THE GRANGE
The difficulty of uniting the farmers of America for any form of
co-operative endeavor long ago became proverbial. The business of
farming encouraged individualism; comparative isolation bred
independence; and restricted means of communication made union
physically difficult, even among those who might be disposed to unite.
It was not strange, therefore, that the agricultural masses developed a
state of mind unfavorable for organization--that they became suspicious
of one another, jealous of leadership, unwilling to keep the pledges of
union, and unable to sink personal views and prejudices.
It must not be supposed, however, that the farmers themselves have
failed to realize the situation, or that no genuinely progressive steps
have been taken to remedy it. During the last four decades at least, the
strongest men that the rural classes have produced have labored with
their fellows, both in season and out of season, for union of effort;
and their efforts have been by no means in vain. It is true that some of
the attempts at co-operation have been ill-judged, even fantastic. It
is true that much of the machinery of organization failed to work and
can be found on the social junk-pile, in company with other discarded
implements not wholly rural in origin. But it is also true that great
progress has been made; that the spirit of co-operation is rapidly
emerging as a factor in rural social life; and that the weapons of rural
organization have a temper all the better, perhaps, because they were
fashioned on the anvil of defeat.
Among all these efforts to unite the farming classes, by far the most
characteristic and the most successful is the Grange. The truth of this
statement will immediately be questioned by those whose memory recalls
the early rush to the Grange, "Granger legislation," and similar
phenomena, as well as by those whose impressions have been gleaned from
reading the periodicals of the late seventies, when the Grange tide had
begun to ebb. Indeed, it seems to be the popular impression that the
Grange is not at present a force of consequence, that long ago it became
a cripple, if not a corpse. Only a few years ago, an intelligent
magazine writer, in discussing the subject of farmers' organizations,
made the statement, "The Grange is dead." But the assertion was not
true. The popular impression must be revised. The Grange has
accomplished more for agriculture than has any other farm organization.
Not only is it at the present time active, but it has more real
influence than it has ever had before; and it is more nearly a
_national_ farmers' organization than any other in existence today.
The Grange is also the oldest of the general organizations for farmers.
Though the notion of organizing the farmers was undoubtedly broached
early in the history of the country, the germ idea that actually grew
into the Grange is about forty years old, and should be credited to Mr.
O. H. Kelley, a Boston young man who settled on a Minnesota farm in
1849. He wrote considerably for the agricultural press; and this
experience helped to bring him to the conclusion that the great need of
agriculture was the education of the agriculturist. He soon came to feel
that existing agencies for this purpose--farm papers and fairs--were
insufficient. In 1866, as agent for the Department of Agriculture, Mr.
Kelley made a tour of the South, with the view of gaining a knowledge of
the agricultural and mineral resources of that section. On this tour he
became impressed with the fact that politicians would never restore
peace to the country; that if it came at all, it would have to come
through fraternity. As his thought ripened he broached to friends the
idea of a "secret society of agriculturists, as an element to restore
kindly feelings among the people."
Thus the Grange was born of two needs, one fundamental and the other
immediate. The fundamental need of agriculture was that farmers should
be better educated for their business; and the immediate need was that
of cultivating the spirit of brotherhood between the North and the
South. The latter need no longer exists; but the fundamental need still
remains and is sufficient excuse for the Grange's existence today. Mr.
Kelley interested six other men in the new idea; and in December, 1867,
these "seven founders of the order" organized the National Grange of
Patrons of Husbandry. Mr. Kelley is the only one of these seven men now
living.
Thus was begun a movement for organization that had resulted by 1873 in
the formation of over 20,000 Granges in 28 states, comprising not less
than 750,000 members; and in that year the National Grange, as a
representative body, was officially organized. For four or five years
this unexampled prosperity continued; then the reports show a feeling of
weakness creeping in. In fact, the order as a whole steadily declined in
numbers and prestige during the whole of the decade following 1880. The
losses were most serious, however, in the South and West; for in New
England and the Middle States it retained its vitality, and, indeed,
grew steadily.
During the last fifteen years there has been a widespread revival of
interest in the organization and the outlook is exceedingly promising.
During the decade following 1890 the membership increased not less than
75 per cent. During the last few years the rate of gain has been even
greater. The following table gives the official records in the five
leading Grange states:
=========================================================
| 1900 | 1905
| ------------------------------------------
| Granges | Members | Granges | Members
-------------|-------------------------------------------
New York | 550 | 43,000 | 582 | 66,500
Maine | 275 | 29,000 | 387 | 49,000
Michigan | 420 | 25,000 | 731 | 45,000
Pennsylvania | 526 | 20,000 | 560 | 34,000
New Hampshire| 260 | 24,000 | 263 | 28,000
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These states lead, but the order is also active and strong in Vermont,
Connecticut, Ohio, Massachusetts. Thirty states pay dues to the
National Grange treasury, and twenty-six were represented by delegates
at the last National Grange. Since 1905 there has been substantial
growth in most of these twenty-six states, both in numbers of Granges
and in membership.
The official title of the Grange is "Patrons of Husbandry," of the
members, "Patrons," and of the various divisions, "Granges." The
"subordinate Grange," or local lodge, is the Grange unit. Its area of
jurisdiction has, nominally, a diameter of about five miles; more
roughly, "a Grange to a township" is the working ideal among the
organizers. The membership consists of men and women, and of young
people over fourteen years of age, who may apply and by vote be
accepted. Constitutionally, those whose interests are not immediately
with agriculture are ineligible to membership; and care is also
exercised that only those who are of good repute shall be recommended.
The presiding officer of each Grange is the "master;" while among the
twelve other officers the "lecturer" is the most important, and
virtually acts as programme committee, with charge of the educational
work of the body. Meetings are held weekly or fortnightly. Each regular
meeting has first its business session, and then its "lecturer's hour,"
or literary session, usually with an intervening recess for social
greetings, etc. The programmes are prepared by the lecturer, and consist
of general discussions, essays, talks, debates, readings, recitations,
and music; an attempt being made to suit the tastes and talents of all
members, young and old. Many Granges have built and own their halls,
which are usually equipped with kitchen and dining-room, in addition to
audience rooms; for periodical "feasts" are as regular a feature of the
association as are the initiations of new members.
The Granges of a county or other given district often organize
themselves into a "Pomona Grange." The "State Grange" is a delegate
body, meeting annually; delegates being chosen by the subordinate and
Pomona Granges. The "National Grange" is composed of the masters of
State Granges and their wives, and is also an annual gathering. The
National Grange is the legislative body of the order, and has full
authority in all matters of doctrine and practice. But to State Granges
is left the determination of policy and administration for the states.
The State Granges, in turn, legislate for the subordinate Granges, while
also passing down to them ample local powers. The machinery is thus
strongly centralized, and subordinate Granges are absolutely dependent
units of a great whole. Yet the principle of home rule pervades the
organization; and local associations are responsible for their own
methods and the results of their work, though their officers usually
work in harmony with the State and National Granges.
Perhaps the clearest conception of what the order originally meant to do
can be gained from a few quotations from the Declaration of Purposes of
the National Grange, which was promulgated over thirty years ago, and is
still in force:
We shall endeavor to advance our cause by laboring to accomplish
the following objects:
To develop a better and higher manhood and womanhood among
ourselves. To enhance the comfort and attractions of our homes and
to strengthen our attachments to our pursuits. To foster mutual
understanding and co-operation. To maintain inviolate our laws, and
to emulate each other in labor, to hasten the good time coming. To
reduce our expenses, both individual and corporate. To buy less and
produce more, in order to make our farms self-sustaining. To
diversify our crops and crop no more than we can cultivate. To
condense the weight of our exports, selling less in the bushel and
more on hoof and in fleece; less in lint and more in warp and woof.
To systematize our work, and calculate intelligently on
probabilities. To discountenance the credit system, the mortgage
system, the fashion system, and every other system tending to
prodigality and bankruptcy.
We propose meeting together, talking together, working together,
buying together, selling together, and, in general, acting together
for our mutual protection and advancement, as occasion may require.
We shall avoid litigation, as much as possible, by arbitration in
the Grange. We shall constantly strive to secure entire harmony,
good will, vital brotherhood, among ourselves, and to make our
order perpetual. We shall earnestly endeavor to suppress personal,
local, sectional, and national prejudices, all unhealthy rivalry,
all selfish ambition. Faithful adherence to these principles will
insure our mental, moral, social, and material advancement.
For our business interests we desire to bring producers and
consumers, farmers and manufacturers, into the most direct and
friendly relations possible. Hence we must dispense with a surplus
of middle-men, not that we are unfriendly to them, but we do not
need them. Their surplus and their exactions diminish our profits.
We wage no aggressive warfare against any other interests whatever.
On the contrary, all our acts and all our efforts, so far as
business is concerned, are not only for the benefit of the producer
and consumer, but also for all other interests that tend to bring
these two parties into speedy and economical contact. Hence we hold
that transportation companies of every kind are necessary to our
success, that their interests are intimately connected with our
interests.
We are opposed to such spirit and management of any corporation or
enterprise as tends to oppress the people, and rob them of their
just profits. We are not enemies to capital, but we oppose the
tyranny of monopolies. We long to see the antagonism between
capital and labor removed by common consent, and by an enlightened
statesmanship worthy of the nineteenth century. We are opposed to
excessive salaries, high rates of interest, and exorbitant
per-cent. profits in trade.
We shall advance the cause of education among ourselves and for our
children, by all just means within our power. We especially
advocate for our agricultural and industrial colleges that
practical agriculture, domestic science, and all the arts which
adorn the home be taught in their courses of study.
We emphatically and sincerely assert the oft-repeated truth taught
in our organic law, that the Grange--national, state, or
subordinate--is not a political or party organization. No Grange,
if true to its obligations, can discuss political or religious
questions, or call political conventions, or nominate candidates,
or even discuss their merits at its meetings.
We always bear in mind that no one, by becoming a Patron of
Husbandry, gives up that inalienable right and duty which belongs
to every American citizen, to take a proper interest in the
politics of his country. On the contrary, it is his duty to do all
he can in his own party to put down bribery, corruption, and
trickery; to see that none but competent, faithful, and honest men,
who will unflinchingly stand by our industrial interests, are
nominated for all positions of trust; and to have carried out the
principle which should characterize every Patron, that the office
should seek the man, and not the man the office.
To enumerate the achievements of the Grange would be to recall the
progress of agriculture during the past third of a century. It has been
a motor force in many helpful movements, and in many ways has organized
and incorporated the best thought of the most intelligent farmers, about
means for rural advancement. It has been an integral part of, and a most
potent factor in, the expansion of American farm life.
The greatest achievement of the order is that it has taught the farmers
of America the value of co-operation and the power of organized effort.
The lesson has not been fully learned, it is true; but the success of
the institution testifies that it is possible for farmers to work in
harmony. It is worth observing that this result has been achieved on
conservative lines. It is comparatively easy to organize on radical
lines; easy to generate enthusiasm by promising some great reform; easy
to inflame self-interest by picturing millennial conditions, especially
when the pocket is touched. But quite different is it to arouse and
sustain interest in a large popular organization whose object is
education, whose watchword is self-culture. Of course, it would be but
a half-truth to assert that the order places all its emphasis on the
sober problems of education. Agitation has had its place; the hope of
better things for the farmer, to be achieved through legislation and
business co-operation, has been an inspiration to activity; but the
noteworthy fact remains that it has secured a fair degree of
organization and co-operation among farmers chiefly by appeals to their
larger and nobler interests.
That the association has vastly improved the social opportunities of
farmers is a trite saying among old observers of its work. It forces
isolation out of the saddle. The regular meetings of the local bodies
rapidly and surely develop the social instinct among the members. Pomona
Granges bring together members from all parts of the county and make
them acquainted with one another. The State Grange draws its membership
from every corner of the state; and as its personnel changes each year,
thousands are in the course of a few years given the wider outlook, the
more extended acquaintance, and the broader view that participation in
such a gathering affords. Special social features add their influence.
As an educator on public questions the Grange has done a noble work. At
nearly every meeting in this country, some topic of public concern is
brought up by essay, talk, general discussion, or formal debate. The
views of the "village Hampdens" may not always be economically
scientific or scholarly. But it might surprise many people to see how
well read the members are and how clearly they can express their ideas.
Their discussions are not seldom informative, and that they make public
opinion in rural communities is beyond cavil. The persistent advocacy of
specific reforms has directed the thought of the members toward the
larger issues that so often rise above the haze of partisan politics.
The order has prepared the soil for adequate agricultural education.
While the agricultural colleges formerly had many enemies among the
farmers, and received scornful opprobrium from those whom they were
endeavoring to help, almost without exception the Granges have praised
the colleges, welcomed their work, and urged farmers to educate their
sons at these institutions. Farmers' institutes, the agricultural
experiment stations, and the federal Department of Agriculture have been
equally welcomed by the Grange sentiment. The Grange has always taught
the need of better rural education. It has also tended to develop its
members, so that they may not only appreciate education, but that they
may be themselves living examples of the value of such education.
Farmers' institute lecturers frequently say, "You can always tell when
you reach a community where a Grange exists." In that meeting will be
found men who have read and thought on farm and public themes, men who
are not only ready in discussion, apt in statement, and eager to
question, but men acquainted with parliamentary law, who know how such
assemblages should be conducted, and who can preside with dignity and
grace.
The order has undoubtedly aided materially in obliterating sectionalism.
That achievement was one of its avowed objects. There is no question but
it assisted in cementing North and South; and that it has brought East
and West into closer sympathy is equally true. Other farm organizations
have found their incentive in the order. These it has never frowned on,
though believing and always hoping that it might attract the majority of
farmers to its own ranks, and by this unity become a more powerful
factor in securing the rights and developing the opportunities of the
rural classes of America. It has always discountenanced the credit
system; and that cash payments by farmers to merchants are far more
common than a quarter-century ago may be fairly credited, in part at
least, to its influence.
To describe the many specific legislative achievements which the Granges
of the nation and of the several states have accomplished would be
tedious. Merely to enumerate a few of them must suffice here. A
convenient summary is made from an official circular recently issued by
the National Grange. The order has had a large influence in securing the
following: The separation of certain agricultural colleges from
universities which were receiving the land-grant funds, but were not, in
the opinion of the farmers, duly contributing to agricultural education;
the confining of the appropriations under the second Morrill act of 1890
strictly to instruction in agriculture and mechanical arts; the Hatch
Act of 1887, establishing an experiment station in each state and
territory; making the head of the Department of Agriculture a cabinet
official; the agitation resulting in the famous Iowa court decision,
that railroad franchises are subject to the power that created them; the
establishment of the Inter-State Commerce Commission; tax reform in
many states; laws favoring pure food and dairy products; preventing
extension of patents on sewing machines; the establishment of rural free
mail delivery.
The methods of work are many and varied. In addition to the regular
literary and social programmes previously mentioned, socials are held at
the homes of members, entertainments of various kinds occur at the
Grange hall, and in many ways the association becomes the center of the
social and intellectual interest of the community. It is debating
society, club, lecture course, parliamentary society, theater, and
circulating library. In fact, it lends itself to almost any function
that will instruct, entertain, benefit, or assist its members
financially, morally, intellectually, or socially. Of course, not every
Grange is awake to its opportunities; but as a rule, where a live one
exists it is the acknowledged leader in social movements.
It is not uncommon for Granges to hold fairs for the exhibition of
agricultural and domestic products. The State Fair of New Hampshire has
been largely managed by the Grange. In many cases Granges as
organizations will exhibit at the ordinary county or district fair.
Picnics and field meetings are coming to be very popular in some
states. They are held during the summer season, at a time when work is
least pressing, and are usually attended by speakers of prominence in
the order. Many subordinate Granges give public lecture courses during
the winter, securing speakers on general themes. They also arrange for
entertainments of a popular character.
The order also participates in activities that are not strictly Grange
work. For instance, in Michigan, the State Grange for several years
carried on a "Fresh-Air Work," by which over 1,000 working-girls,
children, and hard-working mothers with babies, from the larger cities,
were given a two-weeks' vacation in country homes. The philanthropic
agencies of the cities arranged for transportation and secured the
beneficiaries, while the Grange obtained the places for them. Granges
are always active in the organization of farmers' institutes,
agricultural fairs, etc. In Michigan they have assisted in the
organization of associations which are designed to bring together both
teachers and parents for discussion of rural-school problems.
On two important matters the Grange has been misunderstood, not only by
the public, but more unfortunately, sometimes by its own members. In
his _Division and Reunion_, President Woodrow Wilson speaks of it under
the sub-title of "New Parties." Professor Alexander Johnston, in his
_American Politics_ was more discriminating, for he said of it: "In its
nature it is not political." But he also said: "Its object is
co-operation among farmers, in purchasing and in other business
interests." The first conception of the character of the order is wholly
misleading; the second is inadequate.
The Grange is not a party. It never was a party. During the "Granger
legislation" period, many members doubtless misconceived the true
function of the Grange, and abused the power organization gave them,
while the popular mind credited the association with many notions for
which it was not responsible. It has never organized itself as a
farmers' party. The National Grange has endeavored to keep strictly
aloof from partisan politics. It is possible that in some states the
influence of the organization was, in the early days, used for partisan
purposes; but the penalty was fully paid in the disruption of the order
in those states. The Grange today regards partisanship as poisonous to
its life, and does not allow it on its shelves.
This is not to say that the Grange makes no appeal to legislation. It
is possible that in some cases it places too much faith in law as a
means of emancipation from economic bondage; but, in the main, its
legislative point of view is sane and conservative. It believes that
such ills as are due to bad or imperfect legislation can be, at least
partly, relieved by good or more perfect legislation. Nor does it limit
its interest to measures that concern the farmer alone. It is
unalterably opposed to class legislation, and aims to keep its own
skirts clear--to avoid even the suspicion of offence in this particular.
It may be asked, How does the order manage to advocate public measures
without becoming involved in partisan squabbles? Simply by ceasing to
discuss a question the moment it becomes a party football. For instance:
the monetary policy of the government was warmly discussed until the
conventions of 1896 made it clear that it was to be a party issue.
Again: the Grange has consistently urged the construction and ownership
of the Interoceanic Canal by the United States government; but it was
silent on the larger question of "imperialism," not because the question
was not of importance, but because it became a subject of party
controversy. This neutral policy as to party questions imposes certain
limitations on the influence of the organization; but experience has
demonstrated that this, more than any other thing, is responsible for
the fact that the Grange still lives and thrives.
The other misconception lies in the sentence quoted from Professor
Johnston, that the Grange has for its object "co-operation among farmers
in purchasing and in other business interests;" the implication being
that business was the chief function. It is generally admitted that in
the early days thousands joined the order "for what there was in it;"
believing that the organization furnished a means for abolishing the
middlemen, and putting ready money into the pockets of the farmers. When
these sordid souls were disillusioned, their enthusiasm went down to the
zero of activity. They misunderstood, or interpreted too radically, a
well-defined, conservative, legitimate purpose of the Grange to
co-operate on business lines. The order did believe that farmers could
do without the surplus of middlemen; it did purpose to aid the farmer
financially, though this purpose was not its main function. In the
earlier period Grange stores were organized. A few of these are in
successful operation today, but the policy as a whole has been
abandoned.
Another plan, discussed over thirty years ago, has during the past
decade come to assume practical importance as a method of co-operation
on business lines. The plan, in brief, is that various State Granges
contract with manufacturing and jobbing houses to furnish members of the
order with goods at practically wholesale rates. Goods are ordered by
the subordinate Granges, under seal of the order; are purchased on a
cash basis; and are shipped to the purchasing agent of the Grange, and
by him distributed to the individual buyers. Such materials as binder
twine, salt, harness, Paris green, all kinds of farm implements,
vehicles, sewing-machines, and fruit trees are purchased advantageously.
Even staple groceries, etc., are sometimes bought in this way. Members
often save enough in single purchases to pay all their expenses for the
Grange. There is no capital invested; there are no debts imposed upon
himself by the purchaser; and there has not been extreme difficulty in
securing favorable contracts. The plan seems destined to continued
enlargement and usefulness as a legitimate phase of business
co-operation. Michigan Granges purchased not less than $350,000 worth
of goods during 1905, under such a plan. The estimate for Maine is over
half a million dollars.
In several states the organization successfully conducts mutual fire
insurance companies; active membership in the Grange being an essential
requisite for membership in the insurance company. Wherever these
companies have become well established, it is asserted that they
maintain a lower rate of assessment than even the popular "farmers'
mutuals." In New York there are twenty-three Grange companies, with
policies aggregating $85,000,000, the average cost for the year 1905
being $1.96 per thousand. Single companies claim to have secured even
better rates. This insurance not only pays individuals, but it attracts
and holds members. In New Hampshire a fairly successful Grange life
insurance company exists.
In co-operative selling, the order has so far accomplished very little,
except locally and among individuals or Granges. There is a supreme
difficulty in the way of successful transfers among patrons themselves,
as members desiring to buy wish the very lowest prices; those desiring
to sell, the very highest prices. Arbitration under such circumstances
is not easy. The fundamental obstacle to members selling together on
the general market is that, in most cases, all members do not have the
same things to sell. A co-operative creamery, for instance, is organized
on the basis of a _product_--butter; the Grange is organized on the
basis of _manhood_--and each man may have his crop or stock specialty.
This difficulty, though grave, is not, perhaps, insuperable, and will
tend to disappear as membership enlarges. But it is only fair to state
that, so far, the Grange has not been able to devise any successful plan
for co-operative selling, applicable on a large scale.
There are two or three features that deserve further mention. One is the
position of the family in the Grange. It is stated that the Grange was
the first secret organization to place woman on a plane of perfect
equality with man. In every association each female member has a vote.
Woman has four special offices assigned to her sex, and is eligible to
any office in the gift of the order. The majority of subordinate
lecturers are women; many subordinate and even Pomona masters are women;
Michigan's state lecturer is a woman who is revolutionizing the
educational work of the order in that state; while Minnesota had for
some years a competent and earnest woman as state master. Every
delegate to every State Grange is a dual delegate--man and wife. The
state master and his wife are delegates to the National Grange. Women
serve on all committees in these gatherings, and a woman's voice is
frequently heard in debates. And not only the wife, but, as previously
stated, the children above fourteen years of age may attain full
membership. A large proportion of every healthy Grange consists of young
people, who have their share in the active work. Thus it will be seen
that the order conserves the family life. It is doubtful if any other
social institution in rural communities, not excepting the church, so
completely interests the entire family.
The organization is also a conservator of morals. While sectarian
discussions are as foreign to its purposes as is partisan politics, and
while it does not even pretend to take the place of the church, it is
built on a truly religious foundation. Its ritual is permeated, in word
and in sentiment, by the religious spirit. Every meeting opens and
closes with prayer. Moral character is constantly eulogized and
glorified in Grange esoteric literature. The membership comes almost
exclusively from that large class of farmers who are moral,
high-minded, God-fearing men and women.
The Grange has been opposed, both by farmers and by others, because
secrecy is not a desirable attribute; but the experience of forty years
and the uniform testimony of all leaders in the work declare that this
was a wise provision. No influential member has, so far as it is known,
proposed that the order should be dismantled of its secret features. The
ritualistic work is not burdensome. Occasionally the processes of
initiation may take time that ought to be allotted to educational work;
but, if the initiation is properly conducted, it has of itself a high
educational value.
The financial status of the Grange itself is worth noting. The fees for
joining are merely nominal, while the dues are only ten cents a month
per member. These fees and dues support the subordinate Granges, the
State Grange, and the National Grange. There are no high-salaried
officials in the order, and few salaried positions of any kind. The
National Grange today has nearly $100,000 in its treasury, and several
State Granges have substantial reserves. This policy is pursued, not for
the love of hoarding, but because it is believed that it tends to the
permanency and solidarity of the order.
The Grange is a live institution; it has within itself the capacity for
satisfying a great need in rural society; and it is destined to growth
and larger and more permanent usefulness. It is based on correct
principles: organization, co-operation, education. It is neither a
political party nor a business agency. It is progressively
conservative--or conservatively progressive. It is neither ultra-radical
nor forever in the rut. Its chief work is on cultural lines. It includes
the entire family. It is now growing, and there is every reason for
thinking that this growth is of a permanent character.
The Grange is ambitious to take its place beside the school and the
church, as one of a trinity of forces that shall mold the life of the
farmer on the broadest possible basis--material, intellectual, social,
and ethical. Is there any good reason why this ambition is not worthy,
or why its goal should not be won?