TRANSITION OF VIRGINIA
(1617-1640)
During the period of Dale's administration the constitution of the
London Company underwent a change, because the stockholders grew
restless under the powers of the treasurer and council and applied for
a third charter, limiting all important business to a quarterly
meeting of the whole body.
As they made the inclusion of the Bermuda Islands the ostensible
object, the king without difficulty signed the paper, March 12, 1612;
and thus the company at last became a self-governing body.[1] On the
question of governing the colony it soon divided, however, into the
court party, in favor of continuing martial law, at the head of which
was Sir Robert Rich, afterwards earl of Warwick; and the "country," or
"patriot party," in favor of ending the system of servitude. The
latter party was led by Sir Thomas Smith, who had been treasurer ever
since 1607, Sir Edwin Sandys, the earl of Southampton, Sir John
Danvers, and John and Nicholas Ferrar.[2] Of the two, the country
party was more numerous, and when the joint stock partnership expired,
November 30, 1616, they appointed Captain Samuel Argall, a kinsman of
Treasurer Smith, to be deputy governor of Virginia, with instructions
to give every settler his own private dividend of fifty acres and to
permit him to visit in England if he chose.[3]
Argall sailed to Virginia about the first part of April, 1617, taking
with him Pocahontas's husband, John Rolfe, as secretary of state.
Pocahontas was to go with him, but she sickened and died, and was
buried at Gravesend March 21, 1617. She left one son named Thomas, who
afterwards resided in Virginia, where he has many descendants at this
day.[4] Argall, though in a subordinate capacity he had been very
useful to the settlers, proved wholly unscrupulous as deputy governor.
Instead of obeying his instructions he continued the common slavery
under one pretence or another, and even plundered the company of all
the servants and livestock belonging to the "common garden." He
censured Yardley for permitting the settlers to grow tobacco, yet
brought a commission for himself to establish a private tobacco
plantation, "Argall's Gift," and laid off two other plantations of the
same nature.
In April, 1618, the company, incensed at Argall's conduct, despatched
the Lord Governor Delaware with orders to arrest him and send him to
England, but Delaware died on the way over, and Argall continued his
tyrannical government another year. He appropriated the servants on
Lord Delaware's private estates, and when Captain Edward Brewster
protested, tried him by martial law and sentenced him to death; but
upon the petitions of the ministers resident in the colony commuted
the punishment to perpetual banishment.[5]
Meanwhile, Sandys, who had a large share in draughting the second and
third charters, was associated with Sir Thomas Smith in preparing a
document which has been called the "Magna Charta of America." November
13, 1618, the company granted to the residents of Virginia the "Great
charter or commission of priviledges, orders, and laws"; and in
January, 1619, Sir George Yardley was sent as "governor and
captain-general," with full instructions to put the new government
into operation. He had also orders to arrest Argall, but, warned by
Lord Rich, Argall fled from the colony before Yardley arrived. Argall
left within the jurisdiction of the London Company in Virginia, as the
fruit of twelve years' labor and an expenditure of money representing
$2,000,000, but four hundred settlers inhabiting some broken-down
settlements. The plantations of the private associations--Southampton
Hundred, Martin Hundred, etc.--were in a flourishing condition, and
the settlers upon them numbered upward of six hundred persons.[6]
Sir George Yardley arrived in Virginia April 19, 1619, and made known
the intentions of the London Company that there was to be an end of
martial law and communism. Every settler who had come at his own
charge before the departure of Sir Thomas Dale in April, 1616, was to
have one hundred acres "upon the first division," to be afterwards
augmented by another hundred acres, and as much more for every share
of stock (£12 6s.) actually paid by him. Every one imported by the
company within the same period was, after the expiration of his
service, to have one hundred acres; while settlers who came at their
own expense, after April, 1616, were to receive fifty acres apiece. In
order to relieve the inhabitants from taxes "as much as may be," lands
were to be laid out for the support of the governor and other
officers, to be tilled by servants sent over for that purpose. Four
corporations were to be created, with Kecoughtan, Jamestown, Charles
City, and Henrico as capital cities in each, respectively; and it was
announced that thereafter the people of the colony were to share with
the company in the making of laws.[7]
Accordingly, July 30, 1619, the first legislative assembly that ever
convened on the American continent met in the church at Jamestown. It
consisted of the governor, six councillors, and twenty burgesses, two
from each of ten plantations. The delegates from Brandon, Captain John
Martin's plantation, were not seated, because of a particular clause
in his patent exempting it from colonial authority. The assembly,
after a prayer from Rev. Richard Buck, of Jamestown, sat six days and
did a great deal of work. Petitions were addressed to the company in
England for permission to change "the savage name of Kecoughtan," for
workmen to erect a "university and college," and for granting the
girls and boys of all the old planters a share of land each, "because
that in a new plantation it is not known whether man or woman be the
more necessary." Laws were made against idleness, drunkenness, gaming,
and other misdemeanors, but the death penalty was prescribed only in
case of such "traitors to the colony" as sold fire-arms to the
Indians. To prevent extravagance in dress parish taxes were "cessed"
according to apparel--"if he be unmarried, according to his own
apparel; if he be married, according to his own and his wife's or
either of their apparel." Statutes were also passed for encouraging
agriculture and for settling church discipline according to the rules
of the church of England.[8]
Another significant event during this memorable year was the
introduction of negro slavery into Virginia. A Dutch ship arrived at
Jamestown in August, 1619, with some negroes, of whom twenty were sold
to the planters.[9]
A third event was the arrival of a ship from England with ninety
"young maidens" to be sold to the settlers for wives, at the cost of
their transportation--viz., one hundred and twenty pounds of tobacco
(equivalent to $500 in present currency).[10] Cargoes of this
interesting merchandise continued to arrive for many years.
It was fortunate that with the arrival of Yardley the supervision of
Virginia affairs in England passed into hands most interested in
colonial welfare. Sir Thomas Smith had been treasurer or president of
the company for twelve years; but as he was also president of four
other companies some thought that he did not give the proper attention
to Virginia matters. For this reason, and because he was considered
responsible for the selection of Argall, the leaders of his party
determined to elect a new treasurer; and a private quarrel between
Smith and the head of the court party, Lord Rich, helped matters to
this end. To gratify a temporary spleen against Smith, Lord Rich
consented to vote for Sir Edwin Sandys, and April 28, 1619, he was
accordingly elected treasurer with John Ferrar as his deputy. Smith
was greatly piqued, abandoned his old friends, and soon after began to
act with Rich in opposition to Sandys and his group of supporters.[11]
Sandys threw himself into his work with great ardor, and scarcely a
month passed that a ship did not leave England loaded with emigrants
and cattle for Virginia. At the end of the year the company would have
elected him again but for the interference of King James, who regarded
him as the head of the party in Parliament opposed to his prerogative.
He sent word to "choose the devil if you will, but not Sir Edwin
Sandys." Thereupon Sandys stepped aside and the earl of Southampton,
who agreed with him in all his views, was appointed and kept in office
till the company's dissolution; and for much of this time Nicholas
Ferrar, brother of John, acted as deputy to the earl.[12] The king,
however, was no better satisfied, and Count Gondomar, the Spanish
minister, took advantage of the state of things to tell James that he
had "better look to the Virginia courts which were kept at Ferrar's
house, where too many of his nobility and gentry resorted to accompany
the popular Lord Southampton and the dangerous Sandys. He would find
in the end these meetings would prove a _seminary for a seditious
parliament_."[13] These words, it is said, made a deep impression upon
the king, always jealous for his prerogatives.
For two years, however, the crown stayed its hand and the affairs of
Virginia greatly improved. Swarms of emigrants went out and many new
plantations sprang up in the Accomack Peninsula and on both sides of
the James. The most striking feature of these settlements was the
steady growth of the tobacco trade. In 1619 twenty thousand pounds
were exported, and in 1622 sixty thousand pounds. This increasing
importation excited the covetousness of the king, as well as the
jealousy of the Spanish government, whose West India tobacco had
hitherto monopolized the London market. Directly contrary to the
provision of the charter which exempted tobacco from any duty except
five per cent., the king in 1619 levied an exaction of one shilling a
pound, equal to twenty per cent. The London Company submitted on
condition that the raising of tobacco in England should be prohibited,
which was granted. In 1620 a royal proclamation limited the
importation of tobacco from Virginia and the Bermuda Islands to
fifty-five thousand pounds, whereupon the whole of the Virginia crop
for that year was transported to Flushing and sold in Holland. As this
deprived the king of his revenue, the Privy Council issued an order in
1621 compelling the company to bring all their tobacco into
England.[14]
Nevertheless, these disturbances did not interfere with the prosperity
of the settlers. Large fortunes were accumulated in a year or two by
scores of planters;[15] and soon in the place of the old log-cabins
arose framed buildings better than many in England. Lands were laid
out for a free school at Charles City (now City Point) and for a
university and college at Henrico (Dutch Gap). Monthly courts were
held in every settlement, and there were large crops of corn and great
numbers of cattle, swine, and poultry. A contemporary writer states
that "the plenty of those times, unlike the old days of death and
confusion, was such that every man gave free entertainment to friends
and strangers."[16]
This prosperity is marred by a story of heart-rending sickness and
suffering. An extraordinary mortality due to imported epidemics, and
diseases of the climate for which in these days we have found a remedy
in quinine, slew the new-comers by hundreds. One thousand people were
in Virginia at Easter, 1619, and to this number three thousand five
hundred and seventy more were added during the next three years,[17]
yet only one thousand two hundred and forty were resident in the
colony on Good Friday, March 22, 1622, a day when the horrors of an
Indian massacre reduced the number to eight hundred and
ninety-four.[18]
Since 1614, when Pocahontas married John Rolfe, peace with the Indians
continued uninterruptedly, except for a short time in 1617, when there
was an outbreak of the Chickahominies, speedily suppressed by Deputy
Governor Yardley. In April, 1618, Powhatan died,[19] and the chief
power was wielded by a brother, Opechancanough, at whose instance the
savages, at "the taking up of Powhatan's bones" in 1621, formed a plot
for exterminating the English. Of this danger Yardley received some
information, and he promptly fortified the plantations, but
Opechancanough professed friendship. Under Sir Francis Wyatt for some
months everything went on quietly; but about the middle of March,
1622, a noted Indian chief, called Nemmattanow, or Jack o' the
Feather, slew a white man and was slain in retaliation. Wyatt was
alarmed, but Opechancanough assured him that "he held the peace so
firme that the sky should fall ere he dissolved it," so that the
settlers again "fed the Indians at their tables and lodged them in
their bedchambers."[20]
Then like lightning from a clear sky fell the massacre upon the
unsuspecting settlers. The blow was terrible to the colonists: the
Indians, besides killing many of the inhabitants, burned many houses
and destroyed a great quantity of stock. At first the settlers were
panic-stricken, but rage succeeded fear. They divided into squads, and
carried fire and sword into the Indian villages along the James and
the York. In a little while the success of the English was so complete
that they were able to give their time wholly to their crops and to
rebuilding their houses.[21]
To the company the blow was a fatal one, though it did not manifest
its results immediately. So far was the massacre from affecting the
confidence of the public in Southampton and his friends at the head of
the company that eight hundred good settlers went to Virginia during
the year 1622, and John Smith wrote, "Had I meanes I might have choice
of ten thousand that would gladly go."[22] But during the summer the
members of the company were entangled in a dispute, of which advantage
was taken by their enemies everywhere. At the suggestion of the crafty
earl of Middlesex, the lord high treasurer of England, they were
induced to apply to the king for a monopoly of the sale of tobacco in
England; and it was granted on two conditions--viz., that they should
pay the king £20,000 (supposed to be the value of a third of the total
crop of Virginia tobacco) and import at least forty thousand pounds
weight of Spanish tobacco. Though this last was a condition demanded
by the king doubtless to placate the Spanish court, with whom he was
negotiating for the marriage of his son Charles to the infanta, the
contract on the whole was displeasing to Count Gondomar, the Spanish
minister. He fomented dissensions in the company over the details, and
Middlesex, the patron of the measure, being a great favorer of the
Spanish match, changed sides upon his own proposition.[23]
In April, 1623, Alderman Robert Johnson, deputy to Sir Thomas Smith
during the time of his government, brought a petition to the king for
the appointment of a commission in England to inquire into the
condition of the colony, which he declared was in danger of
destruction by reason of "dissensions among ourselves and the massacre
and hostility of the natives." This petition was followed by a
scandalous paper, called _The Unmasking of Virginia_, presented to the
king by another tool of Count Gondomar, one Captain Nathaniel
Butler.[24] The company had already offended the king, and these new
developments afforded him all the excuse that he wanted for taking
extreme measures. He first attempted to cow the company into a
"voluntary" surrender by seizing their books and arresting their
leading members. When this did not avail, the Privy Council, November
3, 1623, appointed a commission to proceed to Virginia and make a
report upon which judicial proceedings might be had. The company
fought desperately, and in April, 1624, appealed to Parliament, but
King James forbade the Commons to interfere.
In June, 1624, the expected paper from Virginia came to hand, and the
cause was argued the same month at Trinity term on a writ of _quo
warranto_ before Chief-Justice James Ley of the King's Bench. The
legal status of the company was unfavorable, for it was in a hopeless
tangle, and the death record in the colony was an appalling fact.
When, therefore, the attorney-general, Coventry, attacked the company
for mismanagement, even an impartial tribune might have quashed the
charter. But the case was not permitted to be decided on its merits.
The company made a mistake in pleading, which was taken advantage of
by Coventry, and on this ground the patent was voided the last day of
the term (June 16, 1624).[25]
Thus perished the great London Company, which in settling Virginia
expended upward of £200,000 (equal to $5,000,000 in present currency)
and sent more than fourteen thousand emigrants. It received back from
Virginia but a small part of the money it invested, and of all the
emigrants whom it sent over, and their children, only one thousand two
hundred and twenty-seven survived the charter. The heavy cost of the
settlement was not a loss, for it secured to England a fifth kingdom
and planted in the New World the germs of civil liberty. In this
service the company did not escape the troubles incident to the
mercenary purpose of a joint-stock partnership, yet it assumed a
national and patriotic character, which entitles it to be considered
the greatest and noblest association ever organized by the English
people.[26] However unjust the measures taken by King James to
overthrow the London Company, the incident was fortunate for the
inhabitants of Virginia. The colony had reached a stage of development
which needed no longer the supporting hand of a distant corporation
created for profit.
In Virginia, sympathy with the company was so openly manifested that
the Governor's council ordered their clerk, Edward Sharpless, to lose
his ears[27] for daring to give King James's commissioners copies of
certain of their papers; and in January, 1624, a protest, called _The
Tragical Relation_, was addressed to the king by the General Assembly,
denouncing the administration of Sir Thomas Smith and his faction and
extolling that of Sandys and Southampton. The sufferings of the colony
under the former were vigorously painted, and they ended by saying,
"And rather (than) to be reduced to live under the like government we
desire his ma^tie y^t commissioners may be sent over w^th authoritie
to hang us."
Although Wyatt cordially joined in these protests, and was a most
popular governor, the General Assembly about the same time passed an
act[28] in the following words: "The governor shall not lay any taxes
or ympositions upon the colony, their lands or commodities, other way
than by authority of the General Assembly to be levied and ymployed as
the said assembly shall appoynt." By this act Virginia formally
asserted the indissoluble connection of taxation and representation.
The next step was to frame a government which would correspond to the
new relations of the colony. June 24, 1624, a few days after the
decision of Chief-Justice Ley, the king appointed a commission of
sixteen persons, among whom were Sir Thomas Smith and other opponents
of Sandys and Southampton, to take charge, temporarily, of Virginia
affairs; and (July 15) he enlarged this commission by forty more
members. On their advice he issued, August 26, 1624, authority to Sir
Francis Wyatt, governor, and twelve others in Virginia, as councillors
to conduct the government of the colony, under such instructions as
they might receive from him or them.
In these orders it is expressly stated that the king's intention was
not to disturb the interest of either planter or adventurer; while
their context makes it clear that he proposed to avoid "the
popularness" of the former government and to revive the charter of
1606 with some amendments. King James died March 27, 1625, and by his
death this commission for Virginia affairs expired.[29]
Charles I. had all the arbitrary notions of his father, but
fortunately he was under personal obligations to Sir Edwin Sandys and
Nicholas Ferrar, Jr., and for their sake was willing to be liberal in
his dealing with the colonists.[30] Hence, soon after his father's
death, he dismissed the former royal commissioners and intrusted
affairs relating to Virginia to a committee of the Privy Council, who
ignored the Smith party and called the Sandys party into
consultation.[31] These last presented a paper in April, 1625, called
_The Discourse of the Old Company_, in which they reviewed fully the
history of the charter and petitioned to be reincorporated. Charles
was not unwilling to grant the request, and in a proclamation dated
May 13, 1625, he avowed that he had come to the same opinion as his
father, and intended to have a "royal council in England and another
in Virginia, but not to impeach the interest of any adventurer or
planter in Virginia."
Still ignorant of the death of King James, Governor Sir Francis Wyatt
and his council, together with representatives from the plantations
informally called, sent George Yardley to England with a petition,
dated June 15, 1625, that they be permitted the right of a general
assembly, that worthy emigrants be encouraged, and that none of the
old faction of Sir Thomas Smith and Alderman Johnson have a part in
the administration; "for rather than endure the government of these
men they were resolved to seek the farthest part of the world."
Yardley reached England in October; and the king, when informed of
Wyatt's desire to resign the government of Virginia on account of his
private affairs, issued a commission, dated April 16, 1626, renewing
the authority of the council in Virginia and appointing Yardley
governor.[32] The latter returned to Virginia, but died in 1627. After
his death the king sent directions to Acting Governor Francis West to
summon a general assembly; and March 26, 1628, after an interval of
four years, the regular law-making body again assembled at Jamestown,
an event second only in importance to the original meeting in
1619.[33]
Other matters besides the form of government pressed upon the
attention of the settlers. Tobacco entered more and more into the life
of the colony, and the crop in the year 1628 amounted to upward of
five hundred thousand pounds.[34] King Charles took the ground of
Sandys and Southampton, that the large production was only temporary,
and like his father, subjected tobacco in England to high duties and
monopoly. He urged a varied planting and the making of pitch and tar,
pipe-staves, potashes, iron, and bay-salt, and warned the planters
against "building their plantation wholly on smoke." It was observed,
however, that Charles was receiving a large sum of money from customs
on tobacco,[35] and it was not likely that his advice would be taken
while the price was 3s. 6d. a pound. Indeed, it was chiefly under the
stimulus of the culture of tobacco that the population of the colony
rose from eight hundred and ninety-four, after the massacre in 1622,
to about three thousand in 1629.[36]
In March, 1629, Captain West went back to England, and a new
commission was issued to Sir John Harvey as governor.[37] He did not
come to the colony till the next year, and in the interval Dr. John
Pott acted as his deputy. At the assembly called by Pott in October,
1629, the growth of the colony was represented by twenty-three
settlements as against eleven ten years before. As in England, there
were two branches of the law-making body, a House of Burgesses, made
up of the representatives of the people, and an upper house consisting
of the governor and council. In the constitution of the popular branch
there was no fixed number of delegates, but each settlement had as
many as it chose to pay the expenses of, a custom which prevailed
until 1660, when the number of burgesses was limited to two members
for each county and one member for Jamestown.[38]
In March, 1630, Harvey arrived, and Pott's former dignity as governor
did not save him from a mortifying experience. The council was not
only an upper house of legislation, but the supreme court of the
colony, and in July, 1630, Pott was arraigned before this tribunal for
stealing cattle, and declared guilty. Perhaps Harvey realized that
injustice was done, for he suspended the sentence, and on petition to
the king the case was re-examined in England by the commissioners for
Virginia, who decided that "condemning Pott of felony was very
rigorous if not erroneous."[39]
The year 1630 was the beginning of a general movement of emigration
northward, and in October Chiskiack, an Indian district on the south
side of the York, about twenty-seven miles below the forks of the
river where Opechancanough resided, was occupied in force. So rapid
was the course of population that in less than two years this first
settlement upon the York was divided into Chiskiack and York. One year
after Chiskiack was settled, Kent Island in Chesapeake Bay was
occupied by a company under William Claiborne, the secretary of state;
and in 1632 Middle Plantation (afterwards Williamsburg) was laid out
and defended by a line of palisades from tide-water to tide-water.[40]
Meanwhile, the old colonial parties did not cease to strive with one
another in England. Harvey had been appointed by the vacillating
Charles to please the former court party, but during the quarrel with
his Parliament over the Petition of Right he became anxious again to
conciliate the colonists and the members of the old company; and in
May, 1631, he appointed[41] a new commission, consisting of the earls
of Dorset and Danby, Sir John Danvers, Sir Dudley Digges, John Ferrar,
Sir Francis Wyatt, and others, to advise him upon "some course for
establishing the advancement of the plantation of Virginia." This
commission had many consultations, and unanimously resolved to
recommend to the king the renewal of the charter of 1612 with all its
former privileges--except the form of government, which was to be
exercised by the king through a council in London and a governor and
council in Virginia, both appointed by him.
In June, 1632, Charles I. so vacillated as to grant Maryland, within
the bounds of "their ancient territories," to Lord Baltimore,
regardless of the protest of the Virginians; and April 28, 1634, he
revoked the liberal commission of 1631, and appointed another, called
"the Commission for Foreign Plantations," composed almost entirely of
opponents of the popular course of government, with William Laud,
archbishop of Canterbury, at the head. This commission had power to
"make laws and orders for government of English colonies planted in
foreign parts, to remove governors and require an account of their
government, to appoint judges and magistrates, to establish courts, to
amend all charters and patents, and to revoke those surreptitiously
and unduly obtained."[42]
Harvey's conduct in Virginia reflected the views of the court party in
England. He offended his council by acting in important matters
without their consent, contrary to his instructions; and showed in
many ways that he was a friend of the persons in England who were
trying to make a monopoly of the tobacco trade. He attempted to lay
taxes, but the assembly, in February, 1632, re-enacted the law of 1624
asserting their exclusive authority over the subject.[43] At the head
of the opposition to Harvey was William Claiborne, the secretary of
state, who opposed Lord Baltimore's claim to Maryland, and, in
consequence, was in the latter part of 1634 turned out of office by
Harvey, to make way for Richard Kempe, one of Lord Baltimore's
friends.
The people of Virginia began in resentment to draw together in little
groups, and talked of asking for the removal of the governor; and
matters came to a crisis in April, 1635, when Harvey suppressed a
petition addressed to the king by the assembly regarding the tobacco
contract, and justified an attack by Lord Baltimore's men upon a
pinnace of Claiborne engaged in the fur trade from Kent Island. At
York, in April, 1635, a meeting of protest was held at the house of
William Warren.
Harvey was enraged at the proceeding and caused the leaders to be
arrested. Then he called a council at Jamestown, and the scenes in the
council chamber are interestingly described in contemporary letters.
Harvey demanded the execution of martial law upon the prisoners, and
when the council held back he flew into a passion and attempted to
arrest George Menifie, one of the members, for high-treason. Captain
John Utie and Captain Samuel Matthews retorted by making a similar
charge against Harvey, and he was arrested by the council, and
confined at the house of Captain William Brocas. Then the council
elected Captain John West, of Chiskiack, brother of Lord Delaware, as
governor, and summoned an assembly to meet at Jamestown in May
following. This body promptly ratified the action of the council, and
Harvey was put aboard a ship and sent off to England in charge of two
members of the House of Burgesses.[44]
This deposition of a royal governor was a bold proceeding and mightily
surprised King Charles. He declared it an act of "regal authority,"
had the two daring burgesses arrested, and on the complaint of Lord
Baltimore, who befriended Harvey, caused West, Utie, Menifie,
Matthews, and others of the unfriendly councillors to appear in
England to answer for their crimes. Meanwhile, to rebuke the dangerous
precedent set in Virginia, he thought it necessary to restore Harvey
to his government.[45]
Harvey did not enjoy his second lease of power long, for the king, in
the vicissitudes of English politics, found it wise to turn once more
a favorable ear to the friends of the old company, and in January,
1639, Sir Francis Wyatt, who had governed Virginia so acceptably once
before, was commissioned to succeed Harvey. The former councillors in
Virginia were restored to power, and in the king's instructions to
Wyatt the name of Captain West was inserted as "Muster-Master-General"
in Charles's own handwriting.[46]
[Footnote 1: Brown, _Genesis of the United States_, II., 543-554;
_First Republic_, 165-167.]
[Footnote 2: Brown, _English Politics in Early Virginia History_,
24-33.]
[Footnote 3: Brown, _Genesis of the United States_, II., 775-779,
797-799.]
[Footnote 4: Ibid., 967.]
[Footnote 5: Virginia Company, _Proceedings_ (Va. Hist. Soc.,
_Collections_, new series, VII., VIII.), I., 65, II., 198.]
[Footnote 6: _Discourse of the Old Company_, in _Va. Magazine_, I.,
157.]
[Footnote 7: Instructions to Yardley, 1618, ibid., II., 154-165.]
[Footnote 8: _Assembly Journal_, 1619, in Va. State Senate
_Documents_, 1874.]
[Footnote 9: Smith, _Works_ (Arber's ed.), 541.]
[Footnote 10: Virginia Company, _Proceedings_ (Va. Hist. Soc.,
_Collections_, new series, VII.), I., 67.]
[Footnote 11: Brown, _Genesis of the United States_, II., 1014;
Bradford, _Plymouth_, 47.]
[Footnote 12: Virginia Company, _Proceedings_ (Va. Hist. Soc.,
_Collections_, new series, VII.), I., 78.]
[Footnote 13: Peckard, _Ferrar_, 115.]
[Footnote 14: _Discourse of the Old Company_, in _Va. Magazine_, I.,
161.]
[Footnote 15: Smith, _Works_ (Arber's ed.), 562.]
[Footnote 16: _Breife Declaration_; Neill, _Virginia Company_,
395-406.]
[Footnote 17: Neill, _Virginia Company_, 334.]
[Footnote 18: Brown, _First Republic_, 464, 467.]
[Footnote 19: Smith, _Works_ (Arber's ed.), 539.]
[Footnote 20: _William and Mary Quarterly_, IX., 203-214; Neill,
_Virginia Company_, 293, 307-321; Smith, _Works_ (Arber's ed.),
572-594.]
[Footnote 21: Neill, _Virginia Company_, 364, 366.]
[Footnote 22: Smith, _Works_ (Arber's ed.), 263.]
[Footnote 23: _Discourse of the Old Company_, in _Va. Magazine_, I.,
291-293.]
[Footnote 24: Neill, _Virginia Company_, 395-407.]
[Footnote 25: Peckard, _Ferrar_, 145; _Discourse of the Old Company_,
in _Va. Magazine_, I., 297.]
[Footnote 26: Brown, _First Republic_, 615.]
[Footnote 27: _Cal. of State Pap., Col._, 1574-1660, 74; Neill,
_Virginia Company_, 407.]
[Footnote 28: Hening, _Statutes_., I., 124.]
[Footnote 29: _Cal. of State Pap., Col._, 1574-1674, p. 64, 1574-1660,
p. 62.]
[Footnote 30: Brown, _English Politics in Early Virginia History_,
89.]
[Footnote 31: Brown, _First Republic_, 640, 641].
[Footnote 32: _Cal. of State Pap., Col._, 1574-1660, pp. 73, 74, 79.]
[Footnote 33: Ibid., 86, 88; Neill, _Virginia Carolorum_, 55.]
[Footnote 34: Hening, _Statutes_, I., 134.]
[Footnote 35: In 1624 the crop was three hundred thousand pounds, the
total importations from Virginia, Bermuda, and Spain four hundred and
fifty thousand pounds, and the profit in customs to the crown was
£93,350.]
[Footnote 36: _Cal. of State Pap., Col._, 1574-1660, p. 89.]
[Footnote 37: Ibid., 88.]
[Footnote 38: Hening, _Statutes_, I., 147, II., 20.]
[Footnote 39: _Cal. of State Pap., Col._, 1574-1660, p. 133.]
[Footnote 40: Hening, _Statutes_, I., 208, 257; Mass. Hist. Soc.,
_Collections_, 4th series, IX., III.]
[Footnote 41: _Cal. of State Pap., Col._, 1574-1660, p. 130.]
[Footnote 42: _Cal. of State Pap., Col._, 1574-1660, pp. 136, 177.]
[Footnote 43: Hening, _Statutes_, I., 171.]
[Footnote 44: _Va. Magazine_, I., 416, 425, VIII., 299-306; Neill,
_Virginia Carolorum_, 118-120.]
[Footnote 45: _Cal. of State Pap., Col._, 1574-1660, pp. 216, 217.]
[Footnote 46: Wyatt's commission, in _Va. Magazine_, XI., 50-54; _Cal.
of State Pap., Col_., 1574-1674, p. 83.]
[Illustration: VIRGINIA IN 1652. Showing the Counties and Dates of
their Formation.]