Bosporus, obtained, in a very remote period, the denomination of the
"Golden Horn." The curve which it describes might be compared to the
horn of a stag, or as it should seem, with more propriety, to that of an
ox. The epithet of _golden_ was expressive of the riches which every
wind wafted from the most distant countries into the secure and
capacious port of Constantinople. The river Lycus, formed by the conflux
of two little streams, pours into the harbor a perpetual supply of fresh
water, which serves to cleanse the bottom and to invite the periodical
shoals of fish to seek their retreat in that convenient recess. As the
vicissitudes of tides are scarcely felt in those seas, the constant
depth of the harbor allows goods to be landed on the quays without the
assistance of boats; and it has been observed that in many places the
largest vessels may rest their prows against the houses, while their
sterns are floating in the water. From the mouth of the Lycus to that
of the harbor, this arm of the Bosporus is more than seven miles in
length. The entrance is about five hundred yards broad, and a strong
chain could be occasionally thrown across it, to guard the port and city
from the attack of a hostile navy.
The geographers who, with the most skilful accuracy, have surveyed the
form and extent of the Hellespont, assign about sixty miles for the
winding course, and about three miles for the ordinary breadth, of those
celebrated straits. But the narrowest part of the channel is found to
the northward of the old Turkish castles between the cities of Sestus
and Abydus. It was here that the adventurous Leander braved the passage
of the flood for the possession of his mistress.[51] It was here
likewise, in a place where the distance between the opposite banks
cannot exceed five hundred paces, that Xerxes imposed a stupendous
bridge of boats, for the purpose of transporting into Europe a hundred
and seventy myriads of barbarians. A sea contracted within such narrow
limits may seem but ill to deserve the singular epithet of _broad_,
which Homer, as well as Orpheus, has frequently bestowed on the
Hellespont. But our ideas of greatness are of a relative nature: the
traveller, and especially the poet, who sailed along the Hellespont, who
pursued the windings of the stream, and contemplated the rural scenery,
which appeared on every side to terminate the prospect, insensibly lost
the remembrance of the sea: and his fancy painted those celebrated
straits, with all the attributes of a mighty river flowing with a swift
current, in the midst of a woody and inland country, and at length,
through a wide mouth, discharging itself into the Ægean or Archipelago.
Ancient Troy, seated on an eminence at the foot of Mount Ida, overlooked
the mouth of the Hellespont, which scarcely received an accession of
waters from the tribute of those immortal rivulets, the Simois and
Scamander. The Grecian camp had stretched twelve miles along the shore
from the Sigæan to the Rhætean promontory; and the flanks of the army
were guarded by the bravest chiefs who fought under the banners of
Agamemnon.
The first of those promontories was occupied by Achilles with his
invincible myrmidons, and the dauntless Ajax pitched his tents on the
other. After Ajax had fallen a sacrifice to his disappointed pride and
to the ingratitude of the Greeks, his sepulchre was erected on the
ground where he had defended the navy against the rage of Jove and of
Hector; and the citizens of the rising town of Rhæteum celebrated his
memory with divine honors. Before Constantine gave a just preference to
the situation of Byzantium, he had conceived the design of erecting the
seat of empire on this celebrated spot, from whence the Romans derived
their fabulous origin. The extensive plain which lies below ancient
Troy, toward the Rhætean promontory and the tomb of Ajax, was first
chosen for his new capital; and though the undertaking was soon
relinquished, the stately remains of unfinished walls and towers
attracted the notice of all who sailed through the straits of the
Hellespont.
We are at present qualified to view the advantageous position of
Constantinople; which appears to have been formed by nature for the
centre and capital of a great monarchy. Situated in the forty-first
degree of latitude, the imperial city commanded, from her seven hills,
the opposite shores of Europe and Asia; the climate was healthy and
temperate, the soil fertile, the harbor secure and capacious; and the
approach on the side of the Continent was of small extent and easy
defence. The Bosporus and the Hellespont may be considered as the two
gates of Constantinople; and the prince who possessed these important
passages could always shut them against a naval enemy and open them to
the fleets of commerce. The preservation of the eastern provinces may,
in some degree, be ascribed to the policy of Constantine, as the
barbarians of the Euxine, who in the preceding age had poured their
armaments into the heart of the Mediterranean, soon desisted from the
exercise of piracy and despaired of forcing this insurmountable barrier.
When the gates of the Hellespont and Bosporus were shut, the capital
still enjoyed within their spacious enclosure every production which
could supply the wants or gratify the luxury of its numerous
inhabitants. The sea-coasts of Thrace and Bithynia, which languish under
the weight of Turkish oppression, still exhibit a rich prospect of
vineyards, of gardens, and of plentiful harvests; and the Propontis has
ever been renowned for an inexhaustible store of the most exquisite
fish, that are taken in their stated seasons, without skill and almost
without labor. But when the passages of the straits were thrown open for
trade, they alternately admitted the natural and artificial riches of
the north and south, of the Euxine, and of the Mediterranean. Whatever
rude commodities were collected in the forests of Germany and Scythia,
as far as the sources of the Tanais and the Borysthenes; whatsoever was
manufactured by the skill of Europe or Asia; the corn of Egypt, and the
gems and spices of the farthest India, were brought by the varying winds
into the port of Constantinople, which for many ages attracted the
commerce of the ancient world.
The prospect of beauty, of safety, and of wealth, united in a single
spot, was sufficient to justify the choice of Constantine. But as some
decent mixture of prodigy and fable has, in every age, been supposed to
reflect a becoming majesty on the origin of great cities, the Emperor
was desirous of ascribing his resolution, not so much to the uncertain
counsels of human policy as to the infallible and eternal decrees of
divine wisdom. In one of his laws he has been careful to instruct
posterity that, in obedience to the commands of God, he laid the
everlasting foundations of Constantinople: and though he has not
condescended to relate in what manner the celestial inspiration was
communicated to his mind, the defect of his modest silence has been
liberally supplied by the ingenuity of succeeding writers, who describe
the nocturnal vision which appeared to the fancy of Constantine, as he
slept within the walls of Byzantium. The tutelar genius of the city, a
venerable matron sinking under the weight of years and infirmities, was
suddenly transformed into a blooming maid, whom his own hands adorned
with all the symbols of imperial greatness. The monarch awoke,
interpreted the auspicious omen, and obeyed, without hesitation, the
will of heaven.
The day which gave birth to a city or colony was celebrated by the
Romans with such ceremonies as had been ordained by a generous
superstition; and though Constantine might omit some rites which savored
too strongly of their pagan origin, yet he was anxious to leave a deep
impression of hope and respect on the minds of the spectators. On foot,
with a lance in his hand, the Emperor himself led the solemn procession,
and directed the line which was traced as the boundary of the destined
capital: till the growing circumference was observed with astonishment
by the assistants, who, at length, ventured to observe that he had
already exceeded the most ample measure of a great city. "I shall still
advance," replied Constantine, "till He, the invisible guide who marches
before me, thinks proper to stop." Without presuming to investigate the
nature or motives of this extraordinary conductor, we shall content
ourselves with the more humble task of describing the extent and limits
of Constantinople.
In the actual state of the city, the palace and gardens of the seraglio
occupy the eastern promontory, the first of the seven hills, and cover
about one hundred and fifty acres of our own measure. The seat of
Turkish jealousy and despotism is erected on the foundations of a
Grecian republic; but it may be supposed that the Byzantines were
tempted by the conveniency of the harbor to extend their habitations on
that side beyond the modern limits of the seraglio. The new walls of
Constantine stretched from the port to the Propontis across the enlarged
breadth of the triangle, at a distance of fifteen stadia from the
ancient fortification; and with the city of Byzantium they enclosed five
of the seven hills, which, to the eyes of those who approach
Constantinople, appear to rise above each other in beautiful order.
About a century after the death of the founder the new buildings,
extending on one side up the harbor, and on the other along the
Propontis, already covered the narrow ridge of the sixth and the broad
summit of the seventh hill.
The necessity of protecting those suburbs from the incessant inroads of
the barbarians engaged the younger Theodosius to surround his capital
with an adequate and permanent enclosure of walls. From the eastern
promontory to the Golden Gate, the extreme length of Constantinople was
about three Roman miles; the circumference measured between ten and
eleven; and the surface might be computed as equal to about two thousand
acres. It is impossible to justify the vain and credulous exaggerations
of modern travellers, who have sometimes stretched the limits of
Constantinople over the adjacent villages of the European and even of
the Asiatic coast.[52] But the suburbs of Pera and Galata, though
situate beyond the harbor, may deserve to be considered as a part of the
city; and this addition may perhaps authorize the measure of a Byzantine
historian, who assigns sixteen Greek, about fourteen Roman, miles for
the circumference of his native city. Such an extent may seem not
unworthy of an imperial residence. Yet Constantinople must yield to
Babylon and Thebes, to ancient Rome, to London, and even to Paris.
The master of the Roman world, who aspired to erect an eternal monument
of the glories of his reign, could employ in the prosecution of that
great work the wealth, the labor, and all that yet remained of the
genius of obedient millions. Some estimate may be formed of the expense
bestowed with imperial liberality on the foundation of Constantinople,
by the allowance of about two million five hundred thousand pounds for
the construction of the walls, the porticos, and the aqueducts. The
forests that overshadowed the shores of the Euxine, and the celebrated
quarries of white marble in the little island of Proconnesus, supplied
an inexhaustible stock of materials, ready to be conveyed, by the
convenience of a short water-carriage, to the harbor of Byzantium. A
multitude of laborers and artificers urged the conclusion of the work
with incessant toil; but the impatience of Constantine soon discovered
that, in the decline of the arts, the skill as well as numbers of his
architects bore a very unequal proportion to the greatness of his
designs. The magistrates of the most distant provinces were therefore
directed to institute schools, to appoint professors, and by the hopes
of rewards and privileges to engage in the study and practice of
architecture a sufficient number of ingenious youths who had received a
liberal education. The buildings of the new city were executed by such
artificers as the reign of Constantine could afford; but they were
decorated by the hands of the most celebrated masters of the age of
Pericles and Alexander. To revive the genius of Phidias and Lysippus
surpassed indeed the power of a Roman emperor; but the immortal
productions which they had bequeathed to posterity were exposed without
defence to the rapacious vanity of a despot.
By his commands the cities of Greece and Asia were despoiled of their
most valuable ornaments. The trophies of memorable wars, the objects of
religious veneration, the most finished statues of the gods and heroes,
of the sages and poets, of ancient times, contributed to the splendid
triumph of Constantinople, and gave occasion to the remark of the
historian Cedrenus, who observes, with some enthusiasm, that nothing
seemed wanting except the souls of the illustrious men whom those
admirable monuments were intended to represent. But it is not in the
city of Constantine, nor in the declining period of an empire, when the
human mind was depressed by civil and religious slavery, that we should
seek for the souls of Homer and of Demosthenes.
During the siege of Byzantium the conqueror had pitched his tent on the
commanding eminence of the second hill. To perpetuate the memory of his
success, he chose the same advantageous position for the principal
forum, which appears to have been of a circular or rather elliptical
form. The two opposite entrances formed triumphal arches; the porticos,
which enclosed it on every side, were filled with statues; and the
centre of the forum was occupied by a lofty column, of which a mutilated
fragment is now degraded by the appellation of the "burnt pillar." This
column was erected on a pedestal of white marble twenty feet high, and
was composed of ten pieces of porphyry, each of which measured about ten
feet in height and about thirty-three in circumference. On the summit of
the pillar, above one hundred and twenty feet from the ground, stood the
colossal statue of Apollo. It was of bronze, had been transported either
from Athens or from a town of Phrygia, and was supposed to be the work
of Phidias. The artist had represented the god of day, or, as it was
afterward interpreted, the emperor Constantine himself, with a sceptre
in his right hand, the globe of the world in his left, and a crown of
rays glittering on his head.[53]
The Circus, or Hippodrome, was a stately building about four hundred
paces in length and one hundred in breadth. The space between the two
_metæ_ or goals was filled with statues and obelisks; and we may still
remark a very singular fragment of antiquity, the bodies of three
serpents, twisted into one pillar of brass. Their triple heads had once
supported the golden tripod which, after the defeat of Xerxes, was
consecrated in the temple of Delphi by the victorious Greeks. The beauty
of the hippodrome has been long since defaced by the rude hands of the
Turkish conquerors; but, under the similar appellation of Atmeidan, it
still serves as a place of exercise for their horses. From the throne,
whence the emperor viewed the Circensian games, a winding staircase
descended to the palace; a magnificent edifice, which scarcely yielded
to the residence of Rome itself, and which, together with the dependent
courts, gardens, and porticos, covered a considerable extent of ground
upon the banks of the Propontis between the Hippodrome and the Church of
St. Sophia. We might likewise celebrate the baths, which still retained
the name of Zeuxippus,[54] after they had been enriched, by the
munificence of Constantine, with lofty columns, various marbles, and
above threescore statues of bronze. But we should deviate from the
design of this history if we attempted minutely to describe the
different buildings or quarters of the city. It may be sufficient to
observe that whatever could adorn the dignity of a great capital, or
contribute to the benefit or pleasure of its numerous inhabitants, was
contained within the walls of Constantinople. A particular description,
composed about a century after its foundation, enumerates a capitol or
school of learning, a circus, two theatres, eight public and one hundred
and fifty-three private baths, fifty-two porticos, five granaries, eight
aqueducts or reservoirs of water, four spacious halls for the meetings
of the senate or courts of justice, fourteen churches, fourteen palaces,
and four thousand three hundred and eighty-eight houses, which, for
their size or beauty, deserved to be distinguished from the multitude of
plebeian habitations.
The populousness of his favored city was the next and most serious
object of the attention of its founder. In the dark ages which succeeded
the translation of the empire, the remote and the immediate consequences
of that memorable event were strangely confounded by the vanity of the
Greeks and the credulity of the Latins. It was asserted, and believed,
that all the noble families of Rome, the senate, and the equestrian
order, with their innumerable attendants, had followed their Emperor to
the banks of the Propontis; that a spurious race of strangers and
plebeians was left to possess the solitude of the ancient capital; and
that the lands of Italy, long since converted into gardens, were at once
deprived of cultivation and inhabitants. Since the growth of
Constantinople cannot be ascribed to the general increase of mankind and
of industry, it must be admitted that this artificial colony was raised
at the expense of the ancient cities of the empire.
Many opulent senators of Rome, and of the eastern provinces, were
probably invited by Constantine to adopt for their country the fortunate
spot which he had chosen for his own residence. The invitations of a
master are scarcely to be distinguished from commands; and the
liberality of the Emperor obtained a ready and cheerful obedience. He
bestowed on his favorites the palaces which he had built in the several
quarters of the city, assigned them lands and pensions for the support
of their dignity, and alienated the demesnes of Pontus and Asia to grant
hereditary estates by the easy tenure of maintaining a house in the
capital. But these encouragements and obligations soon became
superfluous and were gradually abolished. Wherever the seat of
government is fixed, a considerable part of the public revenue will be
expended by the prince himself, by his ministers, by the officers of
justice, and by the domestics of the palace. The most wealthy of the
provincials will be attracted by the powerful motives of interest and
duty, of amusement and curiosity. A third and more numerous class of
inhabitants will insensibly be formed, of servants, of artificers, and
of merchants, who derive their subsistence from their own labor and from
the wants or luxury of the superior ranks. In less than a century
Constantinople disputed with Rome itself the preëminence of riches and
numbers. New piles of buildings, crowded together with too little regard
to health or convenience, scarcely allowed the intervals of narrow
streets for the perpetual throng of men, of horses, and of carriages.
The allotted space of ground was insufficient to contain the increasing
people; and the additional foundations, which, on either side, were
advanced into the sea, might alone have composed a very considerable
city.
The frequent and regular distributions of wine and oil, of corn or
bread, of money or provisions, had almost exempted the poorer citizens
of Rome from the necessity of labor. The magnificence of the first
Cæsars was in some measure imitated by the founder of Constantinople;
but his liberality, however it might excite the applause of the people,
has incurred the censure of posterity. A nation of legislators and
conquerors might assert their claim to the harvests of Africa, which had
been purchased with their blood; and it was artfully contrived by
Augustus that, in the enjoyment of plenty, the Romans should lose the
memory of freedom. But the prodigality of Constantine could not be
excused by any consideration either of public or private interest; and
the annual tribute of corn imposed upon Egypt for the benefit of his new
capital was applied to feed a lazy and insolent populace at the expense
of the husbandmen of an industrious province. Some other regulations of
this Emperor are less liable to blame, but they are less deserving of
notice. He divided Constantinople into fourteen regions or quarters,
dignified the public council with the appellation of senate,
communicated to the citizens the privileges of Italy, and bestowed on
the rising city the title of colony, the first and most favored daughter
of ancient Rome. The venerable parent still maintained the legal and
acknowledged supremacy which was due to her age, to her dignity, and to
the remembrance of her former greatness.
As Constantine urged the progress of the work with the impatience of a
lover, the walls, the porticos, and the principal edifices were
completed in a few years, or, according to another account, in a few
months; but this extraordinary diligence should excite the less
admiration, since many of the buildings were finished in so hasty and
imperfect a manner that, under the succeeding reign, they were preserved
with difficulty from impending ruin. But while they displayed the vigor
and freshness of youth, the founder prepared to celebrate the dedication
of his city. The games and largesses which crowned the pomp of this
memorable festival may easily be supposed; but there is one circumstance
of a more singular and permanent nature, which ought not entirely to be
overlooked. As often as the birthday of the city returned, the statue of
Constantine, framed by his order, of gilt wood, and bearing in its right
hand a small image of the genius of the place, was erected on a
triumphal car. The guards, carrying white tapers, and clothed in their
richest apparel, accompanied the solemn procession as it moved through
the Hippodrome. When it was opposite to the throne of the reigning
Emperor, he rose from his seat, and with grateful reverence adored the
memory of his predecessor. At the festival of the dedication, an edict,
engraved on a column of marble, bestowed the title of "Second or New
Rome" on the city of Constantine. But the name of Constantinople has
prevailed over that honorable epithet; and after the revolution of
fourteen centuries, still perpetuates the fame of its author.
FOOTNOTES:
[50] The navigator Byzas, who was styled the Son of Neptune, founded the
city 656 years before the Christian era. His followers were drawn from
Argos and Megara. Byzantium was afterward rebuilt and fortified by the
Spartan general Pausanias.
[51] The practical illustration of the possibility of Leander's feat by
Lord Byron is too well known to need particular reference.
[52] The accurate Thevenot walked in one hour and three-quarters round
two of the sides of the triangle, from the Kiosk of the Seraglio to the
seven towers. D'Anville examines with care, and receives with
confidence, this decisive testimony, which gives a circumference of ten
or twelve miles. The extravagant computation of Tournefort of
thirty-four or thirty miles, without including Scutari, is a strange
departure from his usual character.
[53] On this column Constantine, with singular shamelessness, placed his
own statue with the attributes of Apollo and Christ. He substituted the
nails of the Passion for the rays of the sun. Constantine was replaced
by the "great and religious" Julian; Julian, by Theodosius. A.D. 1412
the keystone was loosened by an earthquake. The statue fell in the reign
of Alexius Comnenus, and was replaced by the cross. The palladium was
said to be buried under the pillar.
[54] Zeuxippus was an epithet of Jupiter, and the baths were a part of
old Byzantium.
JULIAN THE APOSTATE BECOMES EMPEROR OF ROME
A.D. 360
EDWARD GIBBON
The great reign of Constantine was ended. The new capital,
Constantinople, which after fifteen centuries still perpetuates the
name of its imperial founder, had outrivalled Rome. The heirs of
Constantine, the sons of Fausta, had all been called Cæsar, and
were appointed to succeed to imperial power. Constantine,
Constantius, and Constans they were named. They held court in
different parts of the realm during their father's life, although
he reserved for himself the title of Augustus.
The last years of his reign of thirty years had been peaceful,
disturbed only by the insurrection in Cyprus and the wars of the
Goths and Sarmatians. And so he died, and the purple and diadem
were but empty symbols, as he lay in state upon his golden bed.