FOUNDING OF VIRGINIA
(1602-1608)
Though a prisoner in the Tower of London who could not share in the
actual work, Sir Walter Raleigh lived to see his prediction regarding
Virginia realized in 1607. He had personally given substance to the
English claim to North America based upon the remote discovery of John
Cabot, and his friends, after he had withdrawn from the field of
action, were the mainstay of English colonization in the Western
continent.
Bartholomew Gosnold and Bartholomew Gilbert, son of Sir Humphrey, with
Raleigh's consent and under the patronage of Henry Wriothesley, the
brilliant and accomplished earl of Southampton, renewed the attempt at
colonization. With a small colony of thirty-two men they set sail from
Falmouth March 26, 1602, took an unusual direct course across the
Atlantic, and seven weeks later saw land at Cape Elizabeth, on the
coast of Maine. They then sailed southward and visited a headland
which they named Cape Cod, a small island now "No Man's Land," which
they called Martha's Vineyard (a name since transferred to the larger
island farther north), and the group called the Elizabeth Islands. The
colonists were delighted with the appearance of the country, but
becoming apprehensive of the Indians returned to England after a short
stay.[1]
In April, 1603, Richard Hakluyt obtained Raleigh's consent, and, aided
by some merchants of Bristol, sent out Captain Martin Pring with two
small vessels, the _Speedwell_ and _Discovery_, on a voyage of trade
and exploration to the New England coast. Pring was absent eight
months, and returned with an account of the country fully confirming
Gosnold's good report. Two years later, in 1605, the earl of
Southampton and his brother-in-law, Lord Thomas Arundell, sent out
Captain George Weymouth, who visited the Kennebec and brought back
information even more encouraging.[2]
Meanwhile, Queen Elizabeth died March 24, 1603, and was succeeded by
King James I. In November Raleigh was convicted of high-treason and
his monopoly of American colonization was abrogated. By the peace
ratified by the king of Spain June 15, 1605, about a month before
Weymouth's return, the seas were made more secure for English voyages,
although neither power conceded the territorial claims of the
other.[3]
Owing to these changed conditions and the favorable reports of
Gosnold, Pring, and Weymouth, extensive plans for colonization were
considered in England. Since the experiment of private colonization
had failed, the new work was undertaken by joint-stock companies, for
which the East India Company, chartered in 1600, with the eminent
merchant Sir Thomas Smith at its head, afforded a model. Not much is
known of the beginnings of the movement, but it matured speedily, and
the popularity of the comedy of _Eastward Ho!_ written by Chapman and
Marston and published in the fall of 1605, reflected upon the stage
the interest felt in Virginia. The Spanish ambassador Zuñiga became
alarmed, and, going to Lord Chief-Justice Sir John Popham, protested
against the preparations then making as an encroachment upon Spanish
territory and a violation of the treaty of peace. Popham, with true
diplomatic disregard of truth, evaded the issue, and assured Zuñiga
that the only object of the scheme was to clear England of "thieves
and traitors" and get them "drowned in the sea."[4]
A month later, April 10, 1606, a charter was obtained from King James
for the incorporation of two companies, one consisting of "certain
knights, gentlemen, merchants" in and about London, and the other of
"sundry knights, gentlemen, merchants" in and about Plymouth. The
chief patron of the London Company was Sir Robert Cecil, the secretary
of state; and the chief patron of the Plymouth Company was Sir John
Popham, chief-justice of the Queen's Bench, who presided at the trial
of Raleigh in 1603.
The charter claimed for England all the North American continent
between the thirty-fourth and forty-fifth degrees north latitude, but
gave to each company only a tract fronting one hundred miles on the
sea and extending one hundred miles inland. The London Company was
authorized to locate a plantation called the First Colony in some fit
and convenient place between thirty-four and forty-one degrees, and
the Plymouth Company a Second Colony somewhere between thirty-eight
and forty-five degrees, but neither was to plant within one hundred
miles of the other.
The charter contained "not one ray of popular rights," and neither the
company nor the colonists had any share in the government. The company
must financier the enterprise, but could receive only such rewards as
those intrusted with the management by the home government could win
for them in directing trade, opening mines, and disposing of lands. As
for the emigrants, while they were declared entitled "to all
liberties, franchises, and immunities of British subjects," they were
to enjoy merely such privileges as officers not subject to them in any
way might allow them. The management of both sections of Virginia,
including the very limited grants to the companies, was conferred upon
one royal council, which was to name a local council for each of the
colonies in America; and both superior and subordinate councils were
to govern according to "laws, ordinances, and instructions" to be
given them by the king.[5]
Two days after the date of the charter these promised "laws," etc.,
were issued, and, though not preserved in their original form, they
were probably very similar to the articles published during the
following November.[6] According to these last, the superior council,
resident in England, was permitted to name the colonial councils,
which were to have power to pass ordinances not repugnant to the
orders of the king and superior council; to elect or remove their
presidents, to remove any of their members, to supply their own
vacancies; and to decide all cases occurring in the colony, civil as
well as criminal, not affecting life or limb. Capital offences were to
be tried by a jury of twelve persons, and while to all intents and
purposes the condition of the colonists did not differ from soldiers
subject to martial law, it is to the honor of King James that he
limited the death penalty to tumults, rebellion, conspiracy, mutiny,
sedition, murder, incest, rape, and adultery, and did not include in
the number of crimes either witchcraft or heresy. The articles also
provided that all property of the two companies should be held in a
"joint stock" for five years after the landing.[7]
The charter being thus secured, both companies proceeded to procure
emigrants; and they had not much difficulty, as at this time there
were many unemployed people in England. The wool culture had converted
great tracts of arable land in England into mere pastures for
sheep,[8] and the closure of the monasteries and religious houses
removed the support from thousands of English families. Since 1585
this surplus humanity had found employment in the war with Spain, but
the return of peace in 1605 had again thrown them upon society, and
they were eager for chances, no matter how remote, of gold-mines and
happy homes beyond the seas.[9]
Hence, in three months' time the Plymouth Company had all things in
readiness for a trial voyage, and August 12, 1606, they sent out a
ship commanded by Henry Challons with twenty-nine Englishmen and two
Indians brought into England by Weymouth the year before. Two months
later sailed another ship (of which Thomas Hanham was captain and
Martin Pring master), "with all necessary supplies for the seconding
of Captain Challons and his people." Unfortunately, Captain Challons's
vessel and crew were taken by the Spaniards in the West Indies, and,
though Hanham and Pring reached the coast of America, they returned
without making a settlement.[10] Nevertheless, they brought back, as
Sir Ferdinando Gorges wrote many years after, "the most exact
discovery of that coast that ever came to my hands since," which
wrought "such an impression" on Chief-Justice Popham and the other
members of the Plymouth Company that they determined upon another and
better-appointed attempt at once.[11]
May 31, 1607, this second expedition sailed from Plymouth with one
hundred and twenty settlers embarked in two vessels--a fly boat called
the _Gift of God_ and a ship called _Mary and John_. August 18, 1607,
the company landed on a peninsula at the mouth of the Sagadahoc, or
Kennebec River, in Maine. After a sermon by their preacher, Richard
Seymour, the commission of government and ordinances prepared by the
authorities at home were read. George Popham was therein designated
president; and Raleigh Gilbert, James Davis, Richard Seymour, Richard
Davis, and Captain Harlow composed the council. The first work
attempted was a fort, which they intrenched and fortified with twelve
pieces of ordnance. Inside they erected a church and storehouse and
fifteen log-cabins. Then a ship-builder constructed a pinnace, called
the _Virginia_, which afterwards was used in the southern colony. But
the colonists were soon discouraged, and more than half their number
went back to England in the ships when they returned in December.
The winter of 1607-1608 was terrible to the forty-five men who
remained at Kennebec, where land and water were locked in icy fetters.
Their storehouse took fire and was consumed, with a great part of the
provisions, and about the same time President George Popham died. The
other leader, Captain Raleigh Gilbert, grew discouraged when, despite
an industrious exploration of the rivers and harbors, he found no
mines of any kind. When Captain James Davis arrived in the spring,
bringing news of the death of Chief-Justice Popham and of Sir John
Gilbert, Raleigh Gilbert's brother, who had left him his estate, both
leader and colonists were so disenchanted of the country that they
with one accord resolved upon a return. Wherefore they all embarked,
as we are told, in their newly arrived ship and newly constructed
pinnace and set sail for England. "And this," says Strachey, "was the
end of that northerne colony upon the river Sagadahoc."[12]
To the London Company, therefore, though slower in getting their
expedition to sea, belongs the honor of the first permanent English
colony in America. December 10, 1606, ten days before the departure of
this colony, the council for Virginia set down in writing regulations
deemed necessary for the expedition. The command of the ships and
settlers was given to Captain Christopher Newport, a famous seaman,
who in 1591 had brought into the port of London the treasure-laden
carrack the _Madre de Dios_, taken by Raleigh's ship the _Roe Buck_.
He was to take charge of the commissions of the local council, and not
to break the seals until they had been upon the coast of Virginia
twenty-four hours. Then the council were to elect their president and
assume command of the settlers; while Captain Newport was to spend two
months in discovery and loading his ships "with all such principal
commodities and merchandise there to be had."[13]
With these orders went a paper, perhaps drawn by Hakluyt, giving
valuable advice concerning the selection of the place of settlement,
dealings with the natives, and explorations for mines and the South
Sea.[14] In respect to the place of settlement, they were especially
advised to choose a high and dry situation, divested of trees and up
some river, a considerable distance from the mouth. The emigrants
numbered one hundred and twenty men--no women. Besides Captain
Newport, the admiral, in the _Sarah Constant_, of a hundred tons, the
leading persons in the exploration were Bartholomew Gosnold, who
commanded the _Goodspeed_, of forty tons; Captain John Ratcliffe, who
commanded the _Discovery_, of twenty tons; Edward Maria Wingfield;
George Percy, brother of the earl of Northumberland; John Smith;
George Kendall, a cousin of Sir Edwin Sandys; Gabriel Archer; and Rev.
Robert Hunt.
Among these men John Smith was distinguished for a career combining
adventure and romance. Though he was only thirty years of age he had
already seen much service and had many hairbreadth escapes, his most
remarkable exploit having been his killing before the town of Regal,
in Transylvania, three Turks, one after another, in single combat.[15]
The ships sailed from London December 20, 1606, and Michael Drayton
wrote some quaint verses of farewell, of which perhaps one will
suffice:
"And cheerfully at sea
Success you still entice,
To get the pearl and gold,
And ours to hold
Virginia,
Earth's only paradise!"
The destination of the colony was Chesapeake Bay, a large gulf opening
by a strait fifteen miles wide upon the Atlantic at thirty-seven
degrees, and reaching northward parallel to the sea-coast one hundred
and eighty-five miles. Into its basin a great many smooth and placid
rivers discharge their contents. Perhaps no bay of the world has such
diversified scenery. Among the rivers which enter the bay from the
west, four--the Potomac, Rappahannock, York, and James--are
particularly large and imposing. They divide what is called tide-water
Virginia into long and narrow peninsulas, which are themselves
furrowed by deep creeks making numerous necks or minor peninsulas of
land. Up these rivers and creeks the tide ebbs and flows for many
miles. In 1607, before the English arrived, the whole of this
tide-water region, except here and there where the Indians had a
cornfield, was covered with primeval forests, so free from undergrowth
that a coach with four horses could be driven through the thickest
groups of trees.
The numerous tribes of Indians who inhabited this region belonged to
the Algonquin race, and at the time Captain Newport set sail from
England they were members of a confederacy, of which Powhatan was head
war chief or werowance. There were at least thirty-four of these
tribes, and to each Powhatan appointed one of his own friends as
chief. Powhatan's capital, or "werowocomoco," was on York River at
Portan Bay (a corruption for Powhatan), about fourteen miles from
Jamestown; and Pochins, one of his sons, commanded at Point Comfort,
while Parahunt, another son, was werowance at the falls of the James
River, one hundred and twenty miles inland. West of the bay region,
beyond the falls of the rivers, were other confederacies of Indians,
who carried on long wars with Powhatan, of whom the most important
were the Monacans, or Manakins, and Massawomekes.[16]
Powhatan's dominions extended from the Roanoke River, in North
Carolina, to the head of Chesapeake Bay, and in all this country his
will was despotic. He had an organized system of collecting tribute
from the werowances, and to enforce his orders kept always about him
fifty armed savages "of the tallest in his kingdom." Each tribe had a
territory defined by natural bounds, and they lived on the rivers and
creeks in small villages, consisting of huts called wigwams, oval in
shape, and made of bark set upon a framework of saplings. Sometimes
these houses were of great length, accommodating many families at
once; and at Uttamussick, in the peninsula formed by the Pamunkey and
Mattapony, were three such structures sixty feet in length, where the
Indians kept the bodies of their dead chiefs under the care of seven
priests, or medicine-men.
The religion of these Chesapeake Bay Indians, like that of all the
other Indians formerly found on the coast, consisted in a belief in a
great number of devils, who were to be warded off by powwows and
conjurations. Captain Smith gives an account of a conjuration to which
he was subjected at Uttamussick when a captive in December, 1607. At
daybreak they kindled a fire in one of the long houses and by it
seated Captain Smith. Soon the chief priest, hideously painted,
bedecked with feathers, and hung with skins of snakes and weasels,
came skipping in, followed by six others similarly arrayed. Rattling
gourds and chanting most dismally, they marched about Captain Smith,
the chief priest in the lead and trailing a circle of meal, after
which they marched about him again and put down at intervals little
heaps of corn of five or six grains each. Next they took some little
bunches of sticks and put one between every two heaps of corn. These
proceedings, lasting at intervals for three days, were punctuated with
violent gesticulations, grunts, groans, and a great rattling of
gourds.[17]
Another custom of the Indians is linked with a romantic incident in
Virginia history. Not infrequently some wretched captive, already
bound, to be tortured to death, has owed his life to the interference
of some member of the tribe who announced his or her desire to adopt
him as a brother or son. The motives inducing this interference
proceeded sometimes from mere business considerations and sometimes
from pity, superstition, or admiration. It was Captain Smith's fortune
during his captivity to have a personal experience of this nature.
After the conjuration at Uttamussick Smith was brought to Werowocomoco
and ushered into a long wigwam, where he found Powhatan sitting upon a
bench and covered with a great robe of raccoon skins, with the tails
hanging down like tassels. On either side of him sat an Indian girl of
sixteen or seventeen years, and along the walls of the room two rows
of grim warriors, and back of them two rows of women with faces and
shoulders painted red, hair bedecked with the plumage of birds, and
necks strung with chains of white beads.
At Smith's entrance those present gave a great shout, and presently
two stones were brought before Powhatan, and on these stones Smith's
head was laid. Next several warriors with clubs took their stand near
him to beat out his brains, whereupon Powhatan's "dearest daughter,"
Pocahontas, a girl of about twelve years old, rushed forward and
entreated her father to spare the prisoner. When Powhatan refused she
threw herself upon Smith, got his head in her arms, and laid her own
upon his. This proved too much for Powhatan. He ordered Smith to be
released, and, telling him that henceforth he would regard him as his
son, sent him with guides back to Jamestown.[18]
The credibility of this story has been attacked on the ground that it
does not occur in Smith's _True Relation_, a contemporaneous account
of the colony, and appears first in his _Generall Historie_, published
in 1624. But the editor of the _True Relation_ expressly states that
the published account does not include the entire manuscript as it
came from Smith. Hence the omission counts for little, and there is
nothing unusual in Smith's experience, which, as Dr. Fiske says, "is
precisely in accord with Indian usage." About 1528 John Ortiz, of
Seville, a soldier of Pamfilo de Narvaez, captured by the Indians on
the coast of Florida, was saved from being roasted to death by the
chief's daughter, a case very similar to that of John Smith and
Pocahontas. Smith was often inaccurate and prejudiced in his
statements, but that is far from saying that he deliberately mistook
plain objects of sense or concocted a story having no foundation.[19]
Still another incident illustrative of Indian life is given by Smith.
In their idle hours the Indians amused themselves with singing,
dancing, and playing upon musical instruments made of pipes and small
gourds, and at the time of another visit to Werowocomoco Smith was
witness to a very charming scene in which Pocahontas was again the
leading actor. While the English were sitting upon a mat near a fire
they were startled by loud shouts, and a party of Indian girls came
out of the woods strangely attired. Their bodies were painted, some
red, some white, and some blue. Pocahontas carried a pair of antlers
on her head, an otter's skin at her waist and another on her arm, a
quiver of arrows at her back, and a bow and arrow in her hand. Another
of the band carried a sword, another a club, and another a pot-stick,
and all were horned as Pocahontas. Casting themselves in a ring about
the fire, they danced and sang for the space of an hour, and then with
a shout departed into the woods as suddenly as they came.[20]
On the momentous voyage to Virginia Captain Newport took the old route
by the Canary Islands and the West Indies, and they were four months
on the voyage. In the West Indies Smith and Wingfield quarrelled, and
the latter charged Smith with plotting mutiny, so that he was arrested
and kept in irons till Virginia was reached. After leaving the West
Indies bad weather drove them from their course; but, April 26, 1607,
they saw the capes of Virginia, which were forthwith named Henry and
Charles, after the two sons of King James.
Landing at Cape Henry, they set up a cross April 29, and there they
had their first experience with the Indians. The Chesapeakes assaulted
them and wounded two men. About that time the seals were broken, and
it was found that Edward Maria Wingfield, who was afterwards elected
president for one year, Bartholomew Gosnold, Christopher Newport, John
Smith, John Ratcliffe, John Martin, and George Kendall were
councillors.
For more than two weeks they sought a place of settlement, and they
named the promontory at the entrance of Hampton Roads "Point Comfort,"
and the broad river which opened beyond after the king who gave them
their charter. At length they decided upon a tract of land in the
Paspahegh country, distant about thirty-two miles from the river's
mouth; and though a peninsula they called it an island, because of the
very narrow isthmus (long worn away) connecting it with the main-land.
There they landed May 14, 1607 (May 24 New Style), and at the west
end, where the channel of the river came close to the shore, they
constructed a triangular fort with bulwarks in each corner, mounting
from three to five cannon, and within it marked off the beginnings of
a town, which they called Jamestown.[21]
The colonists were at first in high spirits, for the landing occurred
in the most beautiful month of all the year. In reality, disaster was
already impending, for their long passage at sea had much reduced the
supplies, and the Paspaheghs bitterly resented their intrusion.
Moreover, the peninsula of Jamestown was not such a place as their
instructions contemplated. It was in a malarious situation, had no
springs of fresh water, and was thickly covered with great trees and
tall grass, which afforded protection to Indian enemies.
May 22 Captain Newport went up in a shallop with twenty others to look
for a gold-mine at the falls of James River. He was gone only a week,
but before he returned the Indians had assaulted the fort, and his
assistance was necessary in completing the palisades. When Newport
departed for England, June 22, he left one hundred and four settlers
in a very unfortunate condition:[22] they were besieged by Indians; a
small ladle of "ill-conditioned" barley-meal was the daily ration per
man; the lodgings of the settlers were log-cabins and holes in the
ground, and the brackish water of the river served them for drink.[23]
The six weeks following Newport's departure were a time of death and
despair, and by September 10 of the one hundred and four men only
forty-six remained alive.
Under such circumstances dissensions might have been expected, but
they were intensified by the peculiar government devised by the king.
In a short time Gosnold died, and Kendall was detected in a design to
desert the colony and was shot. Then (September 10) Ratcliffe, Smith,
and Martin deposed Wingfield from the government and elected as
president John Ratcliffe.
In such times men of strong character take the lead. When the cape
merchant Thomas Studley, whose duty it was to care for the supplies
and dispense them, died, his important office was conferred on Smith.
In this capacity Smith showed great abilities as a corn-getter from
the Indians, whom he visited at Kecoughtan (Hampton), Warascoyack, and
Chickahominy. At length, during the fall of 1607, the Indians stopped
hostilities, and for a brief interval health and plenty prevailed.[24]
In December Smith went on an exploring trip up the Chickahominy, but
on this occasion his good luck deserted him--two of his men were
killed by the Indians and he himself was captured and carried from
village to village, but he was released through the influence of
Pocahontas, and returned to Jamestown (January 2, 1608) to find more
dangers. In his absence Ratcliffe, the president, admitted Gabriel
Archer, Smith's deadly enemy, into the council; and immediately upon
his arrival these two arrested him and tried him under the Levitical
law for the loss of the two men killed by the Indians. He was found
guilty and condemned to be hanged the next day; but in the evening
Newport arrived in the _John and Francis_ with the "First Supply" of
men and provisions, and Ratcliffe and Archer were prevented from
carrying out their plan.[25] Newport found only thirty or forty
persons surviving at Jamestown, and he brought about seventy more. Of
the six members of the council living at the time of his departure in
June, 1607, two, Gosnold and Kendall, were dead, Smith was under
condemnation, and Wingfield was a prisoner. Now Smith was restored to
his seat in council, while Wingfield was released from custody.[26]
Five days after Newport's arrival at Jamestown a fire consumed nearly
all the buildings in the fort.[27] The consequence was that, as the
winter was very severe, many died from exposure while working to
restore the town. The settlers suffered also from famine, which
Captain Newport partially relieved by visiting Powhatan in February
and returning in March with his "pinnace well loaden with corne,
wheat, beanes, and pease," which kept the colony supplied for some
weeks.[28]
Newport remained in Virginia for more than three months, but things
were not improved by his stay. His instructions required him to return
with a cargo, and the poor colonists underwent the severest sort of
labor in cutting down trees and loading the ship with cedar, black
walnut, and clapboard.[29] Captain Martin thought he discovered a
gold-mine near Jamestown, and for a time the council had busied the
colonists in digging worthless ore, some of which Newport carried to
England.[30] These works hindered others more important to the
plantation, and only four acres of land was put in corn during the
spring.[31] Newport took back with him the councillors Wingfield and
Archer, and April 20, ten days after Newport's departure, Captain
Francis Nelson arrived in the _Phoenix_ with about forty additional
settlers. He stayed till June, when, taking a load of cedar, he
returned to England, having among his passengers Captain John Martin,
another of the council.
During the summer Smith spent much time exploring the Chesapeake Bay,
Potomac, and Rappahannock rivers,[32] and in his absence things went
badly at Jamestown. The mariners of Newport's and Nelson's ships had
been very wasteful while they stayed in Virginia, and after their
departure the settlers found themselves on a short allowance again.
Then the sickly season in 1608 was like that of 1607, and of
ninety-five men living in June, 1608, not over fifty survived in the
fall. The settlers even followed the precedent of the previous year in
deposing an unpopular president, for Ratcliffe, by employing the men
in the unnecessary work of a governor's house, brought about a mutiny
in July, which led to the substitution of Matthew Scrivener. At
length, September 10, 1608, Captain Ratcliffe's presidency definitely
expired and Captain Smith was elected president.
[Footnote 1: Purchas, _Pilgrimes_, IV., 1647-1651; Strachey, _Travaile
into Virginia_, 153-158; John Smith, _Works_ (Arber's ed.), 332-340.]
[Footnote 2: Purchas, _Pilgrimes_, IV., 1654-1656, 1659-1667.]
[Footnote 3: Brown, _Genesis of the United States_, I., 27.]
[Footnote 4: Brown, _Genesis of the United States_, I., 46.]
[Footnote 5: Hening, _Statutes_, I., 57-66; see also Cheyney,
_European Background of American History_, chap. viii.]
[Footnote 6: Brown, _First Republic_, 8.]
[Footnote 7: Hening, _Statutes_, I., 67-75.]
[Footnote 8: Ashley, _English Economic History_, II., 261-376.]
[Footnote 9: Brown, _Genesis of the United States_, I., 50.]
[Footnote 10: Brown, _Genesis of the United States_, I., 127-139.]
[Footnote 11: Gorges, _Briefe Narration_ (Mass. Hist. Soc.,
_Collections_, 3d series., VI. 53).]
[Footnote 12: Strachey, _Travaile into Virginia_, 162-180; Brown,
_Genesis of the United States_, I., 190-194.]
[Footnote 13: Neill, _Virginia Company_, 4-8.]
[Footnote 14: Ibid., 8-14.]
[Footnote 15: Purchas, _Pilgrimes_, II., 1365.]
[Footnote 16: On the American Indians, Farrand, _Basis of American
History_, chaps, vi.-xiv.]
[Footnote 17: For accounts of aboriginal Virginia, see Strachey,
_Travaile into Virginia_; Spelman, in Brown, _Genesis of the United
States_, I., 483-488; Smith, _Works_ (Arber's ed.), 47-84.]
[Footnote 18: Smith, _Works_ (Arber's ed.), 400.]
[Footnote 19: Cases of rescue and adoption are numerous. See the case
of Conture, in Parkman, _Jesuits_, 223; Fiske, _Old Virginia and Her
Neighbors_, I., 113.]
[Footnote 20: Smith, _Works_ (Arber's ed.), 436.]
[Footnote 21: Percy, _Discourse_, in Smith, _Works_ (Arber's ed.),
lvii.-lxx.]
[Footnote 22: Percy, _Discourse_, in Smith, _Works_ (Arber's ed.),
lxx.]
[Footnote 23: _Breife Declaration_, in Virginia State Senate
_Document_, 1874.]
[Footnote 24: Percy, _Discourse_, in Smith, _Works_ (Arber's ed.),
lxxiii.]
[Footnote 25: Wingfield, _Discourse_, in Smith, _Works_ (Arber's ed.),
lxxiv.-xci.]
[Footnote 26: Wingfield, _Discourse_, in Smith, _Works_ (Arber's ed.),
lxxxvi.]
[Footnote 27: Brown, _Genesis of the United States_, I., 175.]
[Footnote 28: Wingfield, _Discourse_, in Smith, _Works_ (Arber's ed.),
lxxxvii.]
[Footnote 29: _Breife Declaration_.]
[Footnote 30: Smith, _Works_ (Arber's ed.), 104.]
[Footnote 31: _Breife Declaration_.]
[Footnote 32: Smith, _Works_ (Arber's ed.), 109-120.]