LYNCHING FROM THE END OF CARPET-BAG RULE TO THE PRESENT TIME
Beginning in 1885, _The Chicago Daily Tribune_[48:1] has kept a record
of lynchings to the present time. Although statistics are to many very
dry reading, nevertheless, to others, who are more impressed by facts
than fancy, they are of the most intense interest. However that may be,
here they appear to be indispensable to any satisfactory consideration
of the subject.
The following statistics which are based upon the records of _The
Chicago Daily Tribune_ are compiled by periods: excepting the
last which is for four years, these periods were taken almost
indiscriminately for two years together, beginning with 1885 and 1886:
LYNCHINGS AND LEGAL EXECUTIONS FOR 1885 AND 1886
In the United States there were 314: 159 whites, 149 Negroes, and 6
Chinamen; 62 in the North, 252 in the South. Of those lynched in the
South, 144 were Negroes; nearly all the whites were lynched in the
Southwest for horse-stealing and murder; the Negroes were lynched for
the following causes: 51, _rape_; 65, murder; 12, incendiarism; 6,
arson; 3, cattle and horse-stealing; 1, self-defense; 1, robbery; 1,
threat of political exposures; 1, assault; 2 cutting levees; 1, cause
not mentioned. There were also 191 legal executions in the country; 72
Negroes in the South, 63 for murder and 9 for rape.
LYNCHINGS AND LEGAL EXECUTIONS FOR THE YEARS 1892 AND 1893
The whole number for the country was 436: 309 Negroes, 110 whites, 5
Mexicans, and 8 Indians. 53 lynchings in the North. 287 Negroes in the
South: 74, rape; 18, attempted rape; 5, alleged rape; 1, attempted
rape—_total, 88 for rape_. 99, murder. Nearly all the remainder for
murderous assault, alleged or complicity in murder, arson, etc. 231
legal executions. 127 of these were Negroes in the South: 118, murder;
6, _rape_; 3, arson. In the North, 9 Negroes were legally executed for
murder.
LYNCHINGS AND LEGAL EXECUTIONS FOR 1901 AND 1902
Lynchings for the country, 231. 29, North; 202, South. 194 Negroes; 35
whites; 2 Indians; 1 Chinaman. 185 Negroes lynched in the South: 40,
rape; 19, attempted rape—_total, 59 for rape_; 63, murder; 7, murderous
assault; 4, complicity in murder; 3, suspected murder; 3, implicated
in murder; 2, sheltering murderers; 1, attempted murder; 6, theft;
5, Negroes’ quarrel of profit sharing; 4, race prejudice; 1, making
threats; 1, lawlessness; 1, mistaken identity; remainder, causes not
given. In the North, 9 Negroes were lynched, 5 for rape and 4 for
murder. There were 262 legal executions, of which 162 were Negroes.
Execution of Negroes in South: 128, murder; 14, _rape_; 4, attempted
rape. In the North, 16 Negroes were executed for murder, nearly all in
Pennsylvania.
LYNCHINGS AND LEGAL EXECUTIONS FOR 1906 AND 1907
For the United States, 132. 3, North; 129, South. Negroes lynched in
the South, 129: 27, rape; 25, attempted rape; 2 rape and murder; 1,
suspected rape—_total, 55 for rape_;[51:2] 32, murder; 13, murderous
assault; 5, race riot; remainder, minor causes. There were also 189
legal executions. Of these 115 were Negroes in the South,—_15 for rape_
and 100 for murder.
LYNCHINGS AND LEGAL EXECUTIONS FOR 1911-1914, INCLUSIVE
During these four years there were 235 lynchings in the United States.
11, North; 224, South. In the North, 5 Negroes and 6 whites were
lynched; in the South, 215 Negroes, 8 whites, and 1 Mexican. The causes
for the lynching of Negroes in the South were as follows: 33, rape; 8,
attempted rape; 2, alleged rape,—_total, 43 for rape_; 117, murder; 14,
murderous assault; 3, complicity in murder; 1, suspicion of murder;
1, alleged murder; 5, arson; 5, race prejudice; 8, insulting white
women; 11, by night riders in Kentucky; 1, refusal to pay note; 1, race
troubles; 1, threat to kill; 1, assault and robbery; 1, horse-stealing;
1, annoying white women; remainder, cause not given. The number of
legal executions in the whole country for the four years, were 381.
Of these 136 were Negroes, 112 in the South, and 24 for murder in the
North. In the South: 93, murder; 10, _rape_; 2, _attempted rape_; 1,
burglary; 4, cause not given.
* * * * *
Now, adverting to the statistics for 1873-5,—not far removed from the
beginning of the Negro-lynching disorder,—it is found that of the
44 Negroes lynched in the South during the three years, 30, or 70-
per cent, were lynched for rape; while but 14, or 30+ per cent, were
lynched for all other causes combined. Thus it is seen that at this
time rape was practically the only cause for the lynching of Negroes in
the South.
Moreover, it is quite evident from the statistics above given,
beginning with 1885, that rape has continued to be, if not the whole
cause for the lynching of Negroes in the South, anyhow almost that,
with other crimes as merely incidental:
The three pairs of years,—1885-6, 1901-2, and 1906-7,—show 165 Negroes
lynched in the South for rape, 160 for murder, and 127 for all
other causes. Here rape takes the lead. Adding to these figures the
statistics for 1892-3, the numbers for the four pairs of year are: 259,
murder; 253, rape; and 227, minor causes. Again, adding for the four
years 1911-14, the result for the twelve years, is: 376, or 39+ per
cent, murder; 296, or 31+ per cent, rape; and 282, or 29+ per cent,
minor causes. This would seem to indicate that rape was not even the
leading cause.
However, according to the statistics for the twelve years under
consideration, 502, or 57+ per cent of the Negroes in the South who
committed murder during these years were legally executed, and but 376,
or 43- per cent were lynched; while for rape, only 60, or 16+ per cent
were legally executed, and 296, or 84- per cent were lynched.[53:3]
The proportion may be stated thus: 57:43::16:84=7+. This shows that a
Negro is more than seven times as liable to be lynched in the South for
rape than even for murder.
Indeed, the belief of the average white man of the South that lynching
is the most effective way of dealing with the Negro for his crime
against white women also seems to be borne out by the statistics: In
1892-3, 88 Negroes were lynched for rape; in 1901-2, 59; while for the
four years 1911-14, only 43. That this great reduction in rape cases
and lynchings was not due to legal executions is shown by the fact that
during the same time but 36 Negroes were legally executed, only 12 of
these being for the four years 1911-14. Thus as a consequence of a
reduction in the crime of rape by Negroes is noted a great reduction in
the lynching of Negroes,—from 287 in 1892-3; 185, 1901-2; 129, 1906-7;
to 91 for 1913-14.
However, during 1915 and 1916, 104 Negroes were lynched in the South as
compared with 91 for 1913 and 1914. The increased number lynched for
rape is very marked: being only 13 for 1913 and 1914, but twice the
number, or 26, for 1915 and 1916. During the former two years, also, 6
Negroes were legally hanged for rape as compared to 12 for the latter.
The proportion remains the same: thus during 1913 and 1914, 19 Negroes
in the South were put to death for rape as compared with 38 for 1915
and 1916.
Although the legal execution of 12 Negroes in the South for rape
during 1915 and 1916 may show a tendency to allow the law to take
its course in such cases, may not the above statistics also indicate
that when for a few years but few lynchings occurred, especially for
the crime of rape, that the effect of such immediate and fearful
punishment—consisting of burning as it sometimes does—gradually fades
from the mind of the Negro inclined to such crime, with a great
increase of rape as a consequence?
Again, in extenuation of lynching, it is important to observe, that, as
a result of most crimes against the body, such as murder, but little,
if any, humiliation attaches. But it is quite different in rape cases.
Not only is there often great physical injury, but also an unutterable
humiliation. Our civilization teaches that one should hold certain
personal rights and considerations even more dear than life itself. To
have in mind such ideas and live up to them measures our reach above
lower peoples. That this feeling or spirit should be encouraged, rather
than risk its check, is not to be questioned. Therefore, the average
Southern white man does not believe that the innocent rape victim of a
Negro should be obliged to endure further humiliation incident upon
her appearance in a court of law.
In this connection, a set of resolutions published by those who lynched
a Negro at Annapolis, Md., in 1875, are interesting. These resolutions,
which set forth the causes of the act, were drawn up before the
lynching took place and show serious consideration. I quote:[56:4]
“Fellow Citizens: In view of the fact that we are about to take
into our hands the sword of justice to do to death one who is
now incarcerated in our county jail, it is meet that we should
give some reason for the purpose we hope to consummate. First,
then: While we can but honor the deep feeling of interest
manifested by those who are the proper guardians of our lives,
our property, and our honor; and while we, as true and loyal
citizens of the State of Maryland, and of Anne Arundel County,
do bend to the supreme majesty of the law and acknowledge
trials by jury as the very arch-stone in the grand edifice of
human rights, still we know the vilest criminal is accorded
the same rights under the law that belong to the petty thief,
nor can this devil incarnate, should he claim his rights, be
denied the privilege of a change of venue, such a circumstance
might probably rob the gallows of its due and foil the aims
of the law. Before God we believe in the existence of a higher
code than that which is dignified by the great seal of a
Commonwealth and that the high and holy time to exercise it is
when the chastity of our women is tarnished by the foul breath
of an imp from hell and the sanctity of our homes invaded by a
demon.
“Secondly, admitting that in the event of a trial by a jury
he shall be hanged—a highly probable result—yet would his
execution be as illegal as though done by a band of wronged
citizens; for must not a juror be a peer, and with a mind free
of bias, and where can a man be found competent to try this
case? Who can be found of his level, and who that has heard
has not already convicted him in his mind? At best, that which
would be done under the semblance of law would be a _more sham_
by force of all the circumstances connected with this horrible
deed, and if under the law the penalty is death, and we know
the deed was committed by him—we claim that there is no moral
difference in the means of destroying him, and we act upon this
conviction.
“Thirdly, we are not willing that the victim shall be dragged
into court to tell over and over again the story of her
terrible wrongs, or that her name shall be entered upon the
records of our criminal jurisprudence for future reference.”
Further comment on this lynching is unnecessary—unless indirectly: the
Negro, child of Africa, but lately removed from the jungle, because of
the necessity of the habitat of his origin, has had developed in him
by nature, possibly, stronger sexual passion than is to be found in
any other race.[58:5] But he is infinitely lacking in the high mental,
moral, and emotional qualities that are especially characteristic of
the Anglo-Saxon, and it is a grievous mistake to attribute such high
qualities to him. When proper restraint is removed from the Negro he
gets beyond bounds. The Anglo-Saxon, indeed, or members of that race,
has a way of meeting extraordinary conditions with extraordinary
means—hence lynching in order to hold in check the Negro in the South.
Indeed, a country occupied by two races so widely apart in origin,
characteristics, and development as the whites and the Negroes of the
Southern States—one race of the highest mental endowments and culture,
the other of the lowest—one having a civilization that reaches back
hundreds, if not thousands, of years, the other in the early dawn of
civilization—might reasonably have two codes of law suited, as nearly
as possible, to each race, respectively.
A mode of punishment that would be out of place as to the white man
may be well suited to the Negro. Small-pox is not to be treated as
chicken-pox. Barbarous criminals require barbarous laws. The innocent
and law-abiding citizens of a State have rights as well as the
criminals—at least, the right to protection from the criminals. But
let some crafty scoundrel finally get in jail, and he will be flooded
with letters of consolation and sympathy from sentimental women and
soft-headed men.[59:6] And let some Negro brute, guilty of rape, suffer
the punishment he so richly deserved at the hands of an outraged
community, and one would think, if he considered the bitter censure
from distant quarters, that the foundations of the government were
being undermined, or that a poor lamb was set upon by a pack of howling
wolves, thirsting for its blood, but not a word of commiseration for
the family, or the victim, of the fiendish Negro’s unbridled bestiality.
Moreover, instead of a Negro’s being over-awed by the solemn
deliberations of a court, rather, as he is the center of interest, he
all but enjoys it. For once in his life he finds himself in a position
of prominence. It would be contrary to the Negro nature if he were
not somewhat elated at being the object of so much attention. Even
were this not the case, he has no such appreciation of his degradation
as the white man feels under similar circumstances. Indeed, it would
sometimes appear as almost a triumphal procession for him from the time
he gets in jail until he reaches the gallows. The two quotations below
may help to justify this idea:
“Joe Clark, colored, . . . was hanged at this place on Friday
forenoon, in the presence of about 3,000 persons, mostly
Negroes. Clark spoke about fifteen minutes, giving a detailed
account of the murder and fully confessing the crime. He
advised all present to live an upright life. . . . After he had
shaken hands with his friends the trap was sprung, and thus the
sentence of the court was duly executed. Clark’s last request
was that the _black cap be kept off, so that all might see how
easy he could meet death_.”[60:7]
The second one is taken from accounts of the execution at Denton, Md.,
of “Wish” Shepperd, colored, for the outrage of a fifteen-year-old
white girl:[60:8]
“He told his spiritual advisers that he had a message for
the public: ‘Tell all the young men to avoid the fate that
awaits me by joining the church and attending its services.’
[Evidently inspired by his preacher advisers] . . . He
slumbered soundly, the guards noticed, and awoke early this
morning apparently indifferent to his doom. . . . With a firm
step he accompanied the officers and his spiritual advisers to
the scaffold which was erected near the Choptank River. Passing
_undismayed_ through the throng which had gathered along
the way from the prison _to the gallows_. _His gaze_ passed
fearlessly around surveying the people.” . . .
Again, in connection with the lynching of Negroes in the South, one
must not lose sight of the conditions that are peculiar to that
section. The greater the number of Negroes in proportion to the whites
in any State or community the easier it is for the Negro to commit
crime and escape. And the Negro criminal does often escape. Seldom
is it found that the Negro will aid in the detection of the Negro
criminal, rather otherwise. Even the hope of escape is a wonderful
encouragement to the criminally inclined.
Now, before the War, as is well known, the South was almost entirely an
agricultural section. It had but few cities and these were small. In
the last thirty or forty years, however, it has been rapidly developing
manufacturing industries. Some of the cities have become great
industrial centers.
Nor is manufacturing confined at all to the large cities. Indeed,
almost every town in some parts has a cotton mill or other
establishment. As illustrations, I may mention Hickory, N. C., and La
Grange, Ga. Hickory, with a population of about 5,000, has two large
cotton mills; the Piedmont Wagon Shops, which employs hundreds of men;
several furniture factories, saw mills, and other industrial interests.
La Grange, a city of about 6,000, has ten cotton mills, one of which is
valued at $1,000,000, and four of the others at $500,000, each. In the
manufacture of cotton alone the South has increased from 316,000 bales
in 1885 to 3,193,000 bales in 1915.
As a consequence the white people have largely been drawn to the
towns and cities: the wealthier own and control the various business
interests while the poorer ones contribute their help or labor.
Few Negroes work in the factories, for the Negro seems to lack the
qualities necessary: namely, punctuality, dependability, and a certain
amount of mental alertness. So, in some parts of the South the whites
are nearly all living in the towns and cities, while the country
districts are filled with Negroes. However, even in such places there
are some whites in the country, and as is evident, in additional danger.
Moreover, the population of several Southern States is nearly half
Negro, while in two,—South Carolina and Mississippi,—it is even more
than half Negro, being 55+ per cent and 56+ per cent, respectively.
Indeed, in 53 counties of the South the Negro population of each
exceeds 75 per cent. In Tensas Parish, La., and Isoquena County, Miss.,
the Negro population is 91.5 per cent and 94.2 per cent, respectively.
That is, in every 1,000 persons one meets in Isoquena County, Miss.,
942 are Negroes and but 58, white. Such conditions should be readily
appreciated. Is it any wonder that the white man thinks it necessary to
strike terror into the soul of the possible or incipient Negro criminal
by any method that may cause him to stand in fear of an immediate and
dreadful death?
Further, the origin of a great part of these Negroes, especially those
of the farther South, is, also, worthy of consideration.
During the operation of the internal slave trade, it was usually the
most undesirable, unruly, and the criminally inclined Negroes of the
border slave States that were sold to the States of the farther South;
nor should it be forgotten that between 1808 and 1860 the farther South
received around 270,000 Negroes from outside the United States.[64:9]
It seems likely that the greater part of these were barbarous Negroes,
directly from Africa. It was these criminal and barbarous Negroes,
along with their children and grand-children, who by the fortune of
war, without home or master, were turned loose on the South.
Thus it is that the white woman is obliged to be constantly
on her guard against the Negro,—otherwise rape cases would be
multiplied.[64:10] An idea of the necessity of this and the hardship of
it may be had from the following quotation:
“In a population about evenly divided in North Carolina was a
family of unpretending intelligent people.
“There was a school house only a mile and a half away, but they
could not let their two daughters go to it. They could not let
them stir away from home unprotected. They had to pay for their
education at home, while at the same time they were being taxed
for the education of the Negro children of the district.
“‘Do you think,’ was asked a leading Negro educator, ‘that
those girls could safely have gone to school?’
“‘It would depend upon the district,’ was the reply. ‘In some
districts the girls could have gone to school safely enough; in
others, no.’
“This I think was a terrible admission.”[65:11]
As the world is to be made safe for democracy, so ought the South to
be made free for white women. Is it not the business of the South to
endeavor to make the South safe for white women by whatever method
appears to be most effective? The women of the South should be just as
free to go when, where, and as they please as women in other sections
of the country and not be, as has been so aptly put by John Temple
Graves, “prisoners to danger and fear”:
“In a land of light and liberty, in an age of enlightenment
and law, the women of the South are prisoners to danger and
fear. While your women may walk from suburb to suburb, and
from township to township, without escort and without alarm,
there is not a woman of the South, wife or daughter, who would
be permitted or who would dare to walk at twilight unguarded
through the resident streets of a populous town, or to ride
the outside highways at midday.
“The terror of the twilight deepens with the darkness, and
in the rural regions every farmer leaves his home with
apprehension in the morning, and thanks God when he comes from
the fields at evening to find all well with the women of his
home.”[66:12]
A few words now as to the minor causes of lynching. In reading the
annual summary of lynchings given by the _Chicago Tribune_, one may
get the impression that Negroes are often lynched for very trifling
things. Investigation, however, is apt to show that back of any such
lynching was something much more serious than what appears on the face.
Many illustrations might be given but one may suffice: thirteen Negroes
lynched in Arkansas, March 26, 1904, cause, race prejudice.[66:13]
The following account of this affair is abbreviated from an Arkansas
paper:[66:14]
“Dewitt (Ark.), March 25.—Five Negroes who had been arrested
as a result of the race troubles at St. Charles, were taken
from the guards by a crowd of men last night and shot to
death. . . . The five victims make nine Negroes that have
been killed within the past week in the vicinity of St.
Charles. . . .
“A few days ago a difficulty occurred over a trivial matter
at St. Charles between a white man by the name of Searcy and
two Negroes by the names of Henry and Walker Griffin. One of
the Negroes threatened to knock Searcy in the head with a
beer bottle. The trouble was stopped for the time being, but
on Monday last the two Negroes met Searcy and his brother in
the store of Woolfords and Marsworthy in St. Charles, and the
difficulty was renewed. One of the Negroes without warning,
struck both of the Searcy boys over the head with a table
leg, rendering them unconscious and fracturing their skulls,
one of them to such an extent that he may die. The Deputy
Sheriff, . . . James Kirkpatrick, attempted to arrest the
Negroes and he, too, was knocked down.
“The Negroes then gathered and defied the officers, declaring
that ‘No white man could arrest them.’ Their demonstrations
aroused the fear of the citizens of St. Charles and they phoned
to this place for a posse to come out and protect the town. P.
A. Douglass, deputy sheriff, went out with five men, Wednesday
morning. Constable L. C. Neely went forward with a posse of
several men to capture the Griffin Negroes. The constable met
three Negroes . . . in the road. He inquired of them if they
knew where the Griffins were and one of them replied that they
did, but ‘would tell no —— white ——’ the Negroes then attempted
to draw their pistols, but the posse fired, killing all three
of them.
“Yesterday sixteen men left this place for the scene of the
trouble. . . . Large crowds in from Roc, Ethel, and Clarenden.
During the day while the Sheriff’s posse was searching for the
Griffin Negroes, they were fired upon by a Negro . . . from
ambush. Three of the posse were hit, but the shot used were
small, and no serious damage resulted. The posse returned the
fire, and a shot . . . felled the Negro to the ground. Several
other shots were fired into him, killing him instantly.
“Five other Negroes . . . who were the Negroes that had defied
the officers, were arrested, and last night a crowd of men took
them away from the guards and shot them to death.” The next
issue of the same paper stated that two more Negroes had been
killed, and the _Daily Arkansas Democrat_, March 29, reported
that the Griffins who were the cause of the original trouble
had been killed, completing the list of _thirteen_.
The above quotation is given merely as an example of a state of
affairs so apt to exist in connection with what usually passes as
trivial causes for lynching. May those at a distance from such
conditions the better understand!
Thus far I have not discussed lynching in the North, nor do I purpose
to do so; but a few words in passing seem pertinent. There is no basis
for the assumption, which some seem innocently to hold, that the people
of the North are inherently good and law-abiding, while those of the
South are inherently wicked and lawless. Indeed, statistics would
seem to indicate the opposite.[69:15] In 1910 over 750 persons to the
100,000 population were committed to prison in New England as against
less than 450 in the South. I take it that the people of the North are
neither better nor worse than those of the South. The same conditions
in either section would produce about the same results. The statistics
of lynching I gathered for the North were merely incidental. However,
for 1901 and 1902, I find that nine Negroes were lynched in the North,
four for murder and five for rape.
Further evidence that the people of the North will engage in lynching
when necessity dictates may be had from the early history of
California. Vigilance committees for the protection of the better
class of citizens against the disorderly and criminal elements, were
organized without warrant of law. In writing of one of these committees
H. H. Bancroft says that it was well represented by men of wealth,
intelligence and industry, and that “the largest element comprised men
from the Northeastern part of the United States.”[70:16]
Of remedies for lynching I have none. Of proposed remedies, I have only
to say that those which seem in any way practicable might result in
unmerited hardship to whites and an increase in rape cases as well. Any
hope of escape or mitigation of punishment that even unintentionally
may be held out to the criminal serves as a wonderful stimulant to
crime. The positive knowledge on the part of those criminally inclined
that punishment will be immediate, sure, and adequate, is the best
deterrent. The Negro is a creature that lives in the present and even
postponement of punishment robs it of much of its force. The law
sanctions personal self-defense. The white man in lynching a Negro does
it as an indirect act of self-defense against the Negro criminal as a
race.
When the abnormally criminal Negro race (partly so, no doubt, because
he is not yet adjusted to his environment) puts himself in harmony
with our civilization, if ever, through assimilating our culture and
making our ideals its own, then may it be hoped that his crimes will be
reduced to normal and lynching will cease, the cause being removed.
FOOTNOTES:
[48:1] Lynchings in the country for the past thirty-two years according to
_The Chicago Daily Tribune_, Dec. 30, 1916:
1885 184
1886 138
1887 122
1888 142
1889 176
1890 127
1891 191
1892 205
1893 200
1894 190
1895 171
1896 131
1897 106
1898 127
1899 107
1900 115
1901 130
1902 96
1903 104
1904 87
1905 60
1906 60
1907 65
1908 100
1909 87
1910 74
1911 71
1912 64
1913 48
1914 54
1915 98
1916 58
[51:2] It seems fair to count rape, alleged rape, attempted rape, and
so on,—all as rape; for it often happens that a Negro commits rape and
escapes entirely. As an example, see account of the lynching of Ed.
Berry (_Baltimore Sun_, Aug. 27, 1915). Berry confessed to twelve cases
of criminal assault, each victim being a white woman.
[53:3] This argument assumes, of course, that all Negroes who murdered
whites in the South were either lynched or legally executed, and that
all Negroes caught who committed rape against white women were likewise
dealt with. It seems to be about as fair in one case as the other to
assume this.
[56:4] _Baltimore American_, June 15, 1875.
[58:5] To make up for the high death rate.
[59:6] Joliet, Ill., Sept. 10 (1917), _Riot in State Prison_.
Rioters numbered about fifty. Had become angered at impositions
of restrictions. “Among the privileges previously enjoyed by the
convicts was an almost unlimited correspondence with sentimental
women.”—_Washington_ (D. C.) _Star_, Sept. 10, 1917.
[60:7] Taken from _Richmond Enquirer_, May 4, 1775.
[60:8] _Baltimore Sun_, August 27-28, 1915.
[64:9] W. H. Collins, “The Domestic Slave Trade,” p. 20.
[64:10] It is unlikely that all rape cases get in the papers. An
intelligent resident of Rapides Parish, La., told the writer that four
cases of rape occurred in that parish once within a month.
[65:11] William Archer, “Through Afro America,” London, 1910, p. 22.
[66:12] Address: John Temple Graves, _New York Times_, Sept. 4, 1903.
[66:13] The Chicago _Daily Tribune_, Dec. 31, 1904.
[66:14] _Arkansas Gazette_ (Little Rock), March 26, 1904. See also
_Daily Arkansas Democrat_, March 29, 1904.
[69:15] Statistical Abstract of the U. S., 1915, p. 55.
[70:16] H. H. Bancroft, “Popular Tribunals,” Vol. II, pp. 666-7.