CHAPTER VI.

_My Connection with the Rebellion.--Timothy Webster Accepts a Mission._

My connection with the "Great Rebellion" of 1861 began almost from the

inception of that gigantic struggle. During the days that intervened

between the inauguration of Abraham Lincoln and the memorable 12th day

of April, 1861, treason was busy in the South, and secession resolved

itself into an accomplished fact. Scarcely had the reverberating tones

of the guns upon the batteries in Charleston Harbor died away upon the

air, than I was called into the service of the military branch of the

government. At that time I was engaged in the energetic practice of my

profession as a detective, which, large as it was, and constantly

increasing, required a personal supervision, which absorbed my undivided

attention. When, however, it became evident that a conflict was

unavoidable, I soon found my services were needed, and putting aside all

considerations of a private or business nature, I yielded a ready and

cheerful response to the call, and during my connection with what was

afterwards known as the secret service of the government, I rendered

every assistance that lay in my power to further the cause of union, and

to serve the country of my adoption.

The month of April, 1861, was an important one in the history of the

country. Whatever fears and apprehensions had filled the minds of the

Northern people as to the solution of the great political questions then

pending, a resort to arms had, until that time, been regarded as not

likely to occur. A people who had been reared amid the blessings of a

long and undisturbed peace, and whose lives, under this benign

influence, had been prosperous and happy, they were almost entirely

unprepared for a serious contest or a warlike struggle. Many times

before the political horizon had grown dark and threatening, but the

storm had subsided almost instantly, under that wise yielding of

obedience to law and to the will of majorities, which it was hoped would

now exercise its power for the preservation and continuance of amity.

When, therefore, on the 12th of April, the attack upon Fort Sumter in

Charleston Harbor was made, the Northern people were almost startled by

surprise. Though entirely unprepared for such an event, it was clearly

demonstrated to all that war could now no longer be honorably avoided.

It was now too late to inquire into original causes of the contest; it

remained only for the loyal heart to resent the insult to a nation's

flag, and to sustain the government in upholding its constitution and

in enforcing its laws. This act fired the patriotic heart and solidified

the patriotic ranks, and, with the crumbling of the walls upon Fort

Sumter, were shattered all the hopes previously entertained of a

peaceful solution of the problems which were then before the country. I

have very little doubt that the assault upon Fort Sumter was ordered by

the rebel government, under the fallacious hope and groundless belief

that it would not provoke immediate or widespread civil war. The

Southern leaders were well aware of the fact that the frontier could not

be entirely stripped of regulars, and assuming, or pretending to, that

the existing laws contained no provision authorizing a call of the

militia, they inferred that it would be difficult for the new

administration to obtain at once legislation of a coercive character.

Then, too, they relied, in a great measure, upon a friendly feeling

toward the South from their late political associates in the North; but

in this their reckoning was at fault, and the roar of Beauregard's guns

in Charleston Harbor cleared up the political horizon as if by magic.

There could no longer be any doubt as to the position and intentions of

the Confederates. Seven disloyal States, with all their machinery of a

separate government, stood behind those batteries, and the cool

deliberation of the assault gave evidence of plan, of purpose and of

confidence. What had been believed to be a mere conspiracy for the

gaining of certain political ends, now gave way to a revolution, which

menaced the perpetuity of the government and which required the armed

force of the government to combat and subdue.

The news of the assault upon Sumter reached Washington on Saturday, the

13th day of April, and on the following day, Sunday though it was,

President Lincoln assembled his Cabinet to discuss the duty of the hour,

and on Monday morning a proclamation was issued, calling forth an army

of seventy-five thousand men, for objects entirely lawful and

constitutional.

The effect of this proclamation upon the people of the North was almost

electrical, and the heart of the whole nation throbbed with its

patriotic emotions as that of a single individual. The general sentiment

appeared to be in entire accord with the utterance of Stephen A.

Douglas, a live-long Democrat, that "every man must be for the United

States, or against it; there can be no neutrals in this war--only

patriots and traitors." More than double the number of men that were

required tendered their services, and before the lapse of forty-eight

hours armed companies and regiments of volunteers were in motion toward

the expected border of conflict. Nor was there exhibited that division

of Northern sentiment that had been so boastfully predicted by the

Southern leaders, and all men, of every belief, Democrats and

Republicans, Conservatives and Radicals, natives and foreigners, from

Maine to Oregon, responded to the call, and came to the defense of the

constitution, the government and the Union.

At this time the position of Maryland was rather a precarious one. There

could be no doubt that the Unionists were greatly in the majority, but

it was also true that there was a large and influential minority of her

people in favor of secession. Here, as elsewhere, conspiracy had been at

work for months, and many of the prominent political leaders were in

full accord with the rebel government. The legislature was believed to

be unreliable, and treason had obtained so firm a foothold in the

populous city of Baltimore, that a secret recruiting office was sending

enlisted men to Charleston. The venomous germ of treason, once planted,

grew in magnitude and virulence, until it finally culminated in the

infamous riot of April 19th, when the blood of the citizen soldiery of

Massachusetts was first shed in defense of the Union. A spirit of

opposition to the passage of Northern troops through the city, on their

way to the seat of government, had been engendered among the "rough"

element of Baltimore, and the excitement reached its climax upon the

arrival of the Sixth Massachusetts Regiment, which was the first to

answer the call for troops. When their presence became known the

traitorous element could no longer be restrained, and while the men were

passing quietly through the city, on their way from one railroad

station to another, they were murderously attacked by a reckless,

howling mob, which resulted in bloodshed and carnage, and some of the

most fiendish outrages were perpetrated that ever blackened a page of

American history.

The crowning act of disloyalty, and one which threatened the most

serious consequences to the government, was committed about midnight of

the same day. A secret order was issued by the mayor and police officers

to burn the nearest bridges on the railroads leading into Baltimore from

the free States, and parties, under the command of the police

authorities were dispatched to execute the order.

Before daylight the following morning, the bridges at Melvale, Relay

House and Cockeysville, on the Harrisburg road and over the Bush and

Gunpowder rivers and Harris Creek, were completely destroyed by fire,

thus effectually severing railroad communication with the North. The

telegraph wires leading to and from the capital were also cut,

completely shutting off Washington, and the government from the loyal

Northern States. These acts, committed by the orders of the very men who

that morning had risked their lives in defending the soldiers of the

Union, are sufficient to show the rapid and overmastering influence of

revolutionary madness.

Of course, the news of these outrages spread far and wide over the

country, and while they aroused universal indignation, they

nevertheless were the occasion of grave fears for the safety of the

capital.

It was on the 21st of April, two days after the occurrence of these

events that my services were required. Several gentlemen of prominence

in Chicago, intimate friends of President Lincoln, and men of influence

and intelligence in the State, desired to communicate with the President

upon questions connected with the existing condition of affairs, and

applied to me for the purpose of having letters and dispatches conveyed

directly to Washington by the hands of a trusty messenger.

I at once accepted the duty, and selected a man for its performance.

Experience proved that I was not mistaken in my selection, and as the

messenger chosen for this duty is to bear an important part in the

event, which I am about to relate, a description of him will at once

acquaint the reader with his personal appearance.

He was a tall, broad-shouldered, good-looking man of about forty years

of age. In height he was about five feet ten inches; his brown hair,

which was brushed carelessly back from a broad, high forehead,

surmounted a face of a character to at once attract attention.

There was such a decided mixture of sternness and amiability, of innate

force and gentle feelings, of frankness and resolution stamped upon his

features, that he instinctively impressed the beholder at a glance.

The deep gray eyes could twinkle and sparkle with good humor, or they

would grow dark and menacing, and seem to flash under the influence of

anger. The mouth, almost concealed by the heavy brown mustaches which he

wore, and the square, firm chin evinced a firmness that was

unmistakable. His nose, large and well-formed, and the prominent cheek

bones all seemed in perfect harmony with the bold spirit which leaped

from the eyes, and the strong will that lurked about the set lips. In

figure, he was rather stout, but his shoulders were so broad, his feet

and hands so shapely, and the lithe limbs so well formed, that he did

not appear of as full habit as he really was. A casual observer on

meeting this man would almost immediately and insensibly be impressed

with the conviction that he was a man who could be trusted; that any

duty devolving upon him would be sacredly kept; and as he stood before

me on this sunny afternoon in April, I felt that I could implicitly rely

upon him in any emergency in which he might be placed, and to perform

any service for which he might be selected.

This man was Timothy Webster, a faithful officer, a true friend, and an

ardent patriot.

I had known this man for years. He had been in my employ for a long

time, and had been engaged upon operations of a varied and diverse

nature, consequently I knew precisely what his capabilities were, and

how entirely he could be trusted. Though not a man of great

enlightenment, he was gifted with a large amount of natural shrewdness,

which enabled him to successfully meet any emergency which might arise.

From his association with people in the various walks of life, he had

acquired that habit of easy adaptation which made him appear, and feel,

perfectly at home in almost any society, whether in the drawing-room or

the tavern, in the marts of trade, or laboring at the plow.

From my knowledge of Timothy Webster, and my confidence in his wisdom

and reliability, I had chosen him to be the bearer of the dispatches to

Mr. Lincoln. I therefore called him into my office and explained to him

the nature of the duties he was to perform, the possible dangers he

would encounter, and the importance of the trust that was to be reposed

in him, and when I had concluded, I asked:

"Timothy, knowing what you do of the task before you, will you undertake

its performance?"

"I understand all perfectly," he replied, drawing himself up to his full

height, while his eyes flashed with a patriotic fire, "I know that my

country demands my services, and that, if it shall cost me my life, I am

ready to perform my full duty."

The preparations for his departure did not occupy a very long time; the

services of Miss Kate Warne, my female superintendent, were requested,

and in a few minutes the important dispatches, some twelve in number,

were securely sewed between the linings of his coat collar, and in the

body of his waistcoat, and Timothy Webster was on his way to the capital

of the country.

[Illustration: A COLORED CONTRABAND]

The Spy of the Rebellion Being a True History of the Spy System of the United States Army during the Late Rebellion · 第 6 / 38 章