroes in one way or another owe about as much

as they are worth. This is undoubtedly true of some white men, also,

but the point is, what Negroes owe they owe to white men. A well-to-do

farmer told the writer a few years ago that he held various kinds of

small claims to the amount of more than $4000 against the Negroes of

his community. So, $50,000,000 should not be an excessive estimate for

such Negro liabilities.

By adding these various items; $47,500,000 in mortgages and liens

against Negro farms and homes; $15,000,000 against Negro business

interests; and $50,000,000 against Negro farm owners, home owners,

tenants, etc., gives a grand total of $112,500,000. Subtracting this

from $654,904,855, which was found to be the value of Negro property,

leaves $542,404,855 as the value of Negro property when debts are paid.

Again, in regard to the statement above that Negro farm property

increased in value from $222,485,096 in 1900 to $523,904,855 in 1910

one may need to be reminded that live stock and land about doubled

in money value during this time and that by 1913 they had more than

doubled. This was due mainly to the wonderful increase in the output

of gold mines thus making money cheaper. With this depreciation in the

value of money the Negro, of course, had nothing to do.

Except for this, it is unlikely that the $222,485,096 the valuation

of Negro farm property in 1900 would have increased to more than

$265,000,000 in 1910 instead of $523,904,855. For during the time the

Negro added but 2,645,535 acres which may be valued at $21,000,000. The

remaining $23,000,000 being sufficient to allow for the improvement of

the land, if any, and any actual increase of cattle and farm machinery.

Now, subtracting $265,000,000 from $523,904,855 leaves $258,904,855

which was due to rise in price rather than to effort on the part of the

Negro. Again, subtracting the $258,904,855 from $542,404,855, the value

of all Negro property after their debts were paid, leaves $283,500,000

which, except for the circumstances over which the Negro had no

influence, would have been the actual wealth of the Negro about 1913,

instead of $700,000,000 as claimed.

Of this amount, no doubt, quite a large part was given to individual

Negroes by whites for one reason or another. I have already adverted to

the fact that during slavery times Negroes often received both money

and property from kind-hearted masters, along with their freedom. How

much has been given them since emancipation would be hard to determine.

Only a short while ago, indeed, the _New York Tribune_ mentioned a

white woman who had left her Negro maid $12,000 in cash, and other

valuables in addition.[135:11]

Moreover, it has been estimated, that of the $28,496,946, the value of

plant equipment and endowment of Negro private schools, five-sixths was

contributed by whites and only one-sixth by Negroes.[135:12] During

the years 1912 and 1913 white people gave nearly $2,000,000 towards

Negro education.[135:13] Nor does there appear to be any falling off

in the white man’s gifts to Negro schools. In the early part of the

year 1917, the Rockefeller Foundation appropriated to American schools

and colleges $575,200, of which $197,000, several times their share,

was given to Negro schools.[135:14] In addition, Federal and State

institutions for the higher education of the Negro have an income about

$1,000,000 and property valued at $6,000,000.[135:15] Nor is this all,

no doubt, Southern whites have contributed several times as much to

Negro education by taxation as has been given otherwise.

Again, the amount of money and lands that the Negro secured during

the reconstruction period might be an interesting subject for

investigation. The Negro legislator had the same privilege as the white

one to sell his vote and influence. Nor could there be little doubt

that he failed to use the opportunity. The following story is credited

to Senator Z. B. Vance of North Carolina:[136:16]

A Negro member of the North Carolina legislature was found

chuckling to himself over a pile of money which he was

counting. “What amuses you so?” he was asked. “Well, boss,” he

replied, grinning from ear to ear, “I’s been sold in my life

’leven times, an’ fo’ de Lord, dis is de fust time I eber got

de money.”

During the Reconstruction period taxes became so oppressive that

thousands and thousands of farms and plantations were sold at auction

for taxes. In some places land became almost valueless. It is hardly

to be doubted that many Negroes who got easy money through politics at

this time failed to use some of it in the purchase of land.

Now, what is the reason for the poverty of the Negro? Indeed, from the

foregoing it must appear that poverty is a more appropriate word to use

in such connection than wealth. The answer is not far to seek. It is

the natural result of the Negro character, disposition, and training.

The following letter is suggestive:

“ . . . ‘I have done my work practically the whole summer with

the exception of a few weeks that I had a trifling no account

Negro, and even then I had to do the best portion of it in

order to get them to accomplish anything. When they would wash

and iron, those days I did everything else and they helped a

little with the ironing, for if I didn’t they would never get

through. They [Negroes] are absolutely worthless, and if I

didn’t have small children I wouldn’t let one light within a

mile of me. . . .”[137:17]

A Negro who worked in the strawberry section of Delaware told the

writer a few years ago that although he usually worked in the daytime

he roved about every night. It happened that once, when he had been

carousing as usual on the night before, that he was put to harrowing

strawberries. About three o’clock in the afternoon the overseer came

along and found that he was harrowing up the strawberries from one end

of the row to the other,—he was so sleepy. The overseer simply told him

to put his horse in the stable and go to bed, which he did. As he got

some sleep, when night came he was out again for a great part of the

night; and so on.

As a laborer, the Negro is not so satisfactory as formerly. The

old-time Negro, trained in slavery to work, has about passed away and

his successor is far less efficient and faithful to duty. Lately, large

numbers of Negro laborers have shown a tendency to leave the farms

for work on railroads, in sawmills, and in the cities, large numbers

migrating to the cities of the North. They like to work in crowds and

this often results in making more work for the police.

From the good wages Negro laborers have received for several years,

many of the more far-sighted have saved enough to buy little homes. A

few of the more ambitious may continue to save, but far the greater

part are then perfectly satisfied and settle down to a life of ease

and contentment. By raising a hog or two, a few chickens, some garden

vegetables, and, with a day’s work now and then, they pass their time

in a way suited to their indifferent nature.

A concrete example may be of interest. A pure Negro, about thirty-five

years of age, a few years ago, purchased about half an acre of land

on the bank of a “branch” near a small village in Maryland. For a

few dollars he bought an old discarded house about one hundred and

fifty yards away, and with the aid of neighbors moved it on his lot.

It is doubtful if both the lot, and the house (after being moved and

repaired) cost him more than one hundred dollars.

This Negro has been living in it for years and seems perfectly

contented. His family consists of himself, wife and three daughters

eleven to seventeen years of age. The surrounding country is one of the

best tomato growing sections in the United States and during about six

weeks of the tomato season tomato pickers are in great demand and make

good wages. During this time the Negro man and his family usually work

hard; for they pick by the basket and make in the neighborhood of two

hundred dollars. This is practically their year’s work. The remainder

of the year they do but little. They have a garden, pigs, and chickens.

It would be an easy matter for this family to get ahead in the world;

but they prefer the easy life of comparative idleness,—for this was

their incentive to secure a home.

This is also one of the main reasons, no doubt, for the great increase

in Negro tenant farmers, especially that of share tenants. The latter

class increased about thirty-six per cent between 1900 and 1910. Many

of these seldom work a full day at a time. As they usually put off

cultivating a crop to the last moment, if a wet season happens to

set in, it is soon greatly damaged by a growth of grass. As a tenant

farmer, the Negro realizes that he is more independent, his time is

his own, and that he can usually work when he pleases. A great part

of his time is given to various Negro recreations,—such as visiting,

riding and driving, crap-shooting, preaching, attending revivals, and

camp-meetings.

So the cause of the Negro’s failure to secure a reasonable share

of wealth is not lack of opportunity,—for (at least, in the South)

he has every opportunity that he could wish in order to do so,—but

rather to his racial traits or characteristics,—some of which are:

a happy-go-lucky disposition, indolence, shiftlessness, laziness,

indifference, lack of mental stamina and ambition, and strong criminal

tendencies.

FOOTNOTES:

[123:1] _Baltimore Sun_, Dec. 18, 1909.

[124:2] _Liberator_, Jan. 20, 1854, and Nov. 9, 1860.

[124:3] _Ibid._, May 11, 1860; E. Collins, “Memories of the Southern

States,” p. 44.

[125:4] _Liberator_, March 18, 1859. Also, Olmsted, “Seaboard Slave

States,” pp. 633-640.

[128:5] The _Chicago Tribune_, Dec. 30, 1916, gives a list of gifts to

charity during 1916 as near $1,000,000,000.

[129:6] According to the census, “The average value of farm property

per acre was $27.01 for farms operated by Negroes in 1910 as compared

with $13.08 for 1900, and $47.72 for farms operated by whites in 1910.”

There was no indication whether all land or merely arable land is

meant. About three-fourths of the farms operated by Negroes are rented.

Observation convinces me that farms owned by Negroes are not more than

half so valuable an acre on the average as the land rented by them,

for from necessity they buy the least valuable land. This being true,

Negro lands in 1900 could not have been worth more than $6.00 an acre

and about $13.00 in 1910. However, in making any calculations as to

the value of Negro lands and property, I will take the Negro Year Book

estimate and apply it to all Negro land.

[130:7] Scott and Stowe, “Booker T. Washington,” p. 171.

[131:8] The estimate of $7.98 an acre in 1900, and $17.40 an acre

in 1910, according to the “Negro Year Book” mentioned above, is

undoubtedly too high by at least one-third, but I use it so as to give

them the advantage rather than otherwise. I know a body of 1,300 acres

of land in my own county, Dorchester, Md., consisting of some cleared

land, woodland and brushland, which a real estate man told me could be

bought at five dollars an acre. This is such land as the Negro usually

buys. Only a short distance from the body of land mentioned in this

note land is valued at from twenty-five to one hundred dollars an acre.

[131:9] Among the Negro business interests are 64 banks which are often

mentioned in Negro speeches. It seems, however, that two of them have

failed. The total capital of these banks is said to be $1,500,000.

In striking contrast are the 27,000 white banks with $2,162,900,000

capital. Petersburg, Negro settlement in Md., mentioned above, has two

Negro stores with hardly $100 worth of goods, each.

[133:10] I make no mention of the little personal property often not

taxed many poorer Negroes possess, for the reason that usually such

Negroes owe retail store keepers even more than their little property

would sell for.

[135:11] _New York Tribune_, Jan. 25, 1917.

[135:12] “Negro Education,” Government Printing Office, 1917, Vol. I,

p. 8.

[135:13] U. S. Educational Report, 1914, Vol. I, pp. 612-13.

[135:14] _Baltimore Sun_, Jan. 30, 1917.

[135:15] “Negro Education,” Government Printing Office, 1917, Vol. I,

p. 12.

[136:16] James Ford Rhodes, “History of United States,” Vol. VI, p. 305.

[137:17] Quotation from a letter shown to the writer, which was written

by a woman in Richmond.

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