CHAP. VI.

The members of assembly, as I already observed, having formed their

resolution to revolt, and gone so far as to bring the people to stand by

and support them, in spite of every obstacle determined to proceed, until

they should bring themselves under the protection of the King. As they

had the whole civil power to encounter, and many difficulties to surmount

it may not be improper the more particularly to mark the various steps

they took to accomplish this end. United in their view by the greatness

of the danger, we shall see they regularly made their attacks.. They

formed their outworks first at a distance, and then brought them

gradually nearer; and, in short, raised none but such as afterwards

served to support others in the difficult progress of their future

operations.

[Sidenote] The people's encouragement to revolt.

At the election of assembly in Charlestown, Trott and Rhett, who formerly

had such influence and sway, were now become so obnoxious that they could

not bring one man into the house. Alexander Skene, formerly excluded from

the council, was elected a member of this new assembly, which was chosen

on purpose to oppose the civil officers, considering themselves as ill

used by the Proprietors, turned a zealous and active person for pulling

down the tottering fabric of their government. This man, together with

several other members of assembly, held frequent meetings, to consider of

all their grievances, and the encouragements they had received from time

to time from Britain, respecting the great end they now had in view. They

recalled to mind what had passed in the House of Peers during the reign

of Queen Anne, how her majesty had then ordered her Attorney and

Solicitor-general to consider of the most effectual methods of proceeding

against the charter. They knew also, that a bill had been brought into

the House of Commons, for reducing all charter and proprietary

governments into regal ones. They had been informed that Lord Carteret,

conscious of the inability of the Proprietors to defend their province in

the Yamassee war, had publicly applied for assistance from the British

government, and that the Lords of trade were of opinion, that the

government of the province should belong to that power which bore the

expence of its protection. They had considered all these things, and

flattered themselves with the hopes, that the King would take the colony

under his care as soon as they renounced allegiance to the Proprietors.

And as the time drew nigh in which they expected an attack from a

powerful nation, they concluded that the province needed assistance of

the Crown at the present, more than at any time past. They had convinced

the people of the manifold advantages of the British constitution, and

the great happiness of those colonies which were under the immediate care

and protection of the Crown, insomuch that they now desired nothing more

upon earth, than to enjoy the same invaluable privileges.

[Sidenote] Their letter to the Governor signifying their design.

To these secret meetings and transactions Governor Johnson, who lived at

his plantation several miles from Charlestown, was an entire stranger,

until he received the following letter, bearing date November 28, 1719,

and signed by Alexander Skene, George Logan, and William Blakeway. "Sir,

we doubt not but you have heard of the whole province entering into an

association to stand by their rights and privileges, and to get rid of

the oppression and arbitrary dealings of the Lords Proprietors. As we

always bore you the greatest deference and respect imaginable, we take

this opportunity to let you know, that the committee of the people's

representatives were last night appointed to wait on you this morning, to

acquaint you, that they have come to a resolution to have no regard to

the Proprietors officers, nor their administration: and withal to beg,

that your honour will hold the reigns of government for the King, till

his Majesty's pleasure be known. The great value the whole country

express for your honour's person, makes them desirous to have nobody but

yourself to govern them; and as you must be convinced, that no person can

be more passionately fond of your government than ourselves, we hope you

will not take amiss any advice given by faithful and affectionate

friends; and therefore we take the liberty to tell you freely, we are of

opinion that your honour may take the government upon you, upon the

office of the people, for the King, and represent to the Proprietors,

that rather than the whole country should be in confusion, and want a

governing power, you held it for their Lordships, though you were obliged

to comply with the colonists, who were unanimously of opinion they would

have no Proprietors government. We could wish for a longer and better

opportunity to explain this matter to you; but it is impossible, for the

gentlemen will be with you in two hours at farthest. We heartily wish

your honour the utmost success, let it go which way it will; but beg

leave to observe, that your compliance will not only be the greatest

satisfaction to the province in general, but also to your humble

servants."

[Sidenote] Which the Governor endeavours to defeat.

This letter, though fraught with the highest professions of respect to

the Governor, he nevertheless considered as an insult; but especially the

advice, which he deemed both highly derogatory to his integrity as a man,

and his fidelity as a governor. The bait thrown out to appearance was

specious and flattering, yet the Governor had too much penetration, not

to see under its false colours the naked hook. The letter, however,

served to give him notice of the association, and the resolution of the

people, which it was his duty by all means possible to defeat. For this

purpose he hastened to town, and summoned his council, to take their

advice in a case so unexpected and alarming. Meeting accidentally with

Alexander Skene, he informed him that the committee who were appointed to

wait on him had changed their minds, and were gone to their respective

places of abode. Governor Johnson, nevertheless, informed his council of

the association, and required their advice and assistance about the most

effectual methods of breaking it up, and supporting the proprietary

government. He perceived that, although he was called Governor, yet Trott

ruled the province, and therefore resolved to do nothing without his

advice, that he might be equally responsible with the rest for the ill

consequences which he was apprehensive would attend their future

proceedings. The council were not a little perplexed what step to take;

but as the committee had altered their intention of waiting on the

Governor, they were of opinion that no notice should be taken of their

proceedings, until the assembly should meet in a legal manner, revive the

matter, and bring it regularly before them; hoping that the people, upon

more cool reflection, might drop their dangerous resolution.

[Sidenote] Proceedings of the convention.

In the mean time the members of assembly were using their utmost

diligence among the people of the province to keep them firm to their

purpose, having got almost every person, except the officers of the

Proprietors and a few of their friends, to sign the association. All

agreed to support whatever their representatives should do for

disengaging the colony from the yoke of the Proprietors, and putting it

under the government of the King. Having thus fortified themselves by the

union of the inhabitants, the assembly met on purpose to take bolder and

more decisive steps: and being apprehensive that the Governor would

dissolve them, so soon as their proceedings reached his ears, they

instantly came to the following resolutions: "First, That the several

laws pretended to be repealed are still in force within the province, and

could nor be repealed and made void and null but by the General Assembly

of this province, and that all public officers and others do pay due

regard to the same accordingly. Secondly, That the writs, whereby the

representatives here met were elected, are illegal, because they are

signed by such a council as we conceive the Proprietors have not a power

to appoint; for that this council does consist of a greater number of

members than that of the Proprietors themselves, which we believe is

contrary to the design and original intent of their charter, and

approaching too near the method taken by his majesty and his predecessors

in his plantations, whom they ought not to pretend to imitate or follow,

his majesty not being confined to any number of counsellors, but as he

thinks fit; but the Proprietors, as subjects, we believe, are bound by

their charter. Thirdly, That we the representatives cannot act as an

assembly, but as a convention delegated by the people, to prevent the

utter ruin of this government, if not the loss of the province, till his

majesty's pleasure be known: and, lastly, That the Lords Proprietors have

by such proceedings unhinged the frame of their government, and forfeited

their right to the same; and that an address be prepared, to desire the

honourable Robert Johnson, our present Governor, to take the government

upon him in the King's name, and to continue the administration thereof

until his Majesty's pleasure be known."

Agreeable to the last resolution, an address was drawn up, signed by

Arthur Middleton as president and twenty-two members of the convention.

The Governor having sent them a message, acquainting them that he was

ready with his council to receive and order them to chuse a speaker; they

came to the upper house in a body, and Arthur Middleton addressed the

Governor in the following words: "I am ordered by the representatives of

the people here present to tell you, that, according to your honour's

order, we are come to wait on you: I am further ordered to acquaint you,

that we own your honour as our Governor, you being approved by the King;

and as there was once in this province a legal council, representing the

Proprietors as their deputies, which being now altered, we do not look on

the gentlemen present to be a legal council; so I am ordered to tell you,

that the representatives of the people do disown them as such, and will

not act with them on any account."

[Sidenote] The perplexity of the Governor and council.

The Governor and Council, struck with silence and astonishment at the

audacious spirit of the convention, and suspecting that they were backed

and supported by the voice of the people, were greatly puzzled what

measures they should take to recal them to the obedience of legal

authority. Some were for opposing violence to violence, and thought the

best way of bringing them back to their allegiance would be to terrify

them with threats and confiscations. Others were of opinion, that the

defection was too general to admit of such a remedy, and that mild

expostulations were more proper both for softening their minds, and

convincing them of their error; and should such gentle means fail, the

Governor might then dissolve them, and for the present time put an end to

the dispute. But, on the other hand, dangers hung over the country, and

the only fund for repairing the fortifications being lost by the repeal

of the general duty-law, money must be provided for the public

protection. If the Governor should dissolve the house, how could the

province be put in a posture of defence against a Spanish invasion, with

which it was threatened. If he should suffer them to sit while they had

resolved that the Proprietors had forfeited their right to the

government, and refused on any account to act with his council, he might

be chargeable with a breach of his trust. The result of their

deliberations was, a message from the Governor and council, desiring a

conference with the house of assembly. To which they returned for answer,

that they would not receive any message or paper from the Governor in

conjunction with these gentlemen he was pleased to call his council.

Finding them thus inflexible and resolute, the Governor was obliged to

give way to the current, and therefore, in two days afterwards, sent for

them in his own name, and spoke to them to the following effect:

[Sidenote] The Governor's speech for recalling the people.

"When I sent for you the other day, I intended to have desired you to

have chosen your speaker, to be presented to me as usual, and then I did

propose to have spoke to you in the following manner:

"Your being met together at a time when there was never more occasion for

a ready dispatch of public business, and a good harmony betwixt the upper

and lower house; I must recommend that to you; and nothing will be

wanting on my part to promote a good understanding betwixt the Lords

Proprietors and the people, at present (to my great affliction) I fear

too much interrupted: I must, therefore, in the first place, recommend to

you, that you will without delay, or other matter intervening, fall upon

proper methods for raising money for finishing the repairs of the

fortifications, and providing stores of war, which are much wanted. The

intelligence which I have of the designs of our enemies, which makes this

work so necessary, shall be laid before you.

"I am sorry the Lords Proprietors have been induced (by a necessity, to

defend and support their just prerogatives) at this juncture to disannul

some of your laws; if they had not thought the letting those acts subsist

might have rendered their right of repeal precarious, they would have

suffered them still to continue. I hope from you, therefore, a

respectable behaviour towards them, that we may not feel any more their

displeasure in so sensible a manner, as the loss (in this time of need)

of our duty-law, and which has also occasioned an injunction to me and

the council, from acting with an assembly who shall dispute their

Lordships undoubted right of repealing laws, and appointing officers

civil and military.

"I find some are jealous and uneasy on account of rumours spread, that

you design to alter the tax-act, for sinking your paper currency. Public

credit ought to be sacred, and it is a standing maxim, That no state can

subsist longer than their credit is maintained: I hope therefore you have

no such intentions, which would put me under a necessity of doing what I

have never yet done; I mean, disagreeing with you. I expect therefore you

will make good what the public is answerable for, and proceed to such

farther methods for paying our debts, as shall be both honourable and

proper, and best adapted to our circumstances.

"The alarm from the southward, about five months since, obliged me to be

in a posture of defence, and occasioned some charges, the accounts of

which shall be laid before you; and I desire you will provide for the

discharge of them: I think also the militia-acts want some amendments;

and that you should contrive to keep a good watch in Charlestown.

"This is what I intended to have recommended to you: but Mr. Middleton's

telling me, in the name of the rest, that you would not act _with_, and

your surprising message since, that you will not receive any thing _from_

me, in conjunction with my council, has made it necessary for me to take

this occasion of talking with that plainness and freedom so extraordinary

a proceeding of yours requires. And, first, I must take notice of your

message, wherein you say, you own me as Governor, because I am approved

of by the King; but that you disown the council to be a legal one, nor

will act with them on any account whatsoever; and this is subscribed by

all your members: but, upon examining, I find it to be pretty dark and

evasive, and seems as if you would avoid expressing in plain terms, what

I have too much cause to fear is your design, I mean, to renounce all

obedience to the Lords Proprietors: and this I cannot but think you

propose from all your words and actions. You say, you acknowledge me,

because I am approved of by the King; but you take no notice of my

commission from the Proprietors, which is what makes me Governor. The

confirmation of the King, only signifies his majesty's approbation of the

person the Lords Proprietors have constituted; but it is my commission

and instruction from them, that not only grants, but limits my power, and

contains the rules by which I must act, and are to warrant and vouch my

actions; therefore, to avoid declaring in express terms your renouncing

the Lords power, and at the same time doing it in effect, is to create

perpetual doubts and disputes, and is not acting with that sincerity and

plainness which ought to be used in all public debates, and especially in

matters of so great concern as this is, and upon which so great

consequences depend.

"I do require and demand of you, therefore, and expect you will answer me

in plain and positive terms, whether you own the authority of the Lords

Proprietors as Lords of this province, and having authority to administer

or authorise others to administer the government thereof; saving the

allegiance of them and the people to his most sacred majesty King George?

Or, whether you absolutely renounce all obedience to them, and those

commissioned and authorised by them? Or, whether you admit their general

power, and only dispute that particular branch of their authority, in

constituting a council after the manner they have now done? If you deny

their general power and authority in this province, and say, that their

Lordships have forfeited their charter, as Mr. Berrisford asserted, and

you all acquiesced in; then I demand of you, that you signify wherein the

Lords have forfeited their charter, and what particular branch thereof

they have broken: and I demand of you, that supposing (not granting) they

have made a forfeiture of their charter, by what power do you presume to

renounce their authority, and to model a government out of your own

heads, before such time as that, by a court having lawful jurisdiction of

the same, it shall be adjudged that the Lords have made a forfeiture of

their charter, and that the powers granted them are null and void? If the

King is of opinion, that any corporation or society have made a

forfeiture of the rights and powers granted by their charter, although

his majesty may have the advice of his Attorney and Solicitor-general,

and his Judges and Council learned in the law, that such a forfeiture has

been made, (and this he may more reasonably depend on than any advice or

assurance you can have); yet, notwithstanding this, and his supreme

authority as King, he never dispossessed the persons of the powers

granted them, before a _quo warranto_ or some other process had been

brought, and judgment obtained against the same. And if the King doth not

assume such a power, by what authority do you assume it?

"I desire you further to consider the consequence that attends that

assertion, Of the charter being forfeited, before judgment is given upon

the same. For if it be so, then the forfeiture must be from the time that

the fact was committed that caused the forfeiture; and then you must

remember, that, by the charter, the Lords have granted to them, not only

the power of ordering the government, but also the lands are granted to

them by the said charter; so that if there is a forfeiture of the rights

and prerogatives of the government, there is also a forfeiture of their

rights to the lands; and so all grants made by their authority of any

lands, since the fact committed that caused the forfeiture, according to

your own doctrine and assertion, must be null and void; and therefore,

how many persons titles to their lands will become void, I leave you to

consider. And though, it may be, you will assign some new late fact, that

you say will cause such a forfeiture, by which you may think to avoid the

ill consequence that attends the titles to the lands; yet know, that the

facts that you assign may not be the only ones that may be thought to

have made the forfeiture of their charter. And if your present assertion

is true, that they may be dispossessed before a judgment; it may be,

other persons may assign other causes of the forfeiture, besides those

which you assign, which may have been committed many years ago: for you

cannot but know there have been persons in the province, that, for

several years past, have publicly asserted, that the Lords have done

facts, for which their charter was become forfeited. Which if so, I leave

you to consider what a gate you will leave open to call in question, nay,

utterly destroy, several hundreds of peoples titles to their lands. And

though you have most unjustly and untruly suggested to the people, to

create a prejudice in them to the Lords Proprietors, that their Lordships

designed to dispute their titles to their lands; yet, by this assertion

and practice, you are the persons that will not only call in question,

but effectually destroy their titles.

"And if you persist in disowning the council as now authorised, then I

desire you further to consider, in what capacity I can act with you, and

to what purpose you pretend to sit and transact the public business of

the province. You know very well I am not able to join with you in

passing any law without the consent of my council; and surely you cannot

pretend to pass laws without me: and what an absolute occasion there is

now to pass some laws, that the province may be put in a posture of

defence, and the contingent charges thereof defrayed, I leave you

seriously to consider, and hope you will not lose the whole province to

the enemy, for your own humours.

"But I am further to tell you, that, in case you continue to deny the

authority of the council, you cannot properly style yourselves the

representatives of the people; for you know very well you were chosen

members of assembly, pursuant to and by virtue of the writs signed by

myself and council; for it is not the peoples voting for you that makes

you become their representatives; the liege people of this, or any other

province, have no power to convene and chuse their representatives,

without being authorised so to do by some writ or order coming from

authority lawfully empowered. And if you pretend that the writs signed by

me, as Governor, were sufficient: to that I answer, that I do not pretend

to any such authority, but jointly, and with the consent of my council,

it being the express words of my commission; nor did I sign the writs in

any other capacity than in conjunction with my council, who also signed

the same. But if my signing the writs were sufficient authority for the

people to chuse you, then you must allow, that as the power lies solely

in me to call you, it lies also solely in me to dissolve you; and

therefore, if by your actions you will force me to make use of that

power, I do hereby publicly protest and declare, you only must be

answerable for the ill consequences that may attend such a dissolution,

and for the loss of the lives and estates of the King's subjects in this

province, by any attack that may be made upon them by our public enemies

the Spaniards, or from the Indians, by reason of the province's not being

put into such a posture of defence as it ought, and would, if you

proceeded to transact the public business under a lawful authority; and

this I would have you seriously to consider of.

"Notwithstanding stories that have been industriously spread to

prepossess the people, that you are the only persons who stand up for

their rights and privileges; by which, it may be, you have so far engaged

them in your favour, that you may have their assistance to enable you to

commit any act of force or violence upon the government, and the

authority of the Lords Proprietors; yet know, and be assured, that the

matters in dispute are of that consequence, that they must and will be

decided by an authority in England, having lawful jurisdiction of the

same; and that there it must be law and right that must justify your

claims, and not the consent and approbation of the people of Carolina,

who will have no weight there, but the right and merit of the cause.

"I must farther mention to you, that it is notoriously known, you have

promoted two forms of associations, and have persuaded the people to sign

them. How far you can be justified at home, behoves you to consider: but

as I am satisfied no matter of such public concern ought to be carried on

without my knowledge, so I do hereby require and demand of you, an

attested copy of both associations; and though it may not concern me to

have the names of every individual person that has signed them, yet I do

insist upon it that you do acquaint me which of your own members have

signed both, or either of them, as also the names of such persons who

have commissions, or hold any places civil or military under their

Lordships, or of such persons who practise the law in their Lordships

courts, and have signed them.

"To what is here demanded of you I do require your plain and positive

answer in express terms, and that you do in writing give me the same in a

body, and under your hands."

[Sidenote] Their message in answer to it.

This long and elaborate speech, which was also given them in writing,

they were not long considering of, but soon returned with the following

message; and shewed him that they were neither to be shaken by

persuasion, nor intimidated by threats, from their firm purpose. "We have

already acquainted you, that we would not receive any message or paper

from your honour, in conjunction with the gentlemen you are pleased to

call your council; therefore we must now again repeat the same, and beg

leave to tell you, that the paper your honour read and delivered to us,

we take no notice of, nor shall we give any farther answer to it but in

Great Britain."

Immediately after this they came with the following address to the

Governor, publicly avowing their resolution to cast off all obedience to

the proprietary government, and urging and intreating him to comply with

their desire, and take upon him the government of the province in the

name of the King. "It is with no small concern that we find ourselves

obliged to address your honour, in a matter which nothing but the

absolute necessity of self-preservation could at this juncture have

prevailed on us to do. The reasons are already by us made known to your

honour and the world, therefore we forbear to rehearse them; bur proceed

to take leave to assure you, that it is the greatest satisfaction

imaginable to us, to find throughout the whole country, that universal

affection, deference and respect the inhabitants bear to your honour's

person, and with what passionate desire they wish for a continuance of

your gentle and good administration; and since we, who are instructed

with, and are the assertors of their rights and liberties, are

unanimously of opinion, that no person is fitter to govern so loyal and

obedient a people to his sacred majesty King George, so we most earnestly

desire and intreat your honour, to take upon you the government of this

province, in his majesty's name, till his pleasure shall be known; by

which means, we are convinced, that this (at present) unfortunate colony

may flourish, as well as those who feel the happy influence of his

majesty's immediate care.

"As the well-being and preservation of this province depends greatly on

your honour's complying with our requests, so we flatter ourselves, that

you, who have expressed so tender a regard for it on all occasions, and

particularly in hazarding your own person in an expedition against the

pirates, for its defence, an example seldom found in governors; so we

hope, Sir, that you will exert yourself at this juncture for its support;

and we promise your honour, on our parts, the most faithful assistance of

persons duly sensible of your honour's great goodness, and big with the

hopes and expectation of his majesty's countenance and protection. And we

farther beg leave to assure your honour, that we will, in the most

dutiful manner, address his most sacred majesty King George, for the

continuance of your government over us, under whom we doubt not to be a

happy people."

[Sidenote] The Governor's answer.

To this flattering address the Governor returned the following answer;

such as became his honour and trust. "I am obliged to you for your good

opinion of me; but I hold my commission from the _true and absolute Lords

and Proprietors of this province_[1], who recommended me to his majesty,

and I have his approbation; it is by that commission and power I act, and

I know of no power or authority can dispossess me of the same, but those

only who gave me those authorities. In subordination to them I shall

always act, and to my utmost maintain their Lordships just power and

prerogatives, without encroaching on the people's rights and privileges.

I do not expect or desire any favour from you, only that of seriously

taking into your consideration the approaching danger of a foreign enemy,

and the steps you are taking to involve yourselves and this province in

anarchy and confusion."

[1] This is the term the charter gives them.

[Sidenote] The assembly dissolved, and the proceedings of the people.

The representatives having now fully declared their intentions, and

finding it impossible by all their art and address to win over the

Governor to a compliance with their measures, and to accept of the

government only from his having the King's approbation, began to treat

him with indifference and neglect. He, on the other hand, perceiving that

neither harsh nor gentle means could recal them to their duty and

allegiance, and that they became the more outrageous and ungovernable by

his endeavours to this purpose, issued a proclamation for dissolving the

house, and retired to the country. The representatives ordered his

proclamation to be torn from the marshal's hands, and proceeded next to

avowed usurpation. They met upon their own authority, and in direct

opposition to that of the Proprietors, and chose Colonel James Moore

their Governor; who was a man of a bold and turbulent disposition, and

excellently qualified for being a popular leader in perilous adventures.

To Governor Johnson he was no friend, having been by him removed from his

command of the militia, for warmly espousing the cause of the people: to

the Proprietors he was an inveterate enemy. In every new enterprize he

had been a volunteer, and in whatever he engaged he continued to his

purpose steady and inflexible. A day was fixed by the Convention for

proclaiming him, in name of the King, Governor of the province, and

orders were issued for directing all officers civil and military to

continue in their different places and employments, till they shall hear

farther from them.

Governor Johnson, some time before this, had appointed a day for a

general review of the provincial militia; and the Convention, that they

might have the opportunity of the people being under arms, and ready to

forward their scheme, fixed on the same day for publicly proclaiming

Moore. The Governor, however, having intelligence of their design, sent

orders to Colonel Parris, the commander of the militia, to postpone the

review to a future day. Parris, though a zealous friend to the

revolution, in answer assured him his orders should be obeyed.

Notwithstanding this assurance, on the day fixed, when Governor Johnson

came to town, he found to his surprise the militia drawn up in the market

square, colours flying at the forts, and on board all the ships in the

harbour, and great preparations making for the proclamation. Exasperated

at the insults offered to his person and authority, he could scarcely

command his temper and restrain his resentment. Some he threatened to

chastise for flying in the face of government, to which they had sworn

allegiance and fidelity. With others he coolly reasoned, and endeavoured

to recal them by representing the fatal consequences that would certainly

attend such rash proceedings. But advancing to Parris, who had betrayed

him, he asked him, how he durst appear in arms contrary to his orders?

and commanded him, in the King's name, instantly to disperse his men.

Colonel Parris insolently replied, he was obeying the orders of the

Convention. The Governor in great rage walked up towards him; upon which

Parris immediately commanded his men to present, and bid him at the peril

of life advance no nearer. The Governor expected, during this struggle,

that some friends would have stood by him, especially such as held

offices of profit and trust under the Proprietors, or that the militia

would have laid down their arms at his command: but he was disappointed;

for all either stood silent, or kept firm to the standard of the

Convention. However, to amuse him, and prevent his taking any rash step

in the heat of passion, John Lloyd, one of their party, was sent, out of

pretence of friendship, to walk and converse with the Governor. Vain

indeed were the efforts of a single arm, in so general a defection. Even

Trott and Rhett, in this extremity, forsook him, and kept at a distance,

the silent and inactive spectators of their masters ruined authority.

[Sidenote] James Moore proclaimed Governor.

[Sidenote] The declaration of the Convention.

After this the members of Convention attended, and, escorted by the

militia, publicly marched to the fort, and there declared James Moore

governor of the province in name of the King, which was followed by the

loudest acclamations of the populace. Upon their return, they next

proceeded to the election of twelve counsellors, of whom Sir Hovenden

Walker was made president. In this, however, it is remarkable, that they

assumed a right and power to themselves which they had refused to the

Proprietors, and made one of the principal articles of complaint against

them. So that the revolutioners had now their Governor, Council and

Convention, and all of their own free election. In consequence of which

the delegates met, and, in the first place, resolved to publish their

declaration, to the following effect: "Whereas the Proprietors of this

province have of late assumed to themselves an arbitrary and illegal

power, of repealing such laws as the General Assembly of this settlement

have thought fit to make for the preservation and defence thereof, and

acted in many other things contrary to the laws of England, and the

charter to them and us, freemen, granted; whereby we are deprived of

those measures we had taken for the defence of the settlement, being the

south-west frontier of his majesty's territories in America, and thereby

left naked to the attacks of our inveterate enemies and next-door

neighbors the Spaniards, from whom, through the divine Providence, we

have had a miraculous deliverance, and daily expect to be invaded by

them, according to the repeated advices we have from time to time

received from several places: And whereas, pursuant to the instructions

and authorities to us given, and trust in us reposed by the inhabitants

of this settlement, and in execution of the resolutions by us made, we

did in due form apply ourselves in a whole body, by an address, to the

honourable Robert Johnson, appointed governor of this province by the

Lords Proprietors, and desired him, in name of the inhabitants of this

province, to take upon him the government of the same, and in behalf of

his majesty the King of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, until his

majesty's pleasure had been known, which the said Governor refusing to

do, exclusive of the pretended power of the Lords Proprietors over the

settlement, has put us under the necessity of applying to some other

person, to take upon him, as Governor, the administration of all the

affairs civil and military within the settlement, in the name and for the

service of his most sacred majesty, as well as making treaties, alliances

and leagues with any nation of Indians, until his majesty's pleasure

herein be further known: And whereas James Moore, a person well affected

to his present majesty, and also zealous for the interest of the

settlement, now in a sinking condition, has been prevailed with, pursuant

to such our application, to take upon him, in the King's name, and for

the King's service and safety of the settlement, the above-mentioned

charge and trust: We therefore, whose names are hereunto published, the

representatives and delegates of his majesty's liege people and free-born

subjects of the said settlement, now met in convention at Charlestown, in

their names, and in behalf of his sacred Majesty George, by the grace of

God King of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, in consideration of his

former and many great services, having great confidence in his firm

loyalty to our most gracious King George, as well as in his conduct,

courage, and other great abilities; do hereby declare the said James

Moore his majesty's Governor of this settlement, invested with all the

powers and authorities belonging and appertaining to any of his majesty's

governors in America, till his majesty's pleasure herein shall be further

known. And we do hereby for ourselves, in the name and on the behalf of

the inhabitants of the said settlement, as their representatives and

delegates, promise and oblige ourselves most solemnly to obey, maintain,

assist and support the said James Moore, in the administration of all

affairs civil and military within this settlement, as well as in the

execution of all his functions aforesaid, as Governor for his sacred

majesty King George. And further, we do expect and command, that all

officers both civil and military within the settlement, do pay him all

duty and obedience as his majesty's Governor, as they shall answer to the

contrary at their utmost peril. Given under our hand, at the Convention,

this 21st day of December, 1719."

Governor Johnson, after this public and solemn declaration, perceiving

his power totally overthrown, and the current too violent and strong for

him to withstand, had little hopes of recalling them to the obedience of

proprietary authority. Still, however, he flattered himself, that such

men as had usurped the government in opposition to lawful authority would

not long remain in a state of union, harmony and peace among themselves.

The first unpopular step of their Governor might create disturbance and

disaffection; the first difference among the leading men might divide

them into parties: he determined to wait for such occurrences, and to

improve them towards recovering his power and command. In the mean time

he called together the civil officers of the Proprietors, and ordered

them to secure the public records, and shut up all offices against the

revolutioners and their adherents.

[Sidenote] The Governor transmits an account of the whole proceedings

to the Proprietors.

That the proprietors in England might have notice of what had happened

though a proper channel, Governor Johnson drew up a slate of the whole

proceedings, and transmitted it them. He told them that the colonists had

long laboured under difficulties and hardships, by debts contracted in

the Indian war, and in protecting their trade against pirates; that an

unhappy difference had broke out between their Lordships and the people,

about the privileges of their charter; that some of the richest of the

inhabitants had persuaded the rest, that neither they themselves nor

their posterity could ever be safe in their persons, or secure in their

properties, without the protection of the crown: that they had therefore

with one accord disclaimed and renounced all obedience to their

Lordships, and put themselves under the care and government of the King;

that he, though earnestly solicited by them, had refused to govern them

in any other way, than as commissioned and appointed by the Lords

proprietors; that the people for that reason had shaken off his authority

and chosen another Governor for themselves in name and behalf of the

Kind: In short, that the revolution was in no way occasioned by his

imprudence or mal-administration, and therefore he hoped, whatever might

be the issue, that their Lordships would use their interest to continue

him in the government of the province. To the same purpose he wrote to

the Lords Commissioners of trade and plantations, who were no friends to

the proprietary governments in America, and waited for such a favourable

season as now offered in Carolina to purchase every one of them for the

crown.

[Sidenote] The Revolutioners appoint new officers, and establish

their authority.

In the mean time the members of the popular legislature were going on,

and with all their diligence and skill regulating public affairs. The

representatives of the people took a dislike to the name of a Convention,

as different from that of the other regal governments in America, and

therefore voted themselves an Assembly, and assumed the power of

appointing all public officers. In place of Nicholas Trott, they made

Richard Allein Chief Justice. Another person was appointed Provincial

Secretary, in the room of Charles Hart. But William Rhett and Francis

Yonge, by becoming obsequious to the humours of the revolutioners,

secured to themselves the same offices they held from the Proprietors.

Colonel Barnwell was chosen agent for the province, and embarked for

England, with instructions and orders to apply only to the King, to lay a

slate of their public proceedings before him, praying him to take the

province under his immediate care and protection. A new duty-law and

others for raising money to defray the various expences of government

were passed. The fortifications at Charlestown they ordered to be

immediately repaired, and William Rhett, whom every one esteemed a friend

to the revolution, was nominated Inspector-general of the Repairs. To

their new Governor they voted two thousand five hundred pounds, and to

their Chief Justice eight hundred current money, as yearly salaries. To

their agent in England one thousand pounds sterling was transmitted: and

to defray those and the other expences of government, a law was passed

for laying a tax on lands and negroes, to raise thirty thousand pounds

Carolina-money, for the service of the current year. In short, this

popular assembly imposed such burdens on their constituents, as under the

proprietary government would have been deemed intolerable grievances.

In consequence of the tax-act, when they began to levy those heavy tales,

Governor Johnson and some of his party refused to pay, giving for reason

that the act was not made by lawful authority. On account of his

particular circumstances, Mr. Johnson was exempted; but they resolved to

compel every other person to submit to their jurisdiction, and yield

implicit obedience to their laws. They forcibly seized the effects or

negroes of such as refused, sold them at public auction, and applyed the

money for the payment of their taxes. Thus, in spite of all opposition,

they established themselves in the full possession of government, both in

their legislative and executive capacities.

[Sidenote] In vain the Governor attempts to disconcert them.

[Sidenote] Rhett refuses obedience to his orders.

Governor Johnson, though obliged to stand at a distance, carefully

observed their progress, and was not a little mortified by their great

success. He however still persisted in throwing every obstacle possible

in their way: he wrote to William Rhett, who was not only the Proprietors

Receiver-general, but also Comptroller of the customs, a letter to the

following effect; informing him, That "as the people had found means to

hinder all masters of ships from coming to him as the Governor

clearances, and from clearing in the lawful secretary's offices,

notwithstanding the laws of trade made such neglects the forfeiture of

ship and cargo, and the naval officer, by his orders, did all he could to

induce them to act according to law: and as he was sensible that the

defection was so general, and his authority so depressed, that he had no

power left to punish them for disobedience; he therefore could think of

no other way to oblige them to their duty but by stopping their obtaining

clearances from the custom-house officers, until they paid their duty to

him as the lawful governor of the province. He therefore desired Mr.

Rhett would consult his powers and instructions as Surveyor and

Comptroller of the customs, and act in this affair as he should think

agreeable to them, to the laws of trade, and to the service of his

majesty, and of the Lords Proprietors." Indeed it must be acknowledged,

had Rhett so far consulted the interest of the Proprietors, as to have

commanded the officers of the customs to do their duty, according to the

Governor's project, it would have given the revolutioners no small

trouble. They would have had the mortification to see the masters of

ships disowning their authority, and going only to that office where they

could obtain authentic and legal clearances. The fees due to the Governor

and Secretary would also have gone in their usual channel, which

otherwise were transferred to such persons as had no just right, nor even

the smallest pretensions to them. But Rhett's enmity to the Governor, and

his prospects of profit from the prevailing party, induced him to neglect

the duties of his station. He had already joined, or at least seemed to

join, the revolutioners, being determined to retain at all events his

places of profit and emolument. The countenance and encouragement he had

given the people, they considered as a justification of their measures;

and though they had passed a vote, that no person who held an office

under the Proprietors should be permitted to continue in it, yet, as they

found Rhett so obsequious to their views, they thought proper to dispense

with it for an acquisition of such importance. They not only allowed him

to continue in his former offices, but also made him Lieutenant-General

of the militia, and Overseer to the works in repairing the

fortifications. So that, instead of giving assistance to Governor Johnson

for supporting the interest and power of the proprietary government, he

shamefully deserted him, betrayed his trust, and joined the

revolutioners.

[Sidenote] And preserves the confidence of the Proprietors.

Rhett, nevertheless, to the astonishment of every one, still maintained

his credit with the Proprietors, and had the art to persuade them he had

done done all out of zeal for the service of his majesty, and for the

good of the province. He wrote them two letters, giving them an account

of all that had happened, and assuring them he had accepted of a

commission from Mr. Moore, in order the more effectually to promote their

interest, by giving him an opportunity of conversing freely with the

people, and persuading them to return to their duty and allegiance. He

represented the inflexibility of Governor Johnson as one source of the

discontent and defection of the people, and utterly inconsistent with

good policy. He told them, that there are times when the minds of men

will not bend to authority, when the rigid exertion of power defeats its

end, and when lenity becomes a more efficacious remedy against

disaffection to government than severity. The Proprietors believed him,

and such was their confidence in his honour and fidelity, that they sent

him a letter expressing their approbation of his conduct, in the

following words: "We have received your letters, wherein you give us a

melancholy account of the present confused government of our province,

and of the great consternation of the inhabitants, from the dreadful

apprehension they have of a foreign invasion. But since they have been so

unfortunate as to bring themselves into so much confusion, we are not a

little pleased that your zeal for the service of his majesty, and the

safety of the province, has engaged you to take upon you the command of

the forces; for as, by your command of the said forces, you formerly

defended and saved the country from the insults of an invading enemy, so

we doubt not but you will again use your utmost skill to free your same

fellow-subjects from the imminent danger they at present labour under.

And since you have taken upon you the same command, we earnestly intreat

you, that, with the greatest application, you will continue your

endeavours in that command for the safety and preservation of the

province, until you shall hear farther from us: We wish you all

imaginable success, and bid you heartily farewell."

[Sidenote] Further attempts of the Governor to recal the people.

In the mean time Governor Johnson received certain advice, that the

Spaniards had sailed from the Havanna with a fleet of fourteen ships, and

a force consisting of twelve hundred men, against South Carolina and

Providence Island, and it was uncertain which of the two they would first

attack. At this time of imminent danger the Governor again attempted to

recal the people to subjection and obedience, and sent the following

letter to the Convention. "I flatter myself that the invasion which at

present threatens the province, has awakened a thought in you of the

necessity there is of the forces acting under lawful authority and

commission. The inconveniences and confusion of not admitting it are so

obvious, I need not mention them. I have hitherto borne the indignities

put upon me, and the loss I sustain by being out of my government, with

as much temper as the nature of the thing will admit of, till such time

as his majesty's pleasure shall be known. But to have another man to

assume my authority when danger threatens the province and action is

expected, and to be deprived of the opportunity of serving the public in

my station, as I am indispensibly bound to do upon such occasions, I

being answerable to the King for any neglect regarding the welfare of the

province, is what I cannot patiently endure. I am willing with my council

to consult and advise with you for the good and safety of the country in

this time of imminent danger, as a Convention of the people, as you first

called yourselves; nor do I see, in this present juncture of affairs, any

occasion for formality in our proceedings, or that I explain by whose

authority I act in grants of commissions or other public orders. Mr.

Moore's commission you have given him does not pretend to say that it is

derived from the King. You have already confessed I am invested with some

authority of which you approve, and that is enough. What I insist upon

is, to be allowed to act as Governor, because I have been approved of by

the King. I do not apprehend there is any necessity of doing any thing at

present but what relates to military affairs; and I do believe people

will be better satisfied, more ready to advance necessaries, to trust the

public, and obey my commands, by virtue of the King's authority which I

have, if left to their liberty, than the orders of any other person in

the province; and in a short time we may expect his majesty's pleasure

will be known. If my reasons have not the weight with you I expect they

should, you ought at least to put it to the vote, that, if a majority

should be against it, I may have that to justify myself to the King and

the world, who ought to be satisfied that I have done all I can for

serving the country, and discharging the duty of my station."

By this letter Governor Johnson thought to alarm and terrify the people,

by representing the dangerous consequences of military operations under

unlawful authority; but they remained firm to their purpose, and the

Convention, without taking any notice of it, continued to do business

with Mr. Moore as they had begun. Sir Hovenden Walker, the President of

their Council, being disgusted at their proceedings, left them and

retired to his plantation; but they chose Richard Allein in his stead,

and proceeded to concert measures for the public defence. They pronounced

the martial law, and ordered all the inhabitants of the province to

Charlestown for its defence. All the officers of the militia accepted

their commissions from Mr. Moore, and engaged to stand by him against all

foreign enemies. For two weeks the Provincial militia were kept under

arms at Charlestown every day expecting the appearance of the Spanish

fleet; which they were informed had sailed from the Havanna. Happily for

them, to acquire possession of both sides of the Gulf of Florida, and

secure the navigation through this stream, the Spaniards had resolved

first to attack Providence, and then to proceed against Carolina: but by

the conduct and courage of Captain Rogers, at that time Governor of the

island, they met with a sharp repulse at Providence, and soon after they

lost the greatest part of their fleet in a storm.

[Sidenote] The Governor's last attempt to recover his authority.

The Spanish expedition having thus proved abortive, the Flamborough man

of war, commanded by Captain Hildesley, returned to her station at

Charlestown from Providence island. About the same time his Majesty's

ship Phoenix, commanded by Captain Pierce, arrived from a cruize. The

commanders of these two men of war were carressed by both parties, but

they publicly declared for Governor Johnson as the magistrate invested

with legal authority. Charles Hart, secretary of the province, by orders

from the Governor and Council, had secreted and secured the public

records, so that the revolutioners could not obtain possession of them.

The clergy refused to marry without a licence from Governor Johnson, as

the only legal Ordinary of the province. These inconveniencies having

begun to operate, rendered several of the people more cool in their

affection for the popular government. At this juncture Governor Johnson,

with the assistance of the captain and crews of the ships of war, made

his last and boldest effort for subjecting the colonists to his

authority. He brought up the ships of war in front of Charlestown, and

threatened their capital with immediate destruction, if they any longer

refused obedience to legal authority. But the people having both arms in

their hands for defence, and forts in their possession to which they

could retreat, bid defiance to his power, and shewed him plainly that

they were neither to be won by flattery, nor terrified by threats, to

submit their necks any more to the proprietary yoke; and therefore for

the future Governor Johnson dropt all thoughts of making any more

attempts for that purpose.

[Sidenote] Injurious suspicions with regard to the conduct of the

Governor.

Nicholas Trott now observing the frame of the proprietary government

totally unhinged, and a rival Judge planted in his room, resolved to

return to England. But before he embarked he wrote to Governor Johnson,

acquainting him with his resolution, and promising, if he would

contribute towards defraying his expences, he would give the Proprietors

each a favourable account of his conduct and services, as would ensure to

him the continuance of his office. But the Governor being no stranger to

the character of the Judge, and being convinced that both the revolt of

the people, and subversion of government, were in a great measure to be

ascribed his pernicious policy and secret correspondence with his friend

the secretary to the Proprietors, disdainfully rejected his interest and

friendship. To which disrespect for the Judge, however, Mr. Johnson

attributed many of the injurious suspicions the Proprietors entertained

of his honour and fidelity, and that shameful neglect with which he was

afterwards treated by them. They had wrote him no answer to his letters

respecting the violent steps the people had taken, or ever informed him

whether his conduct during those popular commotions had met with their

approbation or disapprobation. Some of them even alledged that he was

privy to the designs of the malecontents; and gave them too much

countenance and indulgence. But every principle of honour, duty and

interest forbade such a connivance, and the upright and respectable

character he maintained, rendered such suspicions groundless and

unmerited. That he should join with a disaffected multitude in schemes of

opposition, to divest himself of his government, was a thing scarcely to

be supposed. That he should first wink at the subversion of the

proprietary government, and afterwards refuse to govern them for the

King, when solicited so to do by the representatives and whole body of

the people, was a thing very improbable. When he arrived in the province,

he found the inhabitants discontented and unhappy; but little suspected

then they had any views of renouncing their allegiance to the

Proprietors; and the various arts the people used to conceal from him

their designs, were proofs they had every thing to fear, and nothing to

hope for from their Governor. The many attempts made to defeat their

measures were also evidences of his fidelity to their Lordships, and

firmness in support of their government. He indeed differed with Trott

and Rhett, the two favourites of the Proprietors, and perhaps to this,

among other causes, the neglect with which he was treated by their

Lordships may be ascribed. For as they discovered on all occasions such a

partial regard to these men, and placed such unlimited confidence in

them, the person who differed from them, however fair and unblemished his

character, however firmly attached to their interest, was not likely, in

such circumstances of trouble and difficulty, to escape all injurious

suspicions. We have blamed the Proprietors in many respects with regard

to the management of their colony, and we cannot think them worthy of

praise in withdrawing their countenance and friendship from a Governor,

who manifested such zeal and resolution in support of their authority.

Being equally subject to the laws of their country with the Carolineans

over whom they ruled, their power was likely to be feeble, even when

exercised in the most prudent and gentle manner; but more especially when

executed with rigour. British subjects in general abhor oppression, even

from a supreme, and it could scarcely be expected they would tamely

submit to it, from a subordinate jurisdiction.

[Sidenote] Francis Nicolson appointed Governor by the regency.

In the mean time the agent for Carolina had procured a hearing from the

Lords of the regency and council in England, the King being at that time

in Hanover; who gave it as their opinion, that the Proprietors had

forfeited their charter, and ordered the Attorney-general to take out a

_scire facias_ against it. In consequence of which, in September 1720,

they appointed General Francis Nicolson provisional Governor of the

province, with a commission from the King. Nicolson was a man possessed

of all the honourable principles of a good soldier. He was generous,

bold, and steady. He had been Governor of several different colonies, and

it was thought his knowledge and experience in provincial affairs would

render him well qualified for the important trust. He knew his duty as

commander and chief, and was afraid of neither dangers nor difficulties

in the execution of it; a warm friend to the King, and deeply concerned

for the prosperity of his country: scarcely could they have pitched upon

a man more fit to govern the province in such a confused and miserable

state.

[Sidenote] General reflections on the whole transactions.

Upon a review of those past transactions, and the various causes which

concurred for bringing about this event, which I have narrated the more

fully and circumstantially on account of the interesting nature and

important consequences of the change, we may observe, that although the

conduct of the Carolineans during this violent struggle cannot, strictly

speaking, be deemed legal, equitable and just, yet necessity, which has

no law, and self-preservation, the most powerful principle of action,

both strongly plead in their vindication. When the Proprietors first

applied to the King for a grant of this large territory, at that time

occupied by heathens, it is said they were excited thereto by their zeal

for the propagation of the Christian faith; yet it is now plain that they

have either used no endeavours for that purpose, or they have been

utterly ineffectual. The Society for the propagation of the Gospel have

indeed employed and supported missionaries for the conversion of those

heathens; yet it is a lamentable truth, that their best endeavours have

been vastly inadequate to the extent of the work, and therefore their

success has proved small and inconsiderable. The Proprietors by their

charter were empowered to build churches and chapels within the bounds of

their province for divine worship; yet they have left the burden of this

work entirely to the inhabitants, who have received no encouragement nor

assistance, except from the incorporated Society, towards its

accomplishment. They were impowered by their charter to erect castles and

forts for the protection and defence of the colony; but all those the

people have also been obliged to raise at their own expence. By the

charter his Majesty saved to himself, his heirs and successors, the

sovereign dominion of the province, and the faith and allegiance of his

subjects, the inhabitants of it, declaring them to be the liege people of

the crown of England, yet the Proprietors have assumed to themselves a

despotic authority in repealing and abrogating, by themselves alone, laws

made by the Assembly, and ratified by their deputies in Carolina. They

not only tyrannized over the poor colony, but also employed and protected

officers ten times more tyrannical than themselves. When the whole

legislature complained of Chief Justice Trott, they paid no regard to

their complaints, and absolutely refused to circumscribe his

jurisdiction, or remove him from the bench. In times of imminent danger,

when the colony applied to them for assistance, they were either unable

or unwilling to bear the expence of its protection. When the Assembly

allotted the Indian lands obtained by conquest for the encouragement of

settlers, to strengthen the Provincial frontiers, the Proprietors claimed

the sole right of disposing of those lands, and frustrated their plans of

public security. When the trade of the province was infested and ruined

by pirates, they could neither obtain a force sufficient to extirpate

them, nor a confirmation of their laws made for defraying the expense of

such expeditions as the colony fitted out against them. The current money

of the province, stamped for answering its public exigences, was, at the

request of the merchants of London, cried down and cancelled. In short

the people saw no end of troubles and dangers. Sad exigence dictated the

necessity of some remedy against their political evils. No remedy under

heaven appeared to them so proper and effectual as that of throwing

themselves under the immediate care and protection of the crown of Great

Britain. For under the excellent constitution of England, where the

supreme power was both able and willing to protect them against every

enemy, they evidently perceived they could only live happy and secure;

therefore, sick of the feeble proprietary government, the people, after

many violent struggles and convulsions, by one bold and irregular effort

entirely shook off the yoke, and a revolution, fruitful of happy

consequences, took place, to their great relief and unspeakable

satisfaction.

The Proprietors, after long trial and frequent amendments, now finding

that fine-spun system, by which they flattered themselves with having

avoided the inconveniencies and supplied the defects of the English form

of government, useless and impracticable, were at length convinced, that

it was a much easier thing to find fault with the constitution of Old

England than to mend it. They now perceived that all forms of government

must be made for men as they really are, and not for them as they ought

to be, and that it was impossible for the wisest legislators upon earth

to mould men into any form they pleased by laws and regulations. From the

first settlement of this colony, one perpetual struggle has subsisted

between the Proprietors and possessors of the province. A division

somewhat similar to that of the court and country parties in England,

early sprung up in the settlement, and kept it in continual ferment and

agitation. The exertions of proprietary power and prerogative, the people

considered as inconsistent with their rights and privileges; hence they

became turbulent and seditious, and were seldom satisfied with their

governors in their public capacity, however esteemed and beloved as

private men. The hands of government were always weak, and the

instructions and regulations received from England were, for the most

part, ill adapted to the local circumstances of the people, and the first

state of colonization. The palatines in England and Germany, whose

jurisdiction and authority have been established by time, and whose

governments have acquired firmness and stability, would probably have

deemed this usurpation illegal and rebellious, and punished the authors

and abettors of it. No doubt a firm yet moderate opposition to the

measures of government in defence of the rights and liberties of the

people, differs as much from usurpation, as a wholesome remedy to a

disordered constitution differs from deadly poison. But the great

distance, dangerous circumstances, and complicated hardships of the

Carolineans; the negligence, bad policy and tyranny of the Proprietors;

all concurred to render their usurpation not only excuseable, but

absolutely necessary. The Revolution in England had exemplified and

confirmed the doctrine of resistance, when the executive magistrate

presumes to violate the fundamental laws, and subvert the constitution of

the nation. The Proprietors had done acts, which the Lords in regency had

declared amounted to a forfeiture of their charter, and had ordered a

writ of _scire facias_ to be taken out, for repealing their patent and

rendering the grant void and null. By which means all political

connection between the Proprietors and people of Carolina was now

entirely dissolved, and a new relation formed, the King having taken the

province under his immediate care and protection, and made it a part of

the British empire.

[Sidenote] Nicolson's arrival occasions uncommon joy.

About the beginning of the year 1721, Francis Nicolson arrived in

Carolina, and having the sanction of the British government for his

appointment, Mr. Johnson acquiesced in his authority, and made no more

efforts in behalf of the Lords Proprietors. The people in general

congratulated one another on the happy change, and received General

Nicolson with the most uncommon and extravagant demonstrations of joy.

The voice of murmur and discontent, together with the fears of danger and

oppression, were now banished from the province. Happy under the royal

care, they resolved to forget all former animosities and divisions, and

bury all past offences in eternal oblivion. The only contention now

remaining was, who should be the most faithful subjects of his majesty,

and the most zealous in promoting the union, peace and prosperity of the

settlement. From a confused and distracted state they now looked upon

themselves as happily delivered, and anticipated in imagination all the

blessings of freedom and security, followed by industry and plenty,

approaching, and as it were ready to diffuse their happy influence over

the country.

[Sidenote] The people recognize King George as their lawful

sovereign.

Soon after his arrival, Governor Nicholson issued writs for the election

of a new assembly, who now entered with great temper and cheerfulness on

the regulation of provincial affairs. They chose James Moore, their late

popular governor, speaker of the house, of whom the Governor declared his

entire approbation. The first business they engaged in, was to make an

act, declaring they recognized and acknowledged his sacred majesty King

George to be the rightful Sovereign of Great Britain, France, and

Ireland, and of all the dominions and provinces belonging to the empire,

and in particular his undoubted right to the province of Carolina. All

actions and suits at law commenced on account of the late administration

of James Moore by particular persons, creating misunderstandings and

animosities among the people, were declared void and null, till his

majesty's pleasure touching such administration shall be known; but all

judicial proceedings under the same administration were confirmed; which

acts were at this time judged proper and necessary for establishing

harmony and tranquillity among the inhabitants. The two parties formerly

subsisting, the one composed of a few adherents to Governor Johnson, and

the other of the followers of James Moore, Nicolson had the good fortune

to unite, and, by the wisdom and equity of his administration, to render

both equally happy and contented under the royal government and

protection.

[Sidenote] The Governor regulates Indian affairs.

Before Governor Nicolson left England, a suspension of arms between Great

Britain and Spain had been published, and by the treaty of peace which

afterwards took place, it was stipulated and agreed, that all subjects

and Indians living under their different jurisdictions should cease from

acts of hostility. Orders were sent out to Don Antonio Navidez, governor

of Florida, to forbear molesting the Carolineans; and the British

governor had also instructions to cultivate the friendship and good-will

of the Spanish subjects and Indians of Florida. In consequence of which,

Governor Nicolson, who was no stranger to the manners of savages,

resolved to apply himself with great zeal and spirit to the regulation of

Indian affairs, and to enter into treaties of friendship and alliance

with the different tribes around the settlement. As most of their

troubles from Indians had been occasioned by Europeans taking possession

of lands claimed by them, without their permission or consent; to prevent

quarrels and mischief, the first object that demanded his attention was

to fix the limits and extent of their territories, and then to forbid

encroachments on their hunting grounds. With these views he sent a

message to the Cherokees, (a powerful nation, computed at this time to

consist of no less than six thousand bowmen), acquainting them, that he

had presents to make them, and would meet them at the borders of their

territories, to hold a general congress with them, in order to treat of

mutual friendship and commerce. They rejoiced at a proposal which plainly

implied they were a free and respectable people, and immediately the

chiefs of thirty-seven different towns set out to meet him.

At this congress the Governor having made them several presents, and

smoked the pipe of peace with them, marked the boundaries of the lands

between them and the English settlers. He regulated all weights and

measures, that justice might be done them in the way of traffic. He

appointed an agent to superintend their affairs, and, to unite them under

a common head, proposed to nominate one warrior as commander and chief of

the whole nation, before whom all complaints were to be laid, and who was

to acquaint the Governor with every injury done them. With the consent of

all present Wrosetasatow was declared chief warrior of the Cherokee

nation, with full power to punish all guilty of depredations and murders,

and to obtain satisfaction for every injury done to Indians from the

British settlers. After which the Indians returned to their towns, highly

pleased with their generous brother and new ally. The Governor then

proceeded to conclude another treaty of commerce and peace with the

Creeks, who were also at that time a numerous and formidable nation. He

likewise appointed an agent to reside among them, whose business was to

regulate Indian affairs in a friendly and equitable manner, and fixed on

Savanna river as the boundary of their hunting lands, beyond which no

settlements were to extend. Such negotiations were in many respects

useful and important; for when Europeans take possession of lands

contrary to the inclination, and without the permission and consent of

these free and independent nations who claimed them as their property, it

would puzzle a wise man to vindicate their tenure on any principles of

equity and justice.

[Sidenote] And promotes religious institutions.

Having now secured the province as well as possible against external

foes, Governor Nicolson turned his attention next to internal

regulations, particularly to such as respected the religious instruction

of the people. For though he mas bred a soldier, and was profane,

passionate and headstrong himself, yet he was not insensible of the great

advantage of religion to society, and contributed not a little to its

interest in Carolina, both by his public influence and private

generosity. The number of inhabitants in each parish being considerably

increased, it was found necessary to enlarge several churches for their

accommodation. The inhabitants of Sr. Paul's parish, many of whom having

had their houses burnt, and otherwise suffered heavy losses in the

Yamassee war, were obliged to apply to the public for assistance in this

laudable design. The parish of St. George was separated and taken out of

that of St. Andrews by an act of assembly, and a new church was built at

a small village called Dorchester, by public allowance and private

contributions. The inhabitants in and about Georgetown, who had long

lived without the benefit of public worship, insomuch that the appearance

of religion among them had almost entirely vanished, claimed particular

attention. To erect a church in this quarter the Governor proposed a

private subscription, and set the example by largely contributing towards

the public institution. He made application to the Society in England for

propagating the Gospel, and they supplied the province with clergymen,

giving each of them an yearly allowance over and above the provincial

salary. As no public schools had yet been instituted for the instruction

of youth in the principles of virtue and religion, the Governor urged

also the usefulness and necessity of such provincial establishments. It

was alledged, that the want of early instruction was one of the chief

sources of impiety and immorality, and if they continued any longer to

neglect the rising generation, piety and Christianity would insensibly

decay, and they would soon have a race of white people in the country

equally ignorant as the brown Indians. Animated by the example, and

assisted by the generosity of their Governor, the colonials therefore in

good earnest engaged in providing seminaries for the religious education

of youth. Besides general contributions, several particular legacies were

also left for this purpose. Mr. Whitmarsh left five hundred pounds to St.

Paul's parish, for founding a free school in it. Mr. Ludlam, the

Society's missionary at Goose-creek, bequeathed all his estate, which was

computed to amount to two thousand pounds Carolina currency, for the same

purpose. Richard Beresfords, by his will, bequeathed the annual profits

of his estate to be paid to the vestry of St. Thomas parish in trust,

until his son, then eight years of age, should arrive at the age of

twenty-one years; directing them to apply one third of the yearly profits

of this estate for the support of one or more schoolmasters, who should

teach reading, accounts, mathematics, and other liberal learning; and the

other two thirds for the support maintenance, and education of the poor

of that parish. The vestry accordingly received from this estate six

thousand five hundred pounds Carolina money, for promoting those pious

and charitable purposes. The Society in England sent out teachers, money

and books, and assisted greatly, by their zeal and bounty, towards the

religious instruction of the people. So much must be said for the honour

of Governor Nicolson, whose liberality was conspicuously displayed in

behalf of those religious institutions, and whose example excited that

spirit of emulation among the people for promoting them. In Charlestown,

and in several other parishes in the country, public schools were built

and endowed during his government, and every friend to knowledge and

virtue, every well-wisher to posterity, seemed to promise themselves the

greatest advantages from such wise and public-spirited designs.

Though religion, rightly understood and generally practiced, is

productive of the most salutary and beneficial consequences to society,

yet nothing has a more pernicious influence than mistaken notions of it.

Of all kinds of delusion, religious enthusiasm is the most deplorable,

and has often been attended with the most melancholy and dismal effects.

By abusing the best things, they may be made the innocent occasion of the

worst. Many calamities have happened in the world, even on account of

religion, yet the fatal consequences ought not to be charged to that

divine institution which naturally breathes benevolence, gentleness and

peace, but to the ignorance and corruption of human nature, which pervert

and abuse it. Enthusiasts generally agree in two articles: they disclaim

the power and authority of the civil magistrate, and mistake their own

wild fancies, the fruits of a distempered brain, for the impulses of the

Divine Spirit, both of which are big with the most fatal consequences to

society. The desperate fanatic Venner, in the reign of Charles the

second, was not more transported with religious phrenzy and madness, than

an unfortunate family in Carolina at this time happened to be. For the

credit of the province, it were to be wished that such an incident lay

buried in eternal oblivion; but history claims the privilege of

exhibiting examples of different kinds for public instruction. If good

examples serve as a spur to stimulate men to virtue and religion, bad

ones, on the contrary, may also serve, like beacons upon a rock, to warn

men of danger and delusion.

[Sidenote] The enthusiasm of the family of Dutartre.

"The family of Dutartres consisting of four sons and four daughters, were

descendents of French refugees, who came into Carolina after the

revocation of the edict of Nantz. They lived in Orange-quarter and though

in low circumstances, always maintained an honest character, and were

esteemed by their neighbours persons of blameless and irreproachable

lives. But at this time a strolling Moravian preacher happening to come

to that quarter where they lived, insinuated himself into their family,

and partly by conversation, and partly by the writings of Jacob Behman,

which he put into their hands, filled their heads with wild and fantastic

ideas. Unhappily for the poor family those strange notions gained ground

on them, insomuch that in one year they began to withdraw themselves from

the ordinances of public worship, and all conversation with the world

around them, and strongly to imagine they were the only family upon earth

who had the knowledge of the true God, and whom he vouchsafed to

instruct, either by the immediate impulses of his Spirit, or by signs and

tokens from heaven. At length it came to open visions and revelations.

God raised up a prophet among them, like unto Moses, to whom he taught

them to hearken. This prophet was Peter Rombert, who had married the

eldest daughter of the family when a widow. To this man the Author and

Governor of the world deigned to reveal, in the plainest manner, that the

wickedness of man was again so great in the world, that as in the days of

Noah he was determined to destroy all men from off the face of it, except

one family whom he would save for raising up a godly seed upon earth.

This revelation Peter Rombert was sure of, and felt it as plain as the

wind blowing on his body, and the rest of the family, with equal

confidence and presumption, firmly believed it.

"A few days after this, God was pleased to reveal himself a second time

to the prophet, saying, Put away the woman whom thou hast for thy wife,

and when I have destroyed this wicked generation, I will raise up her

first husband from the dead, and they shall be man and wife as before,

and go thou and take to wife her youngest sister, who is a virgin, so

shall the chosen family be restored entire, and the holy seed preserved

pure and undefiled in it. At first the father, when he heard of this

revelation, was staggered at so extraordinary a command from heaven; but

the prophet assured him that God would give him a sign, which accordingly

happened; upon which the old man took his youngest daughter by the hand,

and gave her to the wise prophet immediately for his wife, who without

further ceremony took the damsel and deflowered her. Thus for some time

they continued in acts of incest and adultery, until that period which

made the fatal discovery, and introduced the bloody scene of blind

fanaticism and madness.

"Those deluded wretches were so far possessed with the false conceit of

their own righteousness and holiness, and of the horrid wickedness of all

others, that they refused obedience to the civil magistrate, and all laws

and ordinances of men. Upon pretence that God commanded them to bear no

arms, they not only refused to comply with the militia law, but also the

law for repairing the high-ways. After long forbearance, Mr. Simmons, a

worthy magistrate, and the officer of the militia in that quarter, found

it necessary to issue his warrants for levying the penalty of the laws

upon them. But by this time Judith Dutartre, the wife the prophet

obtained by revelation, proving with child, another warrant was issued

for bringing her before the Justice to be examined, and bound over to the

general sessions, in consequence of a law of the province, framed for

preventing bastardy. The constable having received his warrants, and

being jealous of meeting with no good usage in the execution of his

office, prevailed on two or three of his neighbours to go along with him.

The family observing the constable coming, and being apprized of his

errand, consulted their prophet, who soon told them that God commanded

them to arm and defend themselves against persecution, and their

substance against the robberies of ungodly men; assuring them at the same

time that no weapon formed against them should prosper. Accordingly they

did so, and laying hold of their arms, fired on the constable and his

followers, and drove them out of their plantation. Such behaviour was not

to be tolerated, and therefore Captain Simmons gathered a party of

militia, and went to protect the constable in the execution of his

office. When the deluded family saw the Justice and his party

approaching, they shut themselves up in their house, and firing from it

like furies, shot Captain Simmons dead on the spot, and wounded several

of his party. The militia returned the fire, killed one woman within the

house, and afterwards forcibly entering it, took the rest prisoners, six

in number, and brought them to Charlestown.

[Sidenote] Their trial and condemnation.

"At the Court of general sessions, held in September 1724, three of them

were brought to trial, found guilty and condemned. Alas! miserable

creatures, what amazing infatuation possessed them! They pretended they

had the Spirit of God leading them to all truth, they knew it and felt

it: but this spirit, instead of influencing them to obedience, purity and

peace, commanded them to commit rebellion, incest, and murder. What is

still more astonishing, the principal persons among them, I mean the

prophet, the father of the family, and Michel Boneau, never were

convinced of their delusion, but persisted in it until their last breath.

During their trial they appeared altogether unconcerned and secure,

affirming that God was on their side, and therefore they feared not what

man could do unto them. They freely told the incestuous story in open

court in all its circumstances and aggravations, with a good countenance,

and very readily confessed the facts respecting their rebellion and

murder, with which they stood charged, but pled their authority from God

in vindication of themselves, and insisted they had done nothing in

either case but by his express command.

"As it is commonly the duty of clergymen to visit persons under sentence

of death, both to convince them of their error and danger, and prepare

them for death by bringing them to a penitent disposition; Alexander

Garden, the episcopal minister of Charlestown, to whom we are indebted

for this account, attended those condemned persons with great diligence

and concern. What they had affirmed in the court of justice, they

repeated and confessed to him in like manner in the prison. When he began

to reason with them and to explain the heinous nature of their crimes,

they treated him with disdain. Their motto was, Answer him not a word;

who is he that should presume to teach them, who had the Spirit of God

speaking inwardly to their souls. In all they had done, they said they

had obeyed the voice of God, and were now about to suffer martyrdom for

his religion. But God had assured them, that he would either work a

deliverance for them, or raise them up from the dead on the third day.

These things the three men continued confidently to believe, and

notwithstanding all the means used to convince them of their mistake,

persisted in the same belief until the moment they expired. At their

execution they told the spectators with seeming triumph, they should soon

see them again, for they were certain they should rise from the dead on

the third day. With respect to the other three, the daughter Judith being

with child, was not tried, and the two sons, David and John Dutartre,

about eighteen and twenty years of age, having been also tried and

condemned, continued sullen and reserved, in hopes of seeing those that

were executed rise from the dead, but being disappointed, they became, or

at least seemed to become, sensible of their error, and were both

pardoned. Yet not long afterwards one of them relapsed into the same

snare, and murdered an innocent person, without either provocation or

previous quarrel, and for no other reason, as he confessed, but that God

had commanded him so to do. Being a second time brought to trial, he was

found guilty of murder and condemned. Mr. Garden attended him again under

the second sentence, and acknowledged, with great appearance of success.

No man could appear more deeply sensible of his error and delusion, or

could die a more sincere and hearty penitent on account of his horrid

crimes. With great attention he listened to Mr. Garden, while he

explained to him the terms of pardon and salvation proposed in the

Gospel, and seemed to die in the humble hopes of mercy, through the

all-sufficient merits of a Redeemer."

Thus ended that tragical scene of fanaticism, in which seven persons lost

their lives, one was killed, two were murdered, and four executed for the

murders. A signal and melancholy instance of the weakness and frailty of

human nature, and to what giddy heights of extravagance and madness, an

inflamed imagination will carry unfortunate mortals. It is hard for the

wisdom of men to conceive a remedy for a distemper such as religious

infatuation. Severity and persecution commonly add strength to the

contagion, and render it more furious. Indulgence and lenity might

perhaps prove more efficacious, as the swellings of phrenzy would in time

subside, in proportion as they exceed the bounds of nature. Had they

given this unhappy family time for cool thought and reflection, it is not

improbable that those clouds of delusion which overspread their minds

might have dispersed, and they might have returned to a sense of their

frailty and error. But it belongs to the civil power to prohibit wild

enthusiasts and mad visionaries from spreading doctrines among vulgar

people, destructive of civil order and public peace. The majority of

mankind every where are ignorant and credulous, and therefore are objects

of compassion, and ought to be protected against the baleful influence of

such men as seduce them from their duty and subjection to legal

authority, by poisoning their minds with notions hurtful to themselves

and others.

[Sidenote] Progress of the colony.

About this time the number of white inhabitants, including men, women,

and children, was computed to amount to fourteen thousand, an increase,

in the space of fifty-four years after the arrival of first colony, very

small and inconsiderable, and occasioned, no doubt, both by the

unhealthiness of the climate and by the discouragements and troubles

which prevailed during the proprietary government. The province now

furnished the inhabitants with provisions in abundance, and exported what

it could spare to the West Indies. The white inhabitants lived frugally,

as luxury had not yet crept in among them, and, except a little rum and

sugar, tea and coffee, were contented with what their plantations

afforded. Maize and Indian pease seemed congenial with the soil and

climate: and as they had been cultivated by the savages for provision,

they were found also to be excellent food for European labourers, and

more wholesome and nourishing than rice. Maize delights not to grow on a

watry soil, but on dry and loose land, such as the higher spots on the

maritime parts of the province. As the use of the plow could not be

introduced until the lands were cleared of the roots of trees, to prepare

a field for planting it great labour was requisite. They commonly made

ridges with the hoe about five feet asunder, upon the top of which they

planted the seed three inches deep. One gallon of maize will sow an acre,

which, with skilful management on good lands, will yield in favourable

seasons from thirty to fifty bushels. While it grows it requires to be

frequently weeded, and the earth carefully thrown up about the root of

the plant, to facilitate its progress. As it rises high, at the root of

it the Indian pease are usually planted, which climb up its stalk like a

vine, so that the lands yield a double crop. From the stem of maize large

blades spring, which the planters carefully gather, and which, when

properly cured, the horses or cattle will prefer before the finest hay.

These two articles, maize, Indian pease, together with the Spanish

potatoes, are the chief subsistence of their slaves, consisting chiefly

of negroes and a few Indians, and who, at this time, men, women, and

children, amounted to between sixteen and twenty thousand.

In the year 1724, four hundred and thirty-nine slaves, as also British

goods and manufactures of different kinds, to the amount of between fifty

and sixty thousand pounds sterling, were imported into the province. In

exchange for these slaves and commodities, eighteen thousand barrels of

rice, and about fifty-two thousand barrels of pitch, tar and turpentine,

together with deer-skins, furs, and raw silk, were exported to England.

This trade was carried on almost entirely in British ships, and employed

a number of hands. The Carolineans also traded to the West Indies, and

several small ships and sloops were employed in carrying provisions,

lumber, slaves and naval stores to these islands, which they bartered for

sugar, rum, molasses, coffee, cotton, and Spanish gold and silver. To New

England, New York, and Pennsylvania, they sent some rice, hides,

deer-skins, tar and pitch, which they exchanged for flour, salt fish,

fruit, beer, and cyder.

All gold and silver that came into the province from the West Indies they

commonly sent into Britain, to answer the demands against them; and bills

of credit continued increasing and circulating, for the convenience of

domestic commerce. Forty thousand pounds were issued during Nicolson's

government, over and above former emissions, by which increase the

exchange with Britain, and the price of produce arose in one year from

five to six hundred _per cent_. This has never failed to be the

consequence of issuing large quantities of paper money in Carolina: for

whenever this currency was permitted to increase beyond what was

necessary for the purposes of commerce, it sunk in value, and

proportionably increased the nominal price of provisions and labour; and

of course should it by any accident be diminished, the price would again

fall. Besides this, when the imports happened to exceed the exports, the

great demand for bills of exchange raised the price of them, and helped

to increase the depreciation of the current money of the province.

[Sidenote] The adventure of Captain Beale.

Among other traders, at this time Othneal Beale commanded a ship in the

Carolina trade; and while sailing from Charlestown to London, not being

provided with a Mediterranean pass, he was taken by an Algerine rover,

who determined to carry him to Barbary, and for this purpose took the

English sailors on board, and manned Captain Beale's ship with Algerines,

giving them orders to follow him to the Mediterranean sea. Soon after, a

storm arising in the night separated the two ships, and Captain Beale

being the only person on board that understood navigation, resolved to

avail himself of the advantage, and accordingly, instead of sailing for

Africa, steered directly for England. Upon his arrival the Algerine

sailors were surprized, but not at all displeased; they even confessed to

their ambassador the kind usage they had received; upon which Captain

Beale had all he lost returned by agreement, together with thanks for his

humanity. This bold adventure likewise procured the captain the honour of

an introduction to the King, who expressed a desire of seeing him, and

ordered Lord Carteret, then Secretary of state, to make him a handsome

present on the occasion. This memorable anecdote being published, served

to mark him for a man of address and courage in Carolina, where he

afterwards took up his residence, and in time arrived at the chief

command of the militia, was made a member of his majesty's council, and

died at the age of eighty-five, a rare instance of longevity in that

country.

[Sidenote] Arthur Middleton president.

In the year 1725, Governor Nicolson having obtained leave from his

majesty, returned to Great Britain, and the government devolved on Arthur

Middleton, president of the council. Mr. Middleton, though of a reserved

and mercenary disposition, was a sensible man, and by no means ill

qualified for governing the province. But having succeeded a man who

liberally spent all his salary and perquisites of office in promoting the

public good, he was neither so much distinguished nor respected among the

colonists. Being possessed of a moderate fortune, his chief study was to

improve it, and he seemed to aspire after the character of a rich man in

private life, rather than that of a popular governor and generous

benefactor. As he had taken an active part against the proprietary

government, he was not insensible of the advantages now gained from the

countenance given them by the crown, and was equally careful to promote

loyalty to the King as the freedom and safety of his fellow-subjects.

[Sidenote] A dispute about the boundaries between Carolina and

Florida.

At this time the boundaries between the provinces of Carolina and Florida

were neither clearly marked nor well understood, as they had never been

settled by any public agreement or treaty between England and Spain. To

prevent negroes escaping to the Spanish territories, and overawe the

Indians under the Spanish juridiction, the Carolineans had built a fort

on the forks of the river Alatamaha, and supported a small garrison in

it. This gave umbrage to the governor of Augustine, who complained of it

to the court of Madrid, representing it as an encroachment on the

dominions of Spain, and intended to seduce the Indians from their

allegiance to his Catholic Majesty. The Spanish ambassador at London

lodged the complaint before the court of Britain, and demanded that

orders be sent out to Carolina immediately to demolish the fort. To

prevent any interruption of the good correspondence then subsisting

between the two courts, it was agreed to send orders to both governors in

America to meet in an amicable manner, and settle the respective

boundaries between the British and Spanish dominions in that quarter.

Accordingly soon after Don Francisco Menandez, and Don Joseph de Rabiero,

came to Charlestown, to hold a conference with the president and council

of Carolina about this matter. At their meeting, Mr. Middleton shewed

those deputies, that this fort was built within the bounds of the charter

granted to the Proprietors, and that the pretensions of Spain to such

lands were vain and groundless. At the same time he told them, that the

fort on the river Alatamaha was erected for defending themselves and

their property against the depredations of Indians living under the

jurisdiction of Spain. Then he begged to know from them their reasons for

protecting felons and debtors that fled from Carolina to them, and for

encouraging negroes to leave their masters and take refuge at Augustine,

while peace subsisted between the two crowns? The deputies replied, That

the governor of Florida would deliver up all felons and debtors; but had

express orders for twenty years past, to detain all slaves who should fly

to Augustine for liberty and protection. Middleton declared he looked on

such injurious orders as a breach of national honour and faith,

especially as negroes were real property, such as houses and lands, in

Carolina. The deputies answered, That the design of the King of Spain was

not to injure private men, having ordered compensation to be made to the

masters of such slaves in money; but that his humanity and religion

enjoined him to issue such orders for the sake of converting slaves to

the Christian faith. In short, the conference ended to the satisfaction

of neither party, and matters remained as they were; but soon after, the

English fort, built of wood, was burned to the ground, and the southern

frontiers of Carolina were again left naked and defenceless.

[Sidenote] Colonel Palmer makes reprisals on the Spaniards.

As no final agreement, with respect to the limits of the two provinces

had been concluded, the Indians in alliance with Spain continued to

harass the British settlements: particularly the Yamassees, as usual,

penetrating into Carolina in scalping parties, persisted in killing white

men, and carrying off every negroe they could catch. Though the owners of

slaves had been allowed from the Spanish government a compensation in

money for their losses, yet few of them ever received it. At length

Colonel Palmer resolved to make reprisals on those plunderers, since no

adequate recompense could otherwise be obtained. For this purpose he

gathered together a party of militia and friendly Indians, consisting in

all of about three hundred men, and entered Florida, with a resolution of

spreading desolation throughout the province. He carried his arms as far

as the gates of Augustine, and compelled the inhabitants to take refuge

in their castle. Scarce a house or hut in the colony escaped the flames.

He destroyed their provisions in the fields, and drove off their cattle,

hogs and horses. Some Indians he killed, and others he made prisoners. In

short, he left the people of Florida little property, except what was

protected by the guns of their fort, and by this expedition convinced the

Spaniards of their weakness, and the bad policy of encouraging Indians to

molest the subjects of Britain. He shewed them that the Carolineans could

prevent the cultivation and settlement of their province whenever they

pleased, and render the improvement of it impracticable, on any other

than peaceable terms with their neighbours.

[Sidenote] Encroachment of the French in Louisiana.

But by this time the Spaniards were not the only neighbours that created

trouble to the Carolineans. The French settled in Louisiana were also

advancing nearer them, and using all their art and address for gaining

the interest and affections of these savage nations. They erected a

strong hold, called Fort Alabama, high up on Mobile river, which was

excellently situated for opening and carrying on a correspondence with

the most powerful nations around the British settlement. The Carolineans

had good reason to be on their guard against the influence of these

intimating and enterprising neighbours. The tribes of Upper Creeks, whose

hunting lands extended to their fort, were soon won over by promises and

largesses to an alliance with them. The Cherokees indeed lived at a

greater distance from them, and yet by means of Creeks and other

emissaries, whom they sent among them, they endeavoured also to bring

than over to their interest. The river Mississippi being navigable a

great way from its mouth, opened a communication with the Choctaws,

Chikesaws, and other nations residing near it. So that the French had

many excellent opportunities of seducing Indians from their alliance with

Britain. The president of Carolina employed Captain Tobias Fitch among

the Creeks, and Colonel George Chicken among the Cherokees, to keep these

tribes steady and firm to the British interest. These agents, however,

during the whole time Mr. Middleton presided over the colony, found no

small difficulty in counteracting the influence of French policy, and

preventing their union and alliance with these enemies. From this period

the British and French settlers in America became competitors for power

and influence over Indian nations, the one or the other of whom were

always exposed to danger and trouble from them, in proportion to the

success of their rivals. Now the Carolineans were farther from peace and

safety than ever. The French supplied these savages with tomahawks,

muskets, and ammunition, by which means they laid aside the bow and

arrow, and became more dangerous and formidable enemies than they had

been in any former period.

[Sidenote] A terrible hurricane.

During the summer of 1728, the weather in Carolina was observed to be

uncommonly hot, by which the face of the earth was entirely parched, the

pools of standing water dried up, and the beasts of the field were

reduced to the greatest distress. After such a long and general drought

the inhabitants having usually observed hurricanes and tornadoes to

follow in autumn, they began accordingly to look out with superstitious

dread for them, as that season of the year approached. Accordingly a

dreadful hurricane happened in the end of August, and occasioned an

inundation, which overflowed the town and the low lands, and did

incredible damage to the fortifications, houses, wharfs, shipping, and

cornfields. The streets of Charlestown were covered with boats, boards,

staves, and the inhabitants were obliged to take refuge in the higher

stories of their dwelling-houses. Twenty-three ships were driven a-shore,

most of which were either greatly damaged, or dashed to pieces. The Fox

and Garland men of war, stationed there for the protection of trade, were

the only ships that rode out the storm. This hurricane, though it

levelled many thousand trees in the maritime parts, yet so thick was the

forest, that it was scarcely perceived an hundred miles from the shore.

But as such violent storms are probably occasioned by the rarefaction of

the air, with excessive heat, they are seldom of long duration, for

having restored the equipoise in the atmosphere, the wind commonly

shifts, and the tempest ceases.

[Sidenote] And Yellow Fever.

The same year an infectious and pestilential distemper, commonly called

the Yellow Fever, broke out in town, and swept off multitudes of the

inhabitants, both white and black. As the town depended entirely on the

country for fresh provisions, the planters would suffer no person to

carry supplies to it, for fear of catching the infection, and bringing it

to the country. The physicians knew not how to treat the uncommon

disorder which was so suddenly caught, and proved so quickly fatal. The

calamity was so general, that few could grant assistance to their

distressed neighbours, however much needed and earnestly desired. So many

funerals happening every day, while so many lay sick, white persons

sufficient for burying the dead were scarcely to be found; and though

they were often interred on the same day they died, so quick was the

putrefaction, so offensive and infectious were the corpses, that even the

nearest relations seemed averse from the necessary duty.

[Sidenote] The Province purchased for the crown.

After all, one memorable event distinguished this year, which was

attended with many beneficial consequences to the province. An act of

parliament passed in Britain for establishing an agreement with seven of

the Proprietors for a surrender of their right and interest, not only in

the government, but also in the soil and lands of the province, to the

King. The purchase was made for seventeen thousand five hundred pounds

sterling, to be paid before the end of September 1729, free of all

deductions; after which payment, the province was to be vested in the

crown of Great Britain. At the same time seven-eight parts of the arrears

of quit-rents, due from the colonists to the Proprietors, amounting to

somewhat more than nine thousand pounds sterling, were also purchased for

the crown for five thousand; so that seven-eight parts of this vast

territory cost no more than twenty-two thousand five hundred pounds. But,

in this act of parliament there is a clause, reserving to John Lord

Carteret the remaining eight share of the property and arrears of

quit-rents, which continues to this day legally vested in that family,

only all his share in the government he surrendered to the crown. The

Proprietors who sold their shares at this time, were Henry Duke of

Beaufort, William Lord Craven, James Bertie, Dodington Greville, Henry

Bertie, Mary Danson, Elisabeth More, Sir John Colleton, John Cotton, and

Joseph Blake, who before the surrender were possessed, either in their

own right or in trust, of seven eight parts of the government and

property of the province. This surrender was made to Edward Bertie,

Samuel Horsey, Henry Smith, and Alexis Clayton, in trust for the crown.

In consequence of the powers granted to his Majesty by this act of

parliament, he claims the prerogative of appointing Governors to both

South and North Carolina, and a council similar to the other regal

governments in America.