GENIUS AND ERUDITION THE VICTIMS OF IMMODERATE VANITY.

The name of TOLAND is more familiar than his character, yet his

literary portrait has great singularity; he must be classed among the

"Authors by Profession," an honour secured by near fifty publications;

and we shall discover that he aimed to combine with the literary

character one peculiarly his own.[110] With higher talents and more

learning than have been conceded to him, there ran in his mind an

original vein of thinking. Yet his whole life exhibits in how small a

degree great intellectual powers, when scattered through all the forms

which Vanity suggests, will contribute to an author's social comforts,

or raise him in public esteem. Toland was fruitful in his productions,

and still more so in his projects; yet it is mortifying to estimate

the result of all the intense activity of the life of an author of

genius, which terminates in being placed among these Calamities.

Toland's birth was probably illegitimate; a circumstance which

influenced the formation of his character. Baptised in ridicule, he

had nearly fallen a victim to Mr. Shandy's system of Christian names,

for he bore the strange ones of _Janus Junius_, which, when the

school-roll was called over every morning, afforded perpetual

merriment, till the master blessed him with plain _John_, which the

boy adopted, and lived in quiet. I must say something on the names

themselves, perhaps as ridiculous! May they not have influenced the

character of Toland, since they certainly describe it? He had all the

shiftings of the double-faced _Janus_, and the revolutionary politics

of the ancient _Junius_. His godfathers sent him into the world in

cruel mockery, thus to remind their Irish boy of the fortunes that

await the desperately bold: nor did Toland forget the strong-marked

designations; for to his most objectionable work, the Latin tract

entitled _Pantheisticon_, descriptive of what some have considered as

an atheistical society, he subscribes these appropriate names, which

at the time were imagined to be fictitious.

Toland ran away from school and Popery. When in after-life he was

reproached with native obscurity, he ostentatiously produced a

testimonial of his birth and family, hatched up at a convent of Irish

Franciscans in Germany, where the good Fathers subscribed, with their

ink tinged with their Rhenish, to his most ancient descent, referring

to the Irish history! which they considered as a parish register, fit

for the suspected son of an Irish Priest!

Toland, from early life, was therefore dependent on patrons; but

illegitimate birth creates strong and determined characters, and

Toland had all the force and originality of self-independence. He was

a seed thrown by chance, to grow of itself wherever it falls.

This child of fortune studied at four Universities; at Glasgow,

Edinburgh, and Leyden; from the latter he passed to Oxford, and, in

the Bodleian Library, collected the materials for his after-studies.

He loved study, and even at a later period declares that "no

employment or condition of life shall make me disrelish the lasting

entertainment of books." In his "Description of Epsom," he observes

that the taste for retirement, reading, and contemplation, promotes

the true relish for select company, and says,

"Thus I remove at pleasure, as I grow weary of the country or the

town, as I avoid a crowd or seek company.--Here, then, let me have

_books and bread_ enough without dependence; a bottle of hermitage and

a plate of olives for a select friend; with an early rose to present a

young lady as an emblem of discretion no less than of beauty."

At Oxford appeared that predilection for paradoxes and over-curious

speculations, which formed afterwards the marking feature of his

literary character. He has been unjustly contemned as a sciolist; he

was the correspondent of Leibnitz, Le Clerc, and Bayle, and was a

learned author when scarcely a man. He first published a Dissertation

on the strange tragical death of Regulus, and proved it a Roman

legend. A greater paradox might have been his projected speculation on

Job, to demonstrate that only the dialogue was genuine; the rest being

the work of some idle Rabbin, who had invented a monstrous story to

account for the extraordinary afflictions of that model of a divine

mind. Speculations of so much learning and ingenuity are uncommon in a

young man; but Toland was so unfortunate as to value his own merits

before those who did not care to hear of them.

Hardy vanity was to recompense him, perhaps he thought, for that want

of fortune and connexions, which raised duller spirits above him.

Vain, loquacious, inconsiderate, and daring, he assumed the

dictatorship of a coffee-house, and obtained easy conquests, which he

mistook for glorious ones, over the graver fellows, who had for many a

year awfully petrified their own colleges. He gave more violent

offence by his new opinions on religion. An anonymous person addressed

two letters to this new Heresiarch, solemn and monitory.[111] Toland's

answer is as honourable as that of his monitor's. This passage is

forcibly conceived:--

"To what purpose should I study here or elsewhere, were I an _atheist_

or _deist_, for one of the two you take me to be? What a condition to

mention virtue, if I believed there was no God, or one so impotent

that could not, or so malicious that would not, reveal himself! Nay,

though I granted a Deity, yet, if nothing of me subsisted after death,

what laws could bind, what incentives could move me to common honesty?

Annihilation would be a sanctuary for all my sins, and put an end to

my crimes with myself. Believe me I am not so indifferent to the evils

of the present life, but, without the expectation of a better, I

should soon suspend the mechanism of my body, and resolve into

inconscious atoms."

This early moment of his life proved to be its crisis, and the first

step he took decided his after-progress. His first great work of

"Christianity not Mysterious," produced immense consequences. Toland

persevered in denying that it was designed as any attack on

Christianity, but only on those subtractions, additions, and other

alterations, which have corrupted that pure institution. The work, at

least, like its title, is "Mysterious."[112] Toland passed over to

Ireland, but his book having got there before him, the author beheld

himself anathematized; the pulpits thundered, and it was dangerous to

be seen conversing with him. A jury who confessed they could not

comprehend a page of his book, condemned it to be burned. Toland now

felt a tenderness for his person; and the humane Molyneux, the friend

of Locke, while he censures the imprudent vanity of our author, gladly

witnessed the flight of "the poor gentleman." But South, indignant at

our English moderation in his own controversy with Sherlock on some

doctrinal points of the Trinity, congratulates the Archbishop of

Dublin on the Irish persecution; and equally witty and intolerant, he

writes on Toland, "Your Parliament presently sent him packing, and

without the help of a _fagot_, soon made the kingdom _too hot_ for

him."

Toland was accused of an intention to found a sect, as South

calls them, of "Mahometan-Christians." Many were stigmatised as

_Tolandists_; but the disciples of a man who never procured for

their prophet a bit of dinner or a new wig, for he was frequently

wanting both, were not to be feared as enthusiasts. The persecution

from the church only rankled in the breast of Toland, and excited

unextinguishable revenge.

He now breathed awhile from the bonfire of theology; and our _Janus_

turned his political face. He edited Milton's voluminous politics, and

Harrington's fantastical "Oceana," and, as his "Christianity not

Mysterious" had stamped his religion with something worse than heresy,

so in politics he was branded as a Commonwealth's-man. Toland had

evidently strong nerves; for him opposition produced controversy,

which he loved, and controversy produced books, by which he lived.

But let it not be imagined that Toland affected to be considered as no

Christian, or avowed himself as a Republican. "Civil and religious

toleration" (he says) "have been the two main objects of all my

writings." He declares himself to be only a primitive Christian, and a

pure Whig. But an author must not be permitted to understand himself

so much more clearly than he has enabled his readers to do. His

mysterious conduct may be detected in his want of moral integrity.

He had the art of explaining away his own words, as in his first

controversy about the word _mystery_ in religion, and he exults in his

artifice; for, in a letter, where he is soliciting the minister for

employment, he says:--"The church is much exasperated against me; yet

as that is the heaviest article, so it is undoubtedly the easiest

conquered, and I know _the infallible method of doing it_." And, in a

letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury, he promises to _reform his

religion to that prelate's liking_! He took the sacrament as an

opening for the negotiation.

What can be more explicit than his recantation at the close of his

_Vindicius Liberius_? After telling us that he had withdrawn from

sale, after the second edition, his "'Christianity not Mysterious,'

when I perceived what real or pretended offence it had given," he

concludes thus:--"Being now arrived to years that will not wholly

excuse inconsiderateness in resolving, or precipitance in acting, I

firmly hope that my _persuasion_ and _practice_ will show me _to be a

true Christian_; that my due _conformity_ to the _public worship_ may

prove me to be _a good Churchman_; and that my untainted loyalty to

King William will argue me to be a staunch Commonwealth's-man. That I

shall continue all my life a friend to religion, an enemy to

superstition, a supporter of good kings, and a deposer of tyrants."

Observe, this _Vindicius Liberius_ was published on his return from

one of his political tours in Germany. His views were then of a very

different nature from those of controversial divinity; but it was

absolutely necessary to allay the storm the church had raised against

him. We begin now to understand a little better the character of

Toland. These literary adventurers, with heroic pretensions, can

practise the meanest artifices, and shrink themselves into nothing to

creep out of a hole. How does this recantation agree with the

"Nazarenus," and the other theological works which Toland was

publishing all his life? Posterity only can judge of men's characters;

it takes in at a glance the whole of a life; but contemporaries only

view a part, often apparently unconnected and at variance, when in

fact it is neither. This recantation is full of the spirit of _Janus

Junius_ Toland.

But we are concerned chiefly with Toland's literary character. He was

so confirmed an author, that he never published one book without

promising another. He refers to others in MS.; and some of his most

curious works are posthumous. He was a great artificer of title-pages,

covering them with a promising luxuriance; and in this way recommended

his works to the booksellers. He had an odd taste for running

inscriptions of whimsical crabbed terms; the gold-dust of erudition to

gild over a title; such as "Tetradymus, Hodegus, Clidopharus;"

"Adeisidaemon, or the Unsuperstitious." He pretends these affected

titles indicated their several subjects; but the genius of Toland

could descend to literary quackery.

He had the art of propagating books; his small Life of Milton produced

several; besides the complacency he felt in extracting long passages

from Milton against the bishops. In this Life, his attack on the

authenticity of the _Eikon Basilike_ of Charles I. branched into

another on supposititious writings; and this included the spurious

gospels. Association of ideas is a nursing mother to the fertility of

authorship. The spurious gospels opened a fresh theological campaign,

and produced his "Amyntor." There was no end in provoking an author,

who, in writing the life of a poet, could contrive to put the

authenticity of the Testament to the proof.

Amid his philosophical labours, his _vanity_ induced him to seize on

all temporary topics to which his facility and ingenuity gave

currency. The choice of his subjects forms an amusing catalogue; for

he had "Remarks" and "Projects" as fast as events were passing. He

wrote on the "Art of Governing by Parties," on "Anglia Liberia,"

"Reasons for Naturalising the Jews," on "The Art of Canvassing at

Elections," "On raising a National Bank without Capital," "The State

Anatomy," "Dunkirk or Dover," &c. &c. These, and many like these, set

off with catching titles, proved to the author that a man of genius

may be capable of writing on all topics at all times, and make the

country his debtor without benefiting his own creditors.[113]

There was a moment in Toland's life when he felt, or thought he felt,

fortune in his grasp. He was then floating on the ideal waves of the

South Sea bubble. The poor author, elated with a notion that he was

rich enough to print at his own cost, dispersed copies of his absurd

"Pantheisticon." He describes a society of Pantheists, who worship the

universe as God; a mystery much greater than those he attacked in

Christianity. Their prayers are passages from Cicero and Seneca, and

they chant long poems instead of psalms; so that in their zeal they

endured a little tediousness. The next objectionable circumstance in

this wild ebullition of philosophical wantonness is the apparent

burlesque of some liturgies; and a wag having inserted in some copies

an impious prayer to Bacchus, Toland suffered for the folly of others

as well as his own.[114] With the South Sea bubble vanished Toland's

desire of printing books at his own risk; and thus relieved the world

from the weight of more _Pantheisticons_!

With all this bustle of authorship, amidst temporary publications

which required such prompt ingenuity, and elaborate works which

matured the fruits of early studies, Toland was still not a sedentary

writer. I find that he often travelled on the continent; but how could

a guinealess author so easily transport himself from Flanders to

Germany, and appear at home in the courts of Berlin, Dresden, and

Hanover? Perhaps we may discover a concealed feature in the character

of our ambiguous philosopher.

In the only Life we have of Toland, by Des Maiseaux, prefixed to his

posthumous works, he tells us, that Toland was at the court of Berlin,

but "an incident, _too ludicrous to be mentioned_, obliged him to

leave that place sooner than he expected." Here is an incident in a

narrative clearly marked out, but never to be supplied! Whatever this

incident was, it had this important result, that it sent Toland away

in haste; but _why_ was he there? Our chronological biographer,[115]

"good easy man," suspects nothing more extraordinary when he tells us

Toland was at Berlin or Hanover, than when he finds him at Epsom;

imagines Toland only went to the Electoral Princess Sophia, and the

Queen of Prussia, who were "ladies of sublime genius," to entertain

them by vexing some grave German divines, with philosophical

conferences, and paradoxical conundrums; all the ravings of Toland's

idleness.[116]

This secret history of Toland can only be picked out by fine threads.

He professed to be a literary character--he had opened a periodical

"literary correspondence," as he terms it, with Prince Eugene; such as

we have witnessed in our days by Grimm and La Harpe, addressed to some

northern princes. He was a favourite with the Electoral Princess

Sophia and the Queen of Prussia, to whom he addressed his "Letters to

Serena." Was he a political agent? Yet how was it that Toland was

often driven home by distressed circumstances? He seems not to have

been a practical politician, for he managed his own affairs very ill.

Was the political intriguer rather a suspected than a confidential

servant of all his masters and mistresses? for it is evident no one

cared for him! The absence of moral integrity was probably never

disguised by the loquacious vanity of this literary adventurer.

In his posthumous works are several "Memorials" for the Earl of

Oxford, which throw a new light over a union of political _espionage_

with the literary character, which finally concluded in producing that

extraordinary one which the political imagination of Toland created in

all the obscurity and heat of his reveries.

In one of these "Memorials," forcibly written and full of curiosity,

Toland remonstrates with the minister for his marked neglect of him;

opens the scheme of a political tour, where, like Guthrie, he would be

content with his _quarterage_. He defines his character; for the

independent Whig affects to spurn at the office, though he might not

shrink at the duties of a spy.

"Whether such a person, sir, who is _neither minister nor spy_, and as

a _lover of learning will be welcome everywhere_, may not prove of

extraordinary use to my Lord Treasurer, as well as to his predecessor

Burleigh, who employed such, I leave his lordship and you to

consider."

Still _this character_, whatever title may designate it, is inferior

in dignity and importance to that which Toland afterwards projected,

and which portrays him where his life-writer has not given a touch

from his brush; it is a political curiosity.

"I laid an honester scheme of serving my country, your lordship, and

myself; for, seeing it was neither convenient for you, nor a thing at

all desired by me, that _I should appear in any public post_, I

sincerely proposed, as occasions should offer, to communicate to your

lordship my observations on _the temper of the ministry, the

dispositions of the people, the condition of our enemies or allies

abroad_, and what I might think _most expedient in every conjuncture_;

which advice you were to follow in whole, or in part, or not at all,

as your own superior wisdom should direct. My general acquaintance,

the several languages I speak, the experience I have acquired in

foreign affairs, and being engaged in no interest at home, besides

that of the public, should qualify me in some measure for this

province. ALL WISE MINISTERS HAVE EVER HAD SUCH PRIVATE MONITORS. As

much as I thought myself fit, or was thought so by others, for such

general observations, so much have I ever abhorred, my lord, _those

particular observers we call SPIES_; but I despise the calumny no less

than I detest the thing. Of such general observations, you should have

perused a far greater number than I thought fit to present hitherto,

had I discovered, by due effects, that they were acceptable from _me_;

for they must unavoidably be received from _somebody_, unless a

minister were omniscient--yet I soon had good reason to believe I was

not designed for the man, whatever the original sin could be that made

me incapable of such a trust, and which I now begin to suspect.

Without direct answers to my proposals, how could I know whether I

helped my friends elsewhere, or betrayed them contrary to my

intentions! and accordingly I have for some time been very cautious

and reserved. But if your lordship will enter into any measures with

me to procure _the good of my country_, I shall be more ready to

_serve_ your lordship in this, or in some becoming capacity, than any

other minister. They who confided to my management affairs of a higher

nature have found me exact as well as secret. My impenetrable

negociation at Vienna (hid under the pretence of curiosity) was not

only applauded by the prince that employed me, but also proportionably

rewarded. And here, my lord, give me leave to say that I have found

England miserably served abroad since this change; and our ministers

at home are sometimes as great strangers to the genius as to the

persons of those with whom they have to do. At ---- you have placed

the most unacceptable man in the world--one that lived in a scandalous

misunderstanding with the minister of the States at another court--one

that has been the laughing-stock of all courts, for his senseless

haughtiness and most ridiculous airs--and one that can never judge

aright, unless by accident, in anything."

The discarded, or the suspected _private monitor of the Minister_

warms into the tenderest language of political amour, and mourns their

rupture but as the quarrels of lovers.

"I cannot, from all these considerations, but in the nature of a

lover, complain of your present neglect, and be solicitous for your

future care." And again, "I have made use of the simile of a lover,

and as such, indeed, I thought fit, once for all, to come to a

thorough explanation, resolved, if my affection be not killed by your

unkindness, to become indissolubly yours."

Such is the nice artifice which colours, with a pretended love of his

country, the sordidness of the political intriguer, giving clean names

to filthy things. But this view of the political face of our _Janus_

is not complete till we discover the levity he could carry into

politics when not disguised by more pompous pretensions. I shall give

two extracts from letters composed in a different spirit.

"I am bound for Germany, though first for Flanders, and next for

Holland. I believe I shall be pretty well accommodated for this

voyage, which I expect will be very short. Lord! how near was _my old

woman_ being a queen! and your humble servant being _at his ease_."

His _old woman_ was the Electoral Princess Sophia; and _his ease_ is

what patriots distinguish as _the love of their country_! Again--

"The October Club,[117] if rightly managed, will be rare stuff _to

work the ends of any party_. I sent such an account of these wights to

an _old gentlewoman_ of my acquaintance, as in the midst of fears (the

change of ministry) will make her laugh."

After all his voluminous literature, and his refined politics, Toland

lived and died the life of an Author by Profession, in an obscure

lodging at a country carpenter's, in great distress. He had still one

patron left, who was himself poor, Lord Molesworth, who promised him,

if he lived,

"Bare necessaries. These are but cold comfort to a man of your spirit

and desert; but 'tis all I dare promise! 'Tis an ungrateful age, and

we must bear with it the best we may till we can mend it."

And his lordship tells of his unsuccessful application to some Whig

lord for Toland; and concludes,

"'Tis a sad monster of a man, and not worthy of further notice."

I have observed that Toland had strong nerves; he neither feared

controversies, nor that which closes all. Having examined his

manuscripts, I can sketch a minute picture of the last days of our

"author by profession." At the carpenter's lodgings he drew up a list

of all his books--they were piled on four chairs, to the amount of

155--most of them works which evince the most erudite studies; and as

Toland's learning has been very lightly esteemed, it may be worth

notice that some of his MSS. were transcribed in Greek.[118] To this

list he adds--"I need not recite those in the closet with the unbound

books and pamphlets; nor my trunk, wherein are all my papers and MSS."

I perceive he circulated his MSS. among his friends, for there is a

list by him as he lent them, among which are ladies as well as

gentlemen, _esprits forts_!

Never has author died more in character than Toland; he may be said to

have died with a busy pen in his hand. Having suffered from an

unskilful physician, he avenged himself in his own way; for there was

found on his table an "Essay on Physic without Physicians." The dying

patriot-trader was also writing a preface for a political pamphlet on

_the danger of mercenary Parliaments_; and the philosopher was

composing his own epitaph--one more proof of the ruling passion

predominating in death; but why should a _Pantheist_ be solicitous to

perpetuate his genius and his fame! I shall transcribe a few lines;

surely they are no evidence of Atheism!

Omnium Literarum excultor,

ac linguarum plus decem sciens;

Veritatis propugnator,

Libertatis assertor;

nullus autem sectator aut cliens,

nec minis, nec malis est inflexus,

quin quam elegit, viam perageret;

utili honestum anteferens.

Spiritus cum aethereo patre,

a quo prodiit olim, conjungitur;

corpus item, Naturae cedens,

in materno gremio reponitur.

Ipse vero aeternum est resurrecturus,

at idem futurus TOLANDUS nunquam.[119]

One would have imagined that the writer of his own panegyrical epitaph

would have been careful to have transmitted to posterity a copy of his

features; but I know of no portrait of Toland. His patrons seem never

to have been generous, nor his disciples grateful; they mortified

rather than indulged the egotism of his genius. There appeared,

indeed, an elegy, shortly after the death of Toland, so ingeniously

contrived, that it is not clear whether he is eulogised or ridiculed.

Amid its solemnity these lines betray the sneer. "Has," exclaimed the

eulogist of the ambiguous philosopher,

Each jarring element gone angry home?

And _Master Toland_ a _Non-ens_ become?

LOCKE, with all the prescient sagacity of that clear understanding

which penetrated under the secret folds of the human heart,

anticipated the life of Toland at its commencement. He admired the

genius of the man; but, while he valued his parts and learning, he

dreaded their result. In a letter I find these passages, which were

then so prophetic, and are now so instructive:--

"If his exceeding great value of himself do not deprive the world of

that usefulness that his parts, if rightly conducted, might be of, I

shall be very glad.--The hopes young men give of what use they will

make of their parts is, to me, the encouragement of being concerned

for them; but, _if vanity increases with age, I always fear whither it

will lead a man_."

Calamities and Quarrels of Authors · 第 81 / 321 题