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THE SPY OF THE REBELLION
[Illustration: _Frontispiece._ P. 158.
_Allan Pinkerton and General McClellan in Private Consultation._]
THE
SPY OF THE REBELLION;
BEING
A TRUE HISTORY
OF THE
SPY SYSTEM OF THE UNITED STATES
ARMY
DURING THE LATE REBELLION.
REVEALING MANY SECRETS OF THE WAR HITHERTO NOT MADE PUBLIC.
_COMPILED FROM OFFICIAL REPORTS_
PREPARED FOR
PRESIDENT LINCOLN, GENERAL McCLELLAN AND THE PROVOST-MARSHAL-GENERAL.
BY
ALLAN PINKERTON,
WHO
(UNDER THE NOM-DE-PLUME OF MAJOR E. J. ALLEN)
WAS
CHIEF OF THE UNITED STATES SECRET SERVICE.
_WITH NUMEROUS ILLUSTRATIONS._
Introduction by Patrick Bass
University of Nebraska Press
Lincoln and London
Introduction copyright (C) 1989 by the University of Nebraska Press
All rights reserved
Manufactured in the United States of America
First Bison Book printing: 1989
Most recent printing indicated by the last digit below:
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Pinkerton, Allan, 1819-1884.
The spy of the rebellion: being a true history of the spy system of
the United States Army during the late rebellion, revealing many
secrets of the war hitherto not made public / by Allan Pinkerton:
introduction by Patrick Bass.
p. cm.
"Compiled from official reports prepared for President Lincoln,
General McClellan, and the provost-marshal-general."
Reprint. Originally published: Hartford, Conn.: M. A. Winter &
Hatch, 1883.
ISBN 0-8032-3686-7 (alk. paper) ISBN 0-8032-8722-4 (pbk.)
1. United States--History--Civil War, 1861-1865--Secret service.
2. United States--History--Civil War, 1861-1865--Personal narratives.
3. Pinkerton, Allan, 1819-1884. I. Title.
E608.P65 1989
973.7'86--dc20 89-33081 CIP
Reprinted from the 1883 edition published by M. A. Winter & Hatch,
Hartford, Connecticut. An appendix, "Rebel Forces before Richmond,"
has been omitted from this Bison Book edition.
CONTENTS.
_Introduction_ 17
_Preface_ 23
CHAPTER I.
PAGE
_An Unwritten Page of History.--A Political Resume.--Abraham
Lincoln is Elected President._ 33
CHAPTER II.
_Opposition to Mr. Lincoln's Inauguration.--A Plot to
Assassinate him.--The Journey from Springfield,
Illinois._ 45
CHAPTER III.
_The Conspirators at Work.--Detectives on their Trail.--Webster
as a Soldier._ 58
CHAPTER IV.
_The Conspirators in Council.--My Operative Joins the
Conspiracy._ 74
CHAPTER V.
_The Presidential Party Arrives in Philadelphia.--Independence
Hall.--The Departure from Harrisburg.--Telegraph
Wires Cut.--Through the Lines of Treason.--Safe
Arrival at Washington._ 81
CHAPTER VI.
_My Connection with the Rebellion.--Timothy Webster
Accepts a Mission._ 104
CHAPTER VII.
_Webster on his Way to the Capital.--Wrecked Trains
and Broken Bridges.--An Adventure with a Cavalryman.--A
Rebel Emissary.--President Lincoln
and Timothy Webster_. 114
CHAPTER VIII.
_Timothy Webster in Washington.--The Return to Philadelphia.--I
go to the Capital.--An Important Letter_. 131
CHAPTER IX.
_An Adventure in Pittsburg.--A Mob at Bay.--An Explanation.--Good
Feeling Restored._ 142
CHAPTER X.
_General McClellan in Command of Ohio.--I am Engaged
for the War.--The Secret Service.--A Consultation.--Webster
Starts for Rebeldom._ 151
CHAPTER XI.
_Webster Fraternizes with the Rebel Officers.--A Secession
Hat.--A Visit to a Rebel Camp.--"The Committee
of Safety."--A Friendly Stranger.--A
Warning.--The Escape._ 168
CHAPTER XII.
_I Take a Trip to the South.--Danger in Memphis.--A
Timely Warning.--A Persistent Barber.--An Unfortunate
Memory.--Return to Cincinnati._ 182
CHAPTER XIII.
_East and West Virginia.--Seceding from Secession.--My
Scouts in Virginia.--A Rebel Captain Entertains
"My Lord."--An Old Justice dines with
Royalty.--A Lucky Adventure.--A Runaway Horse.--A
Rescue._ 203
CHAPTER XIV.
_The Rebels Attempt to Occupy West Virginia.--General
McClellan Ordered to Drive Them Out.--Early
Battles.--The Federals Victorious.--West Virginia
Freed from Rebel Soldiers._ 227
CHAPTER XV.
_General McClellan is Called to Washington, and Placed
in Command of the Armies after the Battle of Bull
Run.--The Secret Service Department.--Its Duties
and Responsibilities._ 237
CHAPTER XVI.
_A Female Traitor.--Suspicious Correspondence.--A Close
Watch under Difficulties.--I am Arrested.--Exposure
of the Treason of a Trusted Officer.--A Disgraced
Captain._ 250
CHAPTER XVII.
_Timothy Webster in Baltimore.--An Encounter with a
Fire-eater.--Webster Defends Himself.--Treason
Rampant in the Monumental City._ 271
CHAPTER XVIII.
_Webster Makes a Journey to the South.--A Secret Organization.--The
"Knights of Liberty."--Webster Becomes
a Member.--A Sudden Intrusion of the Military.--The
Conspiracy Broken Up._ 283
CHAPTER XIX.
_Suspicions in Washington.--"Uncle Gallus."--Property
Searched.--A Rebel Family sent South.--Webster
Starts for Richmond._ 301
CHAPTER XX.
_The Spy at Richmond.--Earthworks Around the Rebel
Capital.--An Unexpected Meeting.--Pistols for Two.--A
Reconciliation.--Safe Return to Washington._ 314
CHAPTER XXI.
_Again in Baltimore.--A Warning.--The Spy is Arrested.--And
Escapes._ 326
CHAPTER XXII.
_Webster and Scobell.--A Negro as a Spy.--A Traitor
Deserts from the Army.--He Carries Dispatches to
the Rebels.--Which Fail of Their Destination.--An
Attack in the Woods.--"The Loyal League."--Slaves
as Patriots._ 343
CHAPTER XXIII.
_A Negro Spy.--Passage on a Steam-Packet.--Lyrical
Melodies.--Scobell Deserts the Ship.--His Tramps
Through Rebeldom._ 358
CHAPTER XXIV.
_A Perilous Ride.--A Suspicious Peddler.--Uncle Gallus
Again.--Scobell Investigating.--Doubts and Suspicions._ 367
CHAPTER XXV.
_The Journey Resumed.--A Midnight Pursuit.--A Brave
Woman.--A Deadly Encounter.--Scobell Defends
Himself.--Death of a Rebel Spy._ 381
CHAPTER XXVI.
_A Woman's Discoveries.--An Infernal Machine.--The
Shipping in Danger.--Discovery and Destruction of
the Submarine Battery._ 394
CHAPTER XXVII.
_"Stuttering Dave."--His Tramp Through the Rebel
Lines.--An Ammunition Train.--"Dave's" Plan
Succeeds in its Destruction.--A Man who Stuttered
and "Had Fits."_ 404
CHAPTER XXVIII.
_Another Trip to Richmond.--A Rebel General Taken In.--Curtis
Makes Valuable Acquaintances.--"The
Subterranean Headquarters."_ 414
CHAPTER XXIX.
_A Virginia Home.--Unwelcome Visitors.--Mr. Harcourt
Arrested and Released.--Dan McCowan makes Forcible
Love to Mary Harcourt.--The Girl in Peril.--A
Timely Rescue.--The Villain Punished._ 429
CHAPTER XXX.
_Curtis Again on His Travels.--A Loving Episode.--Dan
McCowan Again Turns up.--The Capture of Curtis.--A
Fight for Life.--And Escape.--A Bit of Matrimony._ 445
CHAPTER XXXI.
_McClellan and his Enemies.--The Peninsula Campaign.--The
Rebel Forces Before Richmond.--The Union
Forces Outnumbered by the Enemy, and their Commander
Hampered by Superiors.--An Honest Opinion._ 457
CHAPTER XXXII.
_Webster's Expedition.--His Gallantry.--A Stormy Passage.--A
Mysterious Package.--Treason Discovered and Punished._ 468
CHAPTER XXXIII.
_Activity in Washington.--Webster's Journey Through the
South.--His Return to the Capital._ 481
CHAPTER XXXIV.
_Webster's Last Mission.--Anxiety at his Long Absence.--No
Tidings of the Faithful Scout.--Operatives Sent
in Search of Him.--Webster Ill in Richmond._ 485
CHAPTER XXXV.
_McClellan and the Government.--Lewis and Scully Arrested
as Spies.--An Attempted Escape.--Trial and
Conviction.--Condemned to Die.--Before the Gallows
their Mouths are Opened._ 498
CHAPTER XXXVI.
_Webster Arrested as a Spy.--A Woman's Devotion, and
a Patriot's Heroism.--Webster is Convicted.--The
Execution.--A Martyr's Grave._ 530
CHAPTER XXXVII.
_The Defeat of General Pope at the Second Battle of
Manassas.--McClellan Again Called to the Command.--The
Battle of Antietam.--A Union Victory.--A Few
Thoughts About the Union Commander.--McClellan's
Removal from Command, and His Farewell
Address._ 561
CHAPTER XXXVIII.
_General Burnside in Command.--My Connection with the
Secret Service Severed.--Reflections upon Important
Events.--Conclusion._ 579
_APPENDIX._ 587
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
PAGE
ALLAN PINKERTON AND GENERAL MCCLELLAN
IN PRIVATE CONSULTATION. _Frontispiece_
THE OATH TO ASSASSINATE THE PRESIDENT. 65
SWEARING IN OF HOWARD. 76
LINCOLN RAISING THE OLD FLAG. 87
THE DEPARTURE FOR WASHINGTON. 94
SAFE ARRIVAL. 98
ATTEMPT TO CAPTURE WEBSTER. 146
A VISIT TO A REBEL CAMP. 171
TIMELY WARNING. 195
THE BARBER'S RECOGNITION. 201
AN ENGLISH LORD AND A REBEL CAPTAIN. 215
CAPTURED BY THE GUARDS. 260
AN ENCOUNTER WITH A FIRE-EATER. 277
A SUDDEN INTRUSION OF THE MILITARY. 299
THE SPY IS ARRESTED. 334
ESCAPE OF THE SPY. 339
SCOBELL ENGAGED AS DECK-HAND ON A STEAMBOAT. 364
DEATH OF A REBEL SPY. 389
TIMELY INTERRUPTION TO A LOVE SCENE. 441
WEBSTER'S GALLANT BRAVERY. 474
WEBSTER DISCOVERS A MYSTERIOUS PACKAGE. 475
THE PRISONERS RECAPTURED. 522
WEBSTER'S DEATH WARRANT. 542
A NARROW ESCAPE. 569
PREFACE.
Nearly a score of years have passed since the occurrence of the events
related in the following pages. The "Rebellion," with its bloody scenes,
has ended, and the country is at peace. The grass is waving green and
beautiful over many Southern fields that once ran with human blood, as
the contending forces met in the deadly encounter. The birds are
carolling sweetly in the air, which then was laden with the clarion
notes of the trumpet; the fierce, wild yell of assaulting soldiery; the
booming of cannon, and the groans of the wounded and dying. The
merchant, the mechanic, and the husbandman have returned to the pursuits
which they followed before the dark clouds of war had overshadowed this
fair land, and they shouldered their muskets in defense of the Union.
From the desolation and the ravages of war, the country has emerged into
the sunshine of abiding peace, and now, in the evening twilight, the
gray-haired veterans gather around their family hearthstones to repeat
the stories of bravery and devotion associated with those trying hours
of their country's history.
In the twilight of my days I have been tempted to the recitals which
follow, and in relating my experiences as the Chief of the Secret
Service of the Government during the Rebellion, I have been governed by
a desire to acquaint the public with the movements of those brave men
who rendered invaluable service to their country, although they never
wore a uniform or carried a musket. Working quietly, and frequently
under disguises, their assistance to the Union commanders was of
incalculable advantage, and many acts of courage and daring were
performed by these men which, until now, have never been revealed.
Indeed, as to my own _nom-de-plume_, "E. J. Allen," many of the officers
of the army and officials of the Government, with whom I was in constant
communication, never knew me by any other name, and the majority of them
are to this day in ignorance of the fact that E. J. Allen, late Chief of
the Secret Service, and Allan Pinkerton are one and the same person.
During the progress of the struggle, and the years which have since
elapsed, many of my old acquaintances, who held important positions in
the army and in governmental departments, have passed away from earth.
Some of them falling in the heat of battle, in the courageous discharge
of duty, while others, passing through the fiery ordeal, have died amid
the comforts and the charms of home.
President Lincoln, Edwin M. Stanton, William H. Seward and Salmon P.
Chase, all giants in their day, have departed from the sphere of their
usefulness, and have gone to their long home. Soldiers and civilians,
generals and privates, with whom I was connected, and their name is
legion, have taken up their journey to "that bourne from whence no
traveler e'er returns."
In detailing the various events which follow, I have been careful to
offer nothing but that which actually transpired. I have avoided giving
expression to any thoughts or feelings of antagonism to the South,
because the time for such utterances has passed. Indeed, except for the
existence of slavery, I always cherished a warm affection for the
Southern people. But this institution of human bondage always received
my most earnest opposition. Believing it to be a curse to the American
nation, and an evidence of barbarism, no efforts of mine were ever
spared in behalf of the slave, and to-day I have not a single regret for
the course I then pursued.
Many times before the war, when I was associated with those
philanthrophic spirits who controlled the so-called "Underground
Railroad," I have assisted in securing safety and freedom for the
fugitive slave, no matter at what hour, under what circumstances, or at
what cost, the act was to be performed. John Brown, the white-haired
abolitionist of Kansas fame, was my bosom friend; and more than one dark
night has found us working earnestly together in behalf of the fleeing
bondman, who was striving for his liberty. After his gallant effort at
Harper's Ferry, and while he was confined in a Virginia prison, my
efforts in his behalf were unceasing; and had it not been for the
excessive watchfulness of those having him in charge, the pages of
American history would never have been stained with a record of his
execution. As it is, though his fate may have been in accordance with
the decrees of the laws then existing, I can recall with all the old
enthusiasm that I then experienced, the thundering effect of thousands
of our brave "boys in blue," joining in that electric war cry, the
refrain of which was:
"John Brown's body lies mouldering in the grave,
But his soul goes marching along,"
while they hurried in solid phalanx to meet the enemy upon the field of
battle.
In the preliminary chapters, I have detailed with accuracy the facts
connected with the conspiracy to assassinate Abraham Lincoln, when he
was first elected to the Presidency. The part I took in discovering the
existence of that plot and the efforts of my men in ferreting out the
prime movers of that murderous compact, are told for the first time in
these pages, and the correctness of their relation is undoubted; though
in the dark days that followed, the bullet of the assassin removed the
martyred President, while engaged in the fulfillment of his mission. I
cannot repress a sense of pride in the fact, that at the commencement of
his glorious career I had averted the blow that was aimed at his honest,
manly heart.
In the events which transpired during the years 1861 and 1862, I took an
active part. From the early days of April until after the battle of
Antietam had been fought and won, I was connected with the military
operations of the government. In Washington I acted under the directions
of the Secretaries of War, and Colonel Andrew Porter, the
provost-marshal; and in the field, I was under the immediate direction
of General George B. McClellan.
My relations with the various departments were always of the most
cordial and confidential character. To particularize in this matter is
almost impossible; but I cannot refrain from mentioning, in the highest
terms of respect and friendship, Colonel Thomas A. Scott of
Pennsylvania. In the early days of the nation's peril, he occupied the
position of Assistant Secretary of War. In him I always found a warm
friend and advocate, and in many emergencies his prompt and intelligent
action was most potent in accomplishing good results in that era of
confusion, of doubt and hesitation.
Of my service with the military department while in active duty, little
needs to be said here. From the time of his commission by Governor
Dennison of Ohio, to the day when he was relieved, after his splendid
victory at Antietam, I followed the fortunes of General McClellan. Never
doubting his ability or his loyalty--always possessing his confidence
and esteem, I am at this time proud and honored in ranking him foremost
among my invaluable friends. When secret enemies were endeavoring to
prejudice the mind of the President against his chosen commander; when
wily politicians were seeking to belittle him in the estimation of the
people, and when jealous minded officers were ignorantly criticising his
plans of campaign, General McClellan pursued his course with
unflinching courage and with a devotion to his country unsurpassed by
any who have succeeded him, and upon whose brows are entwined the
laurels of the conqueror.
His marvelous reorganization of the army, the enthusiasm with which his
presence invariably inspired the soldiers under his command, and the
grand battles which he fought against enemies in front and in rear, have
all passed into history--and to-day the intelligent and unprejudiced
reader finds in a calm and dispassionate review of his career, an ample
and overwhelming justification of his course as a loyal and capable
commander-in-chief.
Self-constituted critics, whose avenues of information were limited and
unreliable, have attempted to prove that the force opposed to General
McClellan was much less than was really the case; and upon this
hypothesis have been led into unjust and undeserved censure of the
commanding general. From my own experience, I _know_ to the contrary. My
system of obtaining knowledge upon this point was so thorough and
complete, my sources of information were so varied, that there could be
no serious mistake in the estimates which I then made and reported to
General McClellan. From every available field the facts were gleaned.
From prisoners of war, contrabands, loyal Southerners, deserters,
blockade-runners and from actual observations by trustworthy scouts, my
estimates were made, and to-day I affirm as strongly as I then did, that
the force opposed to General McClellan before Richmond approximated
nearer to 200,000 men, than they did to the numerous estimates of
irresponsible historians who have placed the strength of the rebel
forces at that time below 100,000 men. In this connection I must refer
also to the valuable assistance rendered both General McClellan and
myself by that indefatigable Aid-de-camp Colonel Key. Though he no
longer mingles with the things of earth, the memory of his devotion and
his intelligent services to the cause of the Union is imperishable. No
truer, braver man ever drew a sword than did this noble and efficient
staff officer, now deceased.
Of Timothy Webster, who so ably assisted me in my various and delicate
duties, and whose life was sacrificed for the cause he held so dear, I
have only words of warmest commendation. Brave, honest and intelligent,
he entered into the contest to perform his whole duty, and right nobly
did he fulfill his pledge. No danger was too great, no trust too
responsible, no mission too delicate for him to attempt, and though
executed as a spy in a Richmond prison, his name shall ever be
cherished with honor and friendship by those who knew his worth, and who
appreciated the unswerving devotion of a loyal heart. No dishonor can
ever attach to the memory of a patriot who died in the service of his
country.
The events narrated have all occurred. The record is a truthful one.
Although not so complete as I could wish, they must serve the purpose
for which they are intended. In the disastrous fire which swept over
Chicago in 1871, my records were mainly destroyed, and to this fact must
be attributed the failure to more elaborately detail the multitudinous
operations of my men. With the able assistance of Mr. George H. Bangs,
my efficient General Superintendent, "we did what we could," and the
approbation of our commanding officers attest the efficiency of our
efforts.
After leaving the service, the conduct of the war passed into other
hands. Other men were chosen to the command of the armies, and other
sources of information were resorted to. Succeeding battles have been
fought, defeats have been sustained, victories have been achieved, and
the war is happily ended. The slave is free, and in the enjoyment of the
rights of citizenship. The country is at peace, her prosperity is
assured, and now that passion and prejudice have died away, and honest
judgments are given of the events that have transpired, I leave to the
impartial reader, and historian, the question whether the course I
pursued, and the General whom I loved and faithfully served, are
deserving of censure, or are entitled to the praises of a free and
enlightened people.
ALLAN PINKERTON.
THE SPY
OF
THE REBELLION.
CHAPTER I.
"_An Unwritten Page of History."--A Political Resume.--Mr. Lincoln is
Elected President._
Many years have elapsed since the occurrence of the events which I am
about to relate. Years that have been full of mighty import to the
nation. A bitter, prolonged and bloody war has laid its desolating hands
upon a once united country. For years the roar of cannon and the clash
of steel reverberated through the bright valleys and the towering hills
of the fruitful South. In those years when brother arose against his
brother, when ties of kindred and association were broken asunder like
frail reeds, glorious deeds were wrought and grand results have been
accomplished. America has taught the world a lesson of bravery and
endurance; the shackles have been stricken from the slave; an error of
a century has been crushed, and freedom is now no longer an empty name,
but a beautiful and enduring realism.
To-day peace spreads her broad, sheltering arms over a reunited and
enlightened nation. The roll of the drum and the tramp of armed men are
now no longer heard. North and South have again clasped hands in a
renewal of friendship and in a perpetuity of union.
But a short time ago a Republican President elected by but a slight
majority of the voters of this great community, left his peaceful home
in the West and journeyed to the capital of the nation, to take the oath
of office and to assume the high duties of a chief magistrate. As he
passed through the towns and cities upon his route a general plaudit of
welcome was his greeting, even noted political foes joining in the
demonstrations. His road was arched with banners and his path was strewn
with flowers. Everywhere he found an enthusiasm of welcome, a universal
prayer for success, and the triumphal train entered the capital amid the
ovations of the populace, which reached almost a climax of patriotic and
effervescing joy.
Twenty years ago witnessed a different condition of affairs. The
political horizon was dark and obscured. The low mutterings of the storm
that was soon to sweep over our country, and to deluge our fair land
with fratricidal blood, were distinctly heard. Sectional differences
were developing into widespread dissensions. Cherished institutions were
threatened with dissolution, and political antagonism had aroused a
contented people into a frenzy of hate.
On the twenty-second of May, 1856, an American Senator was assaulted in
the Senate-house by a political opponent for daring to give utterance to
opinions that were hostile to the slave-holding interests of the South.
Later in the same year a Republican candidate, with professed
anti-slavery views, was nominated for the presidency, and although
defeated, gave evidence of such political strength that Southern leaders
became alarmed.
At this time the Hon. Stephen A. Douglas was a prominent leader of the
Democratic party, but through his opposition to what was known as the
Lecompton Bill, he incurred the displeasure of his political friends of
the South, who vainly endeavored to enact such legislation as would
practically lead to his retirement from the party.
In 1858 the famous contest between Abraham Lincoln and Stephen A.
Douglas for the United States Senatorship from Illinois took place, and
during its progress absorbed public attention throughout the country.
The two candidates indulged in open discussions of questions of public
policy, which were remarkable for their brilliancy and for the force and
vigor with which their different views were uttered. It was during this
canvass that Mr. Lincoln made the forcible and revolutionizing
declaration that: "_The Union cannot permanently endure half slave and
half free._" Mr. Lincoln was defeated, however, and Mr. Douglas was
returned to the Senate, much against the wishes of those Democrats who
desired the unlimited extension of the institution of Slavery.
In the following year occurred the slave insurrection in Virginia, under
the leadership of that bold abolitionist, John Brown. The movement was
frustrated, however, and John Brown, after a judicial trial for his
offense, was sentenced to be hung. Up to the day of his execution he
remained firm in the belief that he had but performed his duty toward
enslaved humanity, and he died avowing the justice of his cause and the
hope of its ultimate success.
All of these occurrences tended to engender a spirit of fierce
opposition in the minds of the Southern leaders. The growing sentiment
of abolitionism throughout the North, and the manifest disposition to
prevent its increase or extension, aroused the advocates of Slavery to a
degree of alarm, which led to the commission of many actions, both
absurd and unjustifiable.
The year of 1860 opened upon a scene of political agitation which
threatened to disrupt long united associations, and to erect sectional
barriers which appeared almost impossible to overcome.
In April, 1860, the Democratic National Convention assembled in
Charleston, South Carolina, for the purpose of nominating a candidate
for the presidency. During its session loud and angry debates occurred,
in which the Southern element endeavored to obtain a strong indorsement
of the institution of Slavery, and of the right to carry slaves into the
Territories of the United States. They were met by the more conservative
portion of the party, who desired to leave the question to be decided by
the States themselves. After a prolonged discussion the majority of the
Southern States withdrew their delegates from the convention, and the
remainder proceeded to ballot for a candidate of their choice.
After a protracted sitting, during which several ballots were taken and
no decided result obtained, the convention adjourned, to meet in the
city of Baltimore on the eighteenth day of June succeeding. Stephen A.
Douglas, of Illinois, received a large percentage of the votes that were
cast, but failed to obtain a sufficient number to secure his nomination.
The withdrawing delegates organized a rival convention, but, without
transacting any business of a decisive character, also adjourned, to
meet in Baltimore at a date nearly coincident with that of the regular
body.
On the nineteenth day of May, the Constitutional Union (being the old
American) party held their convention in the city of Baltimore, and
nominated John Bell, of Tennessee, for President, and Edward Everett,
of Massachusetts, for the Vice-Presidency.
The Republican Convention was held on the sixteenth day of May, in the
city of Chicago, and upon the third ballot nominated Abraham Lincoln, of
Illinois, for the office of President, and Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine,
for the second office.
This convention also adopted a platform very pronounced upon the subject
of Slavery, and which was calculated to give but little encouragement to
the extension or perpetuity of the slave-holding power.
On the eighteenth day of June the regular Democratic Convention
assembled, pursuant to adjournment, in the city of Baltimore, and named
Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois, and Herschel V. Johnson, of Georgia, as
their standard-bearers in the political conflict that was to ensue.
On the twenty-eighth day of the same month the seceding delegates met in
the same city, and after pronouncing their ultra views upon the question
of Slavery, nominated John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky (then the
Vice-President of the country), and General Joseph Lane, of Oregon, as
the candidates of their choice.
The lines of battle were now drawn, and from that time until the
election, in November, a fierce contest was waged between the opposing
parties. Never before in the history of parties was a canvass conducted
with more bitterness or with a greater amount of vituperation. The
whole country was engrossed with the gigantic struggle. Business
interests, questions of finance and of international import were all
made subservient to the absorbing consideration of the election of a
national President.
The Southern "Fire-eaters," as they were called, fully realized their
inability to elect the candidates they had named, but strove with all
their power to prevent the success of the regular Democratic nominees,
and when at last the day of election came, and the votes were counted,
it was found that the Republican party had been victorious and that
Abraham Lincoln had been elected.
In many portions of the South this result was hailed with joyful
enthusiasm. The anti-slavery proclivities of the successful party was
instantly made a plausible pretext for secession and the withdrawal of
the slave-holding States from the Union was boldly advocated.
The same power that threatened in 1856, in the words of Governor Wise of
Virginia: "That if Fremont had been elected, he would have marched at
the head of twenty thousand men to Washington, and taken possession of
the capital, preventing by force Fremont's inauguration at that
place"--was again aroused, and an open opposition to the Republican
inauguration was for a time considered.
The absorbing and exciting question in the South was: "Would the South
submit to a Black Republican President and a Black Republican
Congress?" and the answer to the question was a loud and decisive
negative.
Among the bolder advocates of secession the election of Mr. Lincoln was
regarded with pleasure, and meetings were held in Charleston, rejoicing
in the triumph of the Republican party. Secession and disunion were
loudly advocated, and the slave oligarchy of South Carolina regarded
this event as the opportunity to achieve her long-cherished purpose of
breaking up the Union, and forming a new confederacy, founded upon the
peculiar ideas of the South.
Says Horace Greeley: "Men thronged the streets, talking, laughing,
cheering, like mariners long becalmed upon a hateful, treacherous sea,
when a sudden breeze had swiftly wafted them within sight of their
looked for haven, or like a seedy prodigal, just raised to affluence by
the death of some far-off, unknown relative, and whose sense of decency
is not strong enough to repress his exultation."
Open threats were made to withdraw at once from the Union, and these
demonstrations seemed to find sympathy among other nations than our own,
and soon foreign intrigue was hand and glove with domestic treason, in
the attempt to sap the foundations of our government, and seeking
peculiar advantages from its overthrow.
It is unnecessary to detail the various phases of this great agitation,
which, firing the Southern heart with the frenzy of disunion, finally
led to the secession of the Southern States. Various compromises were
attempted, but all failed of beneficial result. The "masterly
inactivity" of the administration contributed in no small degree to the
accomplishment of this object, and in the end the Southern Confederacy
was organized and Jefferson Davis was elected as its President.
The Palmetto waved over the custom-house and post-office at Charleston;
government forts and arsenals were seized by the volunteers to the
Southern cause, and on February 1, 1861, the Federal mint and
custom-house at New Orleans were taken possession of by the
secessionists.
The removal of Major Anderson from Fort Moultrie to the more secure
stronghold of Fort Sumter, in Charleston harbor, had been accomplished,
and as yet no measures had been taken by the government to prevent
further demonstrations of a warlike character on the part of the
Southern Confederacy. The administration remained passive and inert,
while every effort was being made to calm the public fears of
hostilities, and the organization of an open revolt.
The city of Baltimore was, at this time, a slave-holding city, and the
spirit of Slavery was nowhere else more rampant and ferocious. The
mercantile and social aristocracy of that city had been sedulously and
persistently plied, by the conspirators for disunion, with artful and
tempting suggestions of her future greatness and advancement as the
chief city of the new government.
If a Confederacy composed of the fifteen slave-holding States was
organized, Baltimore, it was urged, would naturally be the chief city of
the new Republic. In time it would become the rival of New York, and
occupy to the Confederacy the same relations which New York does to the
Union, and would be the great ship-building, shipping, importing and
commercial emporium.
These glittering prophecies had not been uttered without effect. The
ambition of the aristocracy was aroused. Already they saw the ocean
whitened with her sails, and the broad domain of Maryland adorned with
the palaces reared from her ample and ever-expanding profits. Under
these hallucinations, their minds were corrupted, and they seemed eager
to rush into treason.
Being a border State, Maryland occupied a position of particular
importance. Emissaries were sent to her from South Carolina and
elsewhere, and no effort was spared to secure her co-operation in these
revolutionary movements. It is to be regretted that they were too
successful, and the result was that the majority of the wealthier
classes and those in office were soon in sympathy with the rebellion,
and the spirit of domestic treason, for a time, swept like a tornado
over the State.
Added to the wealthier classes was the mob element of the city of
Baltimore--reckless and unscrupulous, as mobs generally are--and this
portion of her community were avowedly in full accord with the
prospective movement, and ready to do the bidding of the slave power.
Between these, however, there existed a great middle class, who were
loyally and peacefully inclined. But this class, large as it was, had
hitherto been divided in their political opinions, and had as yet
arrived at no common and definite understanding with regard to the novel
circumstances of the country and the events which seemed to be visibly
impending.
The government of the city of Baltimore was under the control of that
branch of the Democracy who supported Breckinridge, and who had attained
power under a popular cry for reform, and it was soon learned that these
leaders were deep in the counsels of the secessionists.
The newspaper press was no small factor of this excitement--their
utterances had much to do in leading public opinion, and though their
efforts "to fire the Southern heart," many were led to sanction the
deeds of violence and outrage which were contemplated.
Especial efforts had been made to render Mr. Lincoln personally odious
and contemptible, and his election formed the pretexts of these reckless
conspirators, who had long been plotting the overthrow of the Union. No
falsehood was too gross, no statement too exaggerated, to be used for
that purpose, and so zealously did these misguided men labor in the
cause of disunion, and so systematically concerted was their action,
that the mass of the people of the slave States were made to believe
that this pure, patient, humane, Christian statesman was a monster whose
vices and passions made him odious, and whose political beliefs made him
an object of just abhorrence.
This was the condition of affairs at the dawning of the year 1861.
[Illustration: A COUNCIL OF WAR.]